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By Alison Weir

FROM THE PREFACE: “This was never meant to be a political biography, nor did I intend to write a social history of the times. My aim has always been to write a history of Elizabeth's personal life within the framework of her reign, drawing on her own extensive literary remains, as well as those of her contemporaries. The manuscript was originally entitled The Private Life of Elizabeth I, but it very soon became apparent that Elizabeth's 'private' life was a very public one indeed, hence the change of title. Nor is it possible to write a personal history of her without encompassing the political and social events that made up the fabric of her life. What I have tried to do, therefore, is weave into the narrative enough about them to make sense of the story, and emphasise Elizabeth's reaction to them, showing how she influenced the history of her time.”

New York. Ballantine. 1998. 566p.

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BY J.Steven Watson

FROM THE COVER: This new account attempts to weave a consecutive story political, social, anomic and cultural history, making clear their interaction upon each other. In dealing with subjects as diverse as the loss of Amerrica, the winning of supremacy in Indla, the political ideas of Bute, North, and Pitt, with local government and economic changes, as well as with that transformation of men's attitude to life known as Romanticism, it offers an dependent interpretation which takes count of a great body of research upon both sides of the Atlantic.

London. Oxford At The Clarendon Press 1960. 663p.

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By J. H. Plumb

FROM CHAPTER 1: “England in 1714 was a land of hamlets and villages: its towns, such as it had, were on the coast. In Lancashire, the West Riding, and West Midlands towns of some size and substance were beginning to grow, but the majority of the population was still in the south and still rural. Estimates of population vary because the evidence is unreliable. Until the last decades of the century, it is largely a matter of intelligent guesswork. The population was probably, in 1714, about five and a half millions, and from 1714 to 1742, after an initial spurt, there was only avery small increase, but there were important changes in its distribution; East Anglia had a declining population; the West Country and South and East Midlands werefairly static, so was the East Ridinga n d all of the north but Tyneside, West Riding, and South Lan- cashire, where the increase was marked; so, too, was the increase in the West Midlands. Surrey and Middlesex grew with London, whose rapid expansion of the lateseventeenth century was maintained.”

London. Pelican. 1955. 220p.

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By Bob Woodward And Scott Armstrong

FROM THE COVER: “"A provocative book about a hallowed institution, the U.S. Supreme Court. . .. It is the most comprehensive inside story ever written of the most important court in the world. For this reason alone it is required reading." Business Week

"It is to the credit of Woodward and Armstrong that they were willing and able to shatter this conspiracy of silence. It is certainly in the highest tradition of investigative journalism to expose the realities of institutions that affect our lives as greatly as the Supreme Court does." SaturdayReview

NY. Avon Books. 1979. 562p.

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By David Thomson

FROM THE PREFACE: “This book is not an attempt to write what is often called a 'general' or 'undifferentiated' history ofnineteenth-century England. Still less is it intended as yet another 'text-book' on nineteenth-century England. These tasks have been well performed already. In conformity with the taste and tendency of our times I have tried rather to describe, and as far as possible to explain, the major social changes which the people of England experienced during that remarkable century between 1815 and 1914 which might well be called 'the Great Peace'. In making this attempt we have to draw upon political, economic, intellectual, diplomatic, and any other sort of 'differentiated' or 'specialized' history available to us…”

London. Penguin. 1955. 256p.

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By Maurice Ashley

FROM CHAPTER 1: “King James VI of Scotland, whom one of his Presbyterian subjects had addressed as "God's Silly Vassal' and a contemporary French statesman was to call the wisest fool in Christendom', left Edinburgh on 5 April 1603 for Westminster, to be crowned King of England in succession to Queen Elizabeth I. He had long been eager for this fine heritage- so eager that when his mother, the attractive but foolish Mary Stuart, Queen of Scots, exiled in a foreign land, had been faced with execution at the prayer of the English parliament, he had contented himself with restrained protests. After all he had owed nothing to his mother but his existence. ..”

London. Penguin. 1968. 267p.

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Easily look up any King or Queen of England’s spectacular past.

London. Brockhampton Press. 1995. 185p.

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All the major events in British history.

London. Brockhampton Press. 1995. 248p.

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By Doris Mary Stenton

FROM CHAPTER 1: “The year 1066 is the one date which everyone knows, however unmindful of the past he may be. In that year William, duke of Normandy, led the last effective invasion of this island and by his conquest of it completed the racial pattern necessary for the evolution of the society of medieval England. He found a rich island off the coast of Europe of which the wealth had in the previous thousand years attracted first the Romans, then the Saxons, then the Norsemen and Danes.

London. Penguin. 1967. 314p.

By  Chris M. Smith  & Andrew V. Papachristos

The rise of organised crime changed Chicago violence structurally by creating networks of rivalries and conflicts wherein violence ricocheted. This study examines the organised crime violence network during Prohibition by analysing ‘violence brokers’ – individuals who committed multiple violence acts that linked separate violent events into a connected violence network. We analyse the two-mode violence network from the Capone Database, a relational database on early 1900s Chicago organised crime. Across 276 violent incidents attributed to organised crime were 334 suspected perpetrators of violence. We find that 20% of suspects were violence brokers, and nine brokers were violence super-spreaders linking the majority of suspects. We also find that violence brokers were in the thick of violence not just as suspects, but also as victims – violence brokers in this network experienced more victimisation than non-brokers. Unknowingly or knowingly, these violence brokers wove together a network, attack-by-attack, that transformed violence in Chicago.

GLOBAL CRIME                                               2022, VOL. 23, NO. 1, 23–43 

Edited by Ana Aliverti, Henrique Carvalho, Anastasia Chamberlen and Máximo Sozzo  

This collection engages with debates within ‘criminology’ about matters of colonial power, which have come to be conceptualized through the language of ‘decolonization’. It explores the uneasy relationship between the ‘criminal question’ and colonialism, and foregrounds the relevance of the legacies of this relationship to criminological enquiries. It invites and seeks to pursue a better understanding of the links between imperialism and colonialism on the one hand, and nationalism and globalization on the other, by exposing the imprints of these links on processes of marginalization, racialization, and exclusion that are central to contemporary criminal justice practices within and beyond nation-states. It advances this objective by examining the reverberations of colonial history and logics in the operation of crime control. The volume also aims to explore the critical potential of criminological scholarship, as a field that sits at the margins of several disciplines and perspectives, through a direct engagement with Southern epistemologies and perspectives. To do so, it brings together established and emerging scholars from the humanities and social sciences, who work at the intersections of criminal justice and postcolonial studies.

London: Oxford University Press, 2023. 419p.

By .J .L Hammond and Barbara Hammond.

FROM CHAPTER 8: “The upper classes, to whom the fact that the labourers were more wretched in 1830 than they had been in 1795 was a reason for making punishment more severe, were not deliberately callous and cruel in their neglect of all this growing misery and hunger. Most of those who thought seriously about it had learnta reasoned insensibility from the stern Sybil of the political economy i nfashion, that strange and partial interpretation of Adam Smith, Malthus and Ricardo which was then in full power. …”

London. Guild Books. 1911. 178p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

By .J L. And Barbara Hammond

FROM THE PREFACE: “When this book appeared it was criticised on two grounds. It was argued in the first place that the picture given of the enclosures was unjust, because the writers deliberately excluded the importance of enclosure in increasing the food supplies of the nation, and, in the second, that the hardships of the poor had been exaggerated, and that, though the system of enclosure lent itself to abuses, there was no evidence that wrong was done in the mass of enclosures….”

London. Guild Books. 1911. 211p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP.

J. L. And Barbara Hammond

FROM CHAPTER 9: “When the opponents of factory legislation found it difficult to persuade reformers that the children working in their mills were happy and well, they tried another argument and asked why it was only children in the factories that deserved the protection of the State. There was some point in the challenge…”

London. Guild Books. 1917. 160p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

By J. L. And Barbara Hammond

FROM THE PREFACE: “The Industrial Revolution is apt to leave the light of history for the shadows of politics. Books is which it is discussed in one or other of its aspects are therefore liable to excite sympathies and animosities, not so much by what the writer says, as by what the reader finds between the lines. It is perhaps not out of place, in view of the course that controversy on this subject has taken since this book was first published, to describe the general outlook from which it was composed. A civilisation is the use to which an age puts its resources of wealth, knowledge, and power, inorderto ercate a social life. These resources vary widely from age to age. The Industrial Revolution brought a great extension of material power and of the opportunities that such power bestows…..”

London. Guild Books. 1917. 343p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

By Milton Waldman

" A lucid miniature of subject." THE TIMES LITERARY SUPPLEMENT

" It tells its complex story with a clarity of analysis which seldom oversimplifies and an ease of style

which seldom lapses into ingenuousness." MANCHESTER GUARDIAN

" A balanced and exceptionally well-written history book." JOHN O'LONDON'S

London. Collins Fontana. 1961. 157p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP.

By G. M. Young

FROM THE INTRODUCTION: “When Waterloo had been fought and won, I went on to the years of peace and distress which followed, and so to the collapse of Tory domination in 1830, to the Reform Bill and the New Poor Law, to the England of young Gladstone, young Tennyson, young Darwin: of the Oxford Movement: of the Benthamites: of Factory Inspectors and School Inspectors: of Chadwick and Horner: of Sybil and the People's Charter. As I read, my picture of Victorian England grew clearer, and it was a very different picture from the one at that time commonly accepted by popular opinion and set out by popular writers. So, in a fit of wrath over what seemed to me a preposterous misreading of the age, I wrote an Essay? which was intended as a manifesto, or perhaps an outline for others to fill in. ..”

London. Oxford University Press. 1936. (1960). USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP.

By T. S. Ashton

FROM THE COVER FLAP: “Though the Industrial Revolution has often been regarded as a catastrophe, in this book it is presented as an achieve. ment, for in spite of destructive wars and a rapid growth of population the material standards of most of the people of Britainwere raised. Professor Ashton lays stress on the intellectual and economic, no less than on the technical, aspects of the movement.”

“It is a pleasure to be able to recommend a book, whether to the student or to the general reader, so entirely without reservation . . . . Few accounts of the great inventions leave the unmechanical reader with any genuine understanding of the problems and solutions involved. This one does. The Economist.

London. Oxford University Press. 1948 (1960) 179p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP.

By Edited By 0. Huehns

FROM THE PREFACE: The selections following are taken from the historical writings of Edward Hyde, first Earl of Clarendon. As he is best known by his title, this has been used throughout except in the more strictly historical portions of the introduction. To give the reader some idea of the whole work it has been thought advisable not to disrupt Clarendon's narrative too much. The arrangement therefore follows roughly the chronological order of events. Within the separate scctions, however, I have aimed at continuity of thought and expression. Only in the character sketches have Clarendon's repetitions been sometimes retained, since complete elimination might have given a misleading impression this selections easier to understand I have given, in the first par tof the Introduction, a condensed history of the period…”

London. Oxford University Press. 1955. 529p.

By David Howarth

FROM THE INTRODUCTION: “A few years ago I wrote a book about Waterloo and one about Trafalgar, and tried to describe those battles from the points of view of men who fought in them. Here I have tried to do the same thing with the year 1066: not only its battles, but also the peaceful life that the battles disrupted, and not only its kings and dukes and earls, but also its humble people. 1066 is the date that English people remember from history lessons at school long after they have forgotten all the others.”

London. Penguin. 1977. 208p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP