The Open Access Publisher and Free Library
06-LIT-MEDIA.jpg

LITERATURE & MEDIA

Posts in social sciences
Should Media Coverage Affect Sentencing?

By Paul McGorrery

In sentencing an offender, courts take many factors into account, such as the seriousness of the offence, the offender’s prior record, their age, whether they pleaded guilty and many others. In Australia, courts do this through an approach known as instinctive synthesis, meaning they consider all the factors that can justify a sentence being more or less severe and then arrive at a final outcome. One of the factors that courts may take into account is whether the offender has already been punished in some fashion outside the criminal justice process. Known as extra-curial punishment3 (or extra judicial or natural5 punishment) this can take various forms such as visa cancellation,6 loss of chosen career, injury to the offender8 and hardship to the offender’s family. This report is concerned with just one form of extra-curial punishment: adverse media coverage, in particular, of people. The media and the courts have an important and symbiotic relationship, but sometimes their interests can diverge. The media have an interest in reporting on criminal justice matters because they are often stories of considerable interest to their audiences. In reporting on those stories, the media often concentrate their attentions ‘on the exceptional and unusual among serious crimes’, which can lead to ‘intense and often emotive media reporting’ about sentencing. This can run the risk of undermining, rather than promoting, confidence in the justice system.

Courts in turn have an interest in having their decisions reported. Confidence in the judicial arm of the criminal justice system relies on a combination of community awareness about what courts do, the transparency of their work, and the apparent fairness of their decisions, which can only be scrutinised if there is transparency and community awareness. Moreover, the sentencing purpose of general deterrence – whereby the sentencing of one offender is thought to deter other people from engaging in similar behaviour – is realistically only achievable (if at all) if the media and/or government operate as the conduit between the courts and the community. While some courts have taken the very laudable step of making most of their sentencing remarks publicly available, many people do not even have time to read media summaries, let alone original source material like sentencing remarks, especially in the social media age. So the community realistically only becomes aware of sentencing decisions through the media. The difficulty is balancing the need for fair coverage (the courts’ priority) with the need for interesting coverage (the media’s priority). Justice Harper has described the relationship as like a ‘Greek tragedy’ because ‘[e]ach is forced by its circumstances to face the other off, with neither having the flexibility necessary to reach a satisfactory working compromise’.

Malbourne: Sentencing Advisory Council (VIC), 2022. 24p.

The Early Modern Dutch Press in an Age of Religious Persecution: The Making of Humanitarianism

By David de Boer

For victims of persecution, attracting international awareness of their plight is often a matter of life and death. This book uncovers how in seventeenth-century Europe, persecuted minorities first learned how to use the press as a weapon to combat religious persecution. To mobilize foreign audiences, they faced an acute dilemma: how to make people care about distant suffering? This study argues that by answering this question, they laid the foundations of a humanitarian culture in Europe. The book reveals how, as consuming news became an everyday practice for many Europeans, the Dutch Republic emerged as an international hub of printed protest against religious violence. It traces how a diverse group of people, including Waldensian refugees, Huguenot ministers, Savoyard officeholders, and many others, all sought access to the Dutch printing presses to raise transnational solidarity for their cause. By examining their publicity strategies, this study deepens our understanding of how people tried to confront the specter of religious violence that had haunted them for generations.

Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press, 2023. 225p.

5 Grams: Crack Cocaine, Rap Music, and the War on Drugs

By Dimitri A. Bogazianos

In 2010, President Barack Obama signed a law repealing one of the most controversial policies in American criminal justice history: the one hundred to one sentencing disparity between crack cocaine and powder whereby someone convicted of “simply” possessing five grams of crack—the equivalent of a few sugar packets—had been required by law to serve no less than five years in prison. In this highly original work, Dimitri A. Bogazianos draws on various sources to examine the profound symbolic consequences of America’s reliance on this punishment structure, tracing the rich cultural linkages between America’s War on Drugs, and the creative contributions of those directly affected by its destructive effects.

Focusing primarily on lyrics that emerged in 1990s New York rap, which critiqued the music industry for being corrupt, unjust, and criminal, Bogazianos shows how many rappers began drawing parallels between the “rap game” and the “crack game." He argues that the symbolism of crack in rap’s stance towards its own commercialization represents a moral debate that is far bigger than hip hop culture, highlighting the degree to which crack cocaine—although a drug long in decline—has come to represent the entire paradoxical predicament of punishment in the U.S. today.

New York; London: NYU Press, 2011. 216p.

Murdering Masculinities: Fantasies of Gender and Violence in the American Crime Novel

by Gregory Forter

Though American crime novels are often derided for containing misogynistic attitudes and limiting ideas of masculinity, Greg Forter maintains that they are instead psychologically complex and sophisticated works that demand closer attention. Eschewing the synthetic methodologies of earlier work on crime fiction, Murdering Masculinities argues that the crime novel does not provide a consolidated and stable notion of masculinity. Rather, it demands that male readers take responsibility for the desires they project on to these novels.
Forter examines the narrative strategies of five novels--Hammett's The Glass Key, Cain's Serenade, Faulkner's Sanctuary, Thompson's Pop. 1280, and Himes's Blind Man with a Pistol--in conjunction with their treatment of bodily metaphors of smell, vision, and voice. In the process, Forter unearths a "generic unconscious" that reveals things Freud both discovered and sought to repress.

New York; London: NYU Press, 2000. 278p.

Making #BlackLivesMatter in the Shadow of Selma: Collective Memory and Racial Justice Activism in U.S. News

Sarah J. Jackson

“It is clear in news coverage of recent uprisings for Black life that journalists and media organizations struggle to reconcile the fact of ongoing racism with narratives of U.S. progress. Bound up in this struggle is how collective memory—or rather whose collective memory—shapes the practices of news-making. Here I interrogate how television news shapes collective memory of Black activism through analysis of a unique moment when protests over police abuse of Black people became newsworthy simultaneous with widespread commemorations of the civil rights movement. I detail the complex terrain of nostalgia and misremembering that provides cover for moderate and conservative delegitimization of contemporary Black activism. At the same time, counter-memories, introduced most often by members of the Black public sphere, o ff er alternative, actionable, and comprehensive interpretations of Black protest.”

Communication, Culture and Critique 00 (2021) 1–20.

Losing Our Heads: Beheadings in Literature and Culture

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

Regina Janes

FROM THE PREFACE: Why should anyone, especially sophisticated people like you and me, regard so widespread a cultural practice as beheadings as repellent? About 160,000 years ago, homo sapiens idaltu separated heads from bodies.' Homo sapiens sapiens still does. Disagreeable, fascinating, horrific, laughable, headless bodies and bodiless heads are all around us. Tim Burton, whose Sleepy Hollow (1999) sent heads flying, claims severed heads create unease that one cannot put one's finger on.? Garrison Keillor begins the millennium with a snowboarding beheading in Lake Wobegon where "we don't have many beheadings."3 Snoopy horrifies himself by accidentally beheading a snowman. Decapitating murderers horrify the rest of us, populating our prisons, our films, and our fictions. Horror or comedy: decapitation owes its current characteristic shudder to the placement of violence within the modern ideology of the body. Decapitation, like other mutilations, makes visible a violence that the west has been campaigning to make invisible since the seventeenth century, when our body-based ideology begins to emerge.

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS. New York and London. 2005. 266p.

Financial Crime Scripting: an Analytical Method to Generate, Organise and Systematise Knowledge on the Financial Aspects of Profit-Driven Crime

By Thom Snaphaan & Teun van Ruitenburg 

This article presents a further development of the existing crime scripting framework to enhance insight in the financial aspects of profit-driven crime: financial crime scripting. By drawing on the foundations of crime script analysis, financial crime scripting allows to generate, organise and systematise knowledge about the financial aspects of the crime commission processes of a variety of crime types, and accounts for linking the dots with financial crimes, such as bribery, bankruptcy fraud and money laundering. Viewing these financial crimes as supporting or succeeding offences in light of profit-driven crimes, and at the same time providing guidance to analyse these offences as profit-driven crimes in itself, opens the door for detailed analyses without losing sight of the bigger picture, i.e., the interconnectedness with other crimes. This analytical method helps crime researchers to take into account the financial aspects of crime-commission processes in crime script analyses and could help law enforcement agencies and other crime prevention partners to go beyond a proceeds-of-crime approach and put a follow-the-money approach in practice. Financial crime scripting takes full account of the financial aspects of profit-driven crime and puts relevant concepts in broader perspective, enhancing understanding with conceptual clarity. In addition to outlining the framework, the relevance for policy and practice is unravelled and avenues for future research are discussed.

European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research January 2024   Download

social sciencesMaddy B
Financial crime scripting: Introducing a financial perspective to the Dutch cocaine trade

By Victor D van Santvoord and Teun van Ruitenburg

The Netherlands operates as a distribution hub for cocaine, due to its transit characteristics cocaine is imported from South America and distributed to the rest of Europe. To enhance the financial approach to organized crimes, this article proposes a new crime script: a financial crime script. With a special focus on the importing stage, 76 Dutch court rulings are analyzed to make a first financial crime script. This financial crime script provides new insight into the proceeds, costs, and means of payment of criminal organizations and therefore could aid law enforcement in calculating criminal gains.
The Police JournalVolume 96, Issue 3, September 2023, Pages 374-389

social sciencesMaddy B
Taking Offense: Religion, Art, and Visual Culture in Plural Configurations

Editors: Christiane Kruse, Birgit Meyer, and Anne-Marie Korte

What makes an image offensive? — This question is addressed in this volume. It explores tensions and debates about offensive images and performative practices in various settings in and beyond Europe. Its basic premise is that a deeper understanding of what is at stake in these tensions and debates calls for a multidisciplinary conversation. The authors focus on images that appear to trigger strongly negative reactions; images that are perceived as insulting or offensive; those subject to taboos and restrictions; or those that are condemned as blasphemous. In light of recurrent acts of violence leveled against images and symbols in the contemporary, globally entangled world, addressing instances of “icono-clash” (Bruno Latour) from a new post-secular, global perspective has become a matter of urgency.

Leiden: Brill - Schöningh and Fink Social Sciences, 2018. 383p.

How to Count Crime: the Cambridge Harm Index Consensus

By Lawrence Sherman and Cambridge University associates

Crime statistics require a radical transformation if they are to provide transparent information for the general public, as well as police operational decision-making. This statement provides a blueprint for such a transformation.

Summary

The best way to count crime is to assign a weight to the harm caused by each crime, rather than by counting all crimes as if they were created equal. This can be done by summing up the days of imprisonment recommended by sentencing guidelines for each crime type, multiplied by the number of crimes of each type that were reported by victims or witnesses, then summing the weight across all crime types to equal total crime harm. Total harm can also be calibrated by any other democratically legitimate method of assigning harm levels for each crime category in relation to all others. Any method using sentencing guidelines based on the harm caused by an offence to victims, without regard to the offender’s prior record or other circumstances, meets the standard of the Cambridge Crime Harm Index (Sherman et al. 2016).Footnote1 Other methods of weighing harm for each crime can apply the same principles outlined in this statement.

By using a single sum of weighted crime harm across all crime types, for each year in each community, governments can offer the public a more reliable indicator of their safety. The Crime Harm Index (CHI) would also provide a clearer indicator by leaving out crimes not reported by the public at large, such as police-initiated investigations of human trafficking and narcotics crimes, as well as crimes such as big-store shop-theft that are detected by a company’s security staff. The clarity comes by separate reporting of proactive investigations that measure of varying levels of investment in detections rather than actual crime levels. A CHI also leaves out crimes reported in the current year but which occurred in a prior year—because the existing system of counting crimes when they are reported but years after they occurred distorts the measurement of current public safety for which police are held accountable.

The single CHI sum also lends clarity to other relevant indicators, such as the “detection” rate, which currently treats all crimes as created equal. It allows police to invest scarce resources in proportion to the harm of each offence type, by showing the public the proportion of all harm for which police bring offenders to justice. A Harm Detection Fraction (HDF) would use CHI to give the fact that over two-thirds (67%) of murders are detected far more weight than the low detection rate for vandalism (Office of National Statistics 2019). Similarly, a Proactive Policing Index (PPI) would use the CHI to give credit—instead of blame—to police for detecting hidden slavery and organized crime. The annual national and local crime reports recommended by this Consensus Statement are comprised of these seven statistical series to be calculated consistently from each year to the next: 

  • A Crime Harm Index (CHI) for crimes against victims in the current year.

  • Crime counts by all crime categories, used to calculate the CHI.

  • A Historic Offences Index (HOCHI), a CHI for crime occurring in prior years.

  • A Proactive Policing Index (PPI), weighted by crime type as for the CHI.

  • A Company-Detected Crime Harm Index (CDCHI), also weighted by CHI.

  • A Harm Detection Fraction (HDF), which is the proportion of CHI with police detections.

  • Detection rates per 100 by all crime categories, used to calculate the HDF.

This system would give the public a reliable and realistic assessment of trends, patterns and differences in public safety. It would also give police a proportionate system of incentives to manage demands for their services with a clear focus on cutting the harm from crime, and not just the high volume of low-harm crimes counted equally. It offers a “bottom-line” for crime, like the profits of a business: a clear metric that untangles the current confusion about what the profusion of crime statistics really means for the general public.

Camb J Evid Based Polic 4, 1–14 (2020).

social sciencesMaddy B
The adoption of a crime harm index: A scoping literature review

By Teun van Ruitenburg & Stijn Ruiter

An emerging line of research explores how calculating the harm associated with different types of crime serves as a method to measure crime across times, places and people. A crime harm index (CHI) is suggested to produce a more reliable bottom line indicator of public safety and it would allow law enforcement agencies to invest their scarce resources in proportion to the harm caused by various types of crimes. This scoping literature review maps the literature on crime harm indices published after 2006 by answering the following research questions: (1) what is the rationale for a CHI, (2) what are the possible ways to operationalize a CHI; (3) how can a CHI be used in crime analysis; (4) what are the general outcomes of the studies using a CHI; (5) what are the known challenges and critiques of a CHI and (6) what research gaps related to CHI are expressed in this field of research?

Police Practice and Research 

An International Journal

Volume 24, 2023 - Issue 4

social sciencesMaddy B
Scandal and Democracy: Media Politics in Indonesia

By Mary McCoy

After a nation has transitioned from authoritarianism to democracy, how are democratic norms most effectively fostered and maintained? This book uses as its case study Indonesia after the fall of the dictator Suharto to reveal that a contentious, even scandal-obsessed press can actually prove extremely useful for an emergent democracy. A society that can tolerate and protect journalists willing to expose corruption and scandal among elites is one, the author finds, in which ordinary citizens are willing to believe in and support other democratic institutions. Based on extensive interviews and research in Indonesia, this book offers a new and surprising perspective on the role of the press and the nature of scandal-driven journalism in fledgling democracies.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. 223p.

social sciencesMaddy B
The State You See: How Government Visibility Creates Political Distrust and Racial Inequality

By Aaron J. Rosenthal

The State You See uncovers a racial gap in the way the American government appears in people's lives. It makes it clear that public policy changes over the last fifty years have driven all Americans to distrust the government that they see in their lives, even though Americans of different races are not seeing the same kind of government.

For white people, these policy changes have involved a rising number of generous benefits submerged within America's tax code, which taken together cost the government more than Social Security and Medicare combined. Political attention focused on this has helped make welfare and taxes more visible representations of government for white Americans. As a result, white people are left with the misperception that government does nothing for them, apart from take their tax money to spend on welfare. Distrust of government is the result. For people of color, distrust is also rampant but for different reasons. Over the last fifty years, America has witnessed increasingly overbearing policing and swelling incarceration numbers. These changes have disproportionately impacted communities of color, helping to make the criminal legal system a unique visible manifestation of government in these communities.

While distrust of government emerges in both cases, these different roots lead to different consequences. White people are mobilized into politics by their distrust, feeling that they must speak up in order to reclaim their misspent tax dollars. In contrast, people of color are pushed away from government due to a belief that engaging in American elections will yield the same kind of unresponsiveness and violence that comes from interactions with the police. The result is a perpetuation of the same kind of racial inequality that has always been present in American democracy. The State You See is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding how the American government engages in subtle forms of discrimination and how it continues to uphold racial inequality in the present day.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2023.

justice, social sciencesMaddy B
The ‘White’ Mask and the ‘Gypsy’ Mask in Film

By Radmila Mladenova

The study ventures into a topic that has been so far largely neglected in film studies: the ‘gypsy’ phantasm on the big screen. It reconstructs the history of ‘gypsy’ representations in film since the birth of the medium providing a systematic film-theoretical analysis of their aesthetic and social functions. Based on a corpus of over 150 works from European and US cinema, it is shown that ‘gypsy’-themed feature films share the pattern of an ‘ethno-racial’ masquerade, irrespective of the place and time of their origin. The author thus expands the research, concentrated until now in the field of literature, with another art form, film, opening up new dimensions of (popular) cultural antigypsyism.

Heidelberg: University Publishing (heiUP), 2022. 448p.

social sciencesMaddy B
Trial by Farce: A Dozen Medieval French Comedies in English for the Modern Stage

Edited by Jody Enders

Was there more to comedy than Chaucer, the Second Shepherds’ Play, or Shakespeare? Of course! But, for a real taste of medieval and Renaissance humor and in-your-face slapstick, one must cross the Channel to France, where over two hundred extant farces regularly dazzled crowds with blistering satires. Dwarfing all other contemporaneous theatrical repertoires, the boisterous French corpus is populated by lawyers, lawyers everywhere. No surprise there. The lion’s share of mostly anonymous farces was written by barristers, law students, and legal apprentices. Famous for skewering unjust judges and irreligious ecclesiastics, they belonged to a 10,000-member legal society known as the Basoche, which flourished between 1450 and 1550. What is more, their dramatic send-ups of real and fictional court cases were still going strong on the eve of Molière, resilient against those who sought to censor and repress them. The suspenseful wait to see justice done has always made for high drama or, in this case, low drama. But, for centuries, the scripts for these outrageous shows were available only in French editions gathered from scattered print and manuscript sources. In Trial by Farce, prize-winning theater historian Jody Enders brings twelve of the funniest legal farces to English-speaking audiences in a refreshingly uncensored but philologically faithful vernacular. Newly conceived as much for scholars as for students and theater practitioners, this repertoire and its familiar stock characters come vividly to life as they struggle to negotiate the limits of power, politics, class, gender, and, above all, justice. Through the distinctive blend of wit, social critique, and breathless boisterousness that is farce, we gain a new understanding of comedy itself as form of political correction. In ways presciently modern and even postmodern, farce paints a different cultural picture of the notoriously authoritarian Middle Ages with its own vision of liberty and justice for all. Theater eternally offers ways for new generations to raise their voices and act.

Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2023. 284p.

social sciencesMaddy B
“Always correct and humane” How the West German justice system dealt with the Nazi genocide against the Sinti and Roma

By Ulrich F. Opfermann

The book is the first to provide a systematic overview of a previously neglected area of the judicial investigation of the Nazi system: the handling of the crimes against the Sinti and Roma in West German NSG proceedings, taking into account the crime scene in Eastern Europe. The meticulously researched study presents numerous procedures. It provides information about the legal requirements of the West German special judicial system, traces the course of the proceedings and asks about the roles of the accused and witnesses as well as the judicial staff. The focus is on the collective proceedings on the “Gypsy complex” (1958–1970), planned as a major trial alongside the first Auschwitz trial, which, contrary to its claim, had little response and is now largely forgotten.

Heidelberg: Heidelberg University Publishing, 2023. 575p.

social sciencesMaddy B
The Drawing of the Mark of Cain: A Socio-historical Analysis of the Growth of Anti-Jewish Stereotypes

By Dik van Arkel

Antisemitism is an exceptional historical phenomenon. Its history goes back at least 2000 years and has manifested itself in many countries and in a wide range of societies. However, it is not a universal phenomenon. Many countries have no tradition of anti-Semitism and even in those where anti-Semitism periodically raises its head, there have been long periods where it appears to have lain dormant. But it has never altogether disappeared, and all the large-scale social changes of the past two millennia have given it extra impetus. This definitive study tackles the complex roots and manifestations of anti-Semitism over the centuries, tracing the rise of anti-Jewish stereotypes and the circumstances in which racial prejudice may have tragic consequences. This book will quickly become a classic text for students and researchers in this persistent and worldwide prejudice.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2009. 593p.

Berlin Coquette: Prostitution and the New German Woman, 1890–1933

By Jill Suzanne Smith

During the late nineteenth century the city of Berlin developed such a reputation for lawlessness and sexual licentiousness that it came to be known as the "Whore of Babylon." Out of this reputation for debauchery grew an unusually rich discourse around prostitution. In Berlin Coquette, Jill Suzanne Smith shows how this discourse transcended the usual clichés about prostitutes and actually explored complex visions of alternative moralities or sexual countercultures including the "New Morality" articulated by feminist radicals, lesbian love, and the "New Woman." Combining extensive archival research with close readings of a broad spectrum of texts and images from the late Wilhelmine and Weimar periods, Smith recovers a surprising array of productive discussions about extramarital sexuality, women’s financial autonomy, and respectability. She highlights in particular the figure of the cocotte (Kokotte), a specific type of prostitute who capitalized on the illusion of respectable or upstanding womanhood and therefore confounded easy categorization. By exploring the semantic connections between the figure of the cocotte and the act of flirtation (of being coquette), Smith’s work presents flirtation as a type of social interaction through which both prostitutes and non-prostitutes in Imperial and Weimar Berlin could express extramarital sexual desire and agency.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press and Cornell University Library, 2013. 237p

The Cost of Insanity in Nineteenth-Century Ireland: Public, Voluntary and Private Asylum Care

By Alice Mauger

This open access book is the first comparative study of public, voluntary and private asylums in nineteenth-century Ireland. Examining nine institutions, it explores whether concepts of social class and status and the emergence of a strong middle class informed interactions between gender, religion, identity and insanity. It questions whether medical and lay explanations of mental illness and its causes, and patient experiences, were influenced by these concepts. The strong emphasis on land and its interconnectedness with notions of class identity and respectability in Ireland lends a particularly interesting dimension. The book interrogates the popular notion that relatives were routinely locked away to be deprived of land or inheritance, querying how often “land grabbing” Irish families really abused the asylum system for their personal economic gain. The book will be of interest to scholars of nineteenth-century Ireland and the history of psychiatry and medicine in Britain and Ireland.

Cham, SWIT: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. 290p.

Black Gold and Blackmail: Oil and Great Power Politics

By Rosemary A. Kelanic

Black Gold and Blackmail seeks to explain why great powers adopt such different strategies to protect their oil access from politically motivated disruptions. In extreme cases, such as Imperial Japan in 1941, great powers fought wars to grab oil territory in anticipation of a potential embargo by the Allies; in other instances, such as Germany in the early Nazi period, states chose relatively subdued measures like oil alliances or domestic policies to conserve oil. What accounts for this variation? Fundamentally, it is puzzling that great powers fear oil coercion at all because the global market makes oil sanctions very difficult to enforce. Rosemary A. Kelanic argues that two variables determine what strategy a great power will adopt: the petroleum deficit, which measures how much oil the state produces domestically compared to what it needs for its strategic objectives; and disruptibility, which estimates the susceptibility of a state's oil imports to military interdiction—that is, blockade. Because global markets undercut the effectiveness of oil sanctions, blockade is in practice the only true threat to great power oil access. That, combined with the devastating consequences of oil deprivation to a state's military power, explains why states fear oil coercion deeply despite the adaptive functions of the market. Together, these two variables predict a state's coercive vulnerability, which determines how willing the state will be to accept the costs and risks attendant on various potential strategies. Only those great powers with large deficits and highly disruptible imports will adopt the most extreme strategy: direct control of oil through territorial conquest.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2020. 230 p