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Edited by Carl R. Doering

FROM THE FOREWORD: “The following monographs were selected from the group describing an experiment in penology made at the Norfolk Prison Colony in Massachu¬setts. Mr. Howard B. Sill, Superintendent of the Colony from 1928 to 1934, organized and directed it. The Bureau of Social Hygiene, Inc., granted funds to the Department of Correction of the Commonwealth for the purpose of employing per¬sons qualified to observe and report upon the reeult8 of the experiment. Later, upon special request, the Bureau agreed to allow part of the grant to be uBed to aid in organizing the ex¬periment. The group employed to observe and help organize the project was later known aa the Re¬search Group, and consisted of men representing many professions and academic disciplines. The members of this group ranged from college pro¬fessors to student assistants and they included sociologists, penologists, psychologists, theo¬logians, engineers, lawyers, physicians, statis¬ticians, and social workers. Almost every one of the group participated in the collection of data and in the presentation of short reports, on various aspects of the experiment. The authors of the following monographs compiled and used material contributed by former and contemporary members of the Research Group but with freedom to select, analyze, and interpret.”

NY. Bureau Of Social Hygiene, Inc. 1940. 290p.

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Edited, and with a foreword by S. I. Hayakawa

FROM THE FOREWORD: “The essays in this book are selected from the files of the quarterly journal, ETC.: A Review of General Semantics, of which I have been editor since its foundation in 1943. General semantics is the study of the relations between language, thought, and behavior: between how we talk, therefore how we think, and therefore how we act. How We Talk. In general semantics, when we concern ourselveswith how people talk, we are not worrying about the elegance of their pronunciation or the correctness of their grammar. Basically we are concerned with the adequacy of their language as a "map" of the "territory" of experience being talked about.

Greenich. Conn. Fawcett. 1943, 1958. 232p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

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By Mike Royko

FROM CHAPTER 1: “The workday begins early. Sometime after seven o'clock a black limousine glides out of the garage of the police station on the corner, moves less than a block, and stops in front of a weathered pink bungalow at 3536 South Lowe Avenue.Policeman Alphonsus Gilhooly, walking in front of the house, nods to the detective at the wheel of the limousine.It's an unlikely house for such a car. A passing stranger might think that a rich man had come back to visit his people in the old neighborhood. It's the kind of sturdy brick house, common to Chicago, that a fireman or printer would buy.Thousands like it were put up by contractors in the 1920s and 1930s from standard blueprints in an architectural style fondly dubbed "carpenter'sdelight." The outside of that pink house is deceiving. The inside is furnished in expensive Colonial-style furniture, the basement paneled in fine wood, and two days a week a woman comes in to help with the cleaning….”

Chicago. E.P. Dutton. 1971. 219p. USED BOOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

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By William H. Whyte, Jr.

FROM THE INTRODUCTION: “ThIs book is about the organization man. If the term is vague, it is because I can think of no other way to describe the people I am talking about. They are not the workers, nor are they the white-collar people in the usual, clerk sense of the word. These people only work for The Organization. The ones I am talking about belong to it as well. They are the ones of our middle class who have left home, spiritually as well as physically, to take the vows of organization life, and it is they who are the mind and soul of our great self- perpetuating institutions. Only a few are top managers or ever will be….”

NY. Simon and Schuster. 1956. 457p. USED BOOK. MAY CONTAIN MARK-UP

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By John F. Witte

FROM THE PREFACE: “This book is about industrial democracy in an American corporation. Throughout I will be referring to the term democracy in a somewhat extreme form in relation to the current usage of the word in American theories of organization. I have not considered workers' participation as merely a progressive management technique or a vague approach to a more "humanized" work place. Although I am not condemning these innovations for the ends they seek, it is nevertheless the case that most American experiments in this vein have taken advantage of the symbolic value of democracy* while not applying the basic principles of democ- racy as it is conceived in political theory.”

Chicago. University of Chicago Press. 1980. 220p.

By Daniel Glaser

FROM CHAPETR ONE: “This book is written primarily for organizations that try to change people adjudged delinquent or criminal. It may also prove useful to establishments for persons regarded as addicted, psychotic, retarded, or any other designations of deviance, provided their clients are considered modifiable, so that they may be helped to merit such labels as "reformed." "cured." "rehabilitated," "normal," "educated," "trained," or, minimally, "improved." Our concern is with organizations for example, prisons, probation offices, treatment centers, hospitals, clinics, and training schools- which proclaim that one of their objectives is to make their clients no longer deviant, or less deviant than previously.”

DHEW Publication No. (HSM) 73-9123 Printed 1973. 205p.

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By W. E. Upjohn Institute for Employment Research.

Report of a Special Task Force to the Secretary of Health, Education, and Welfare. FROM THE FOREWORD:

Most of the people in the United States will work, or have worked, forty or more years. To be concerned about the worker is to be concerned about the aged who, through their labors, brought this Nation to its present level of affluence and well- being; about the youth who have yet to choose from among a thousand occupations; about the disabled and others who are unable to participate in the economic, social, and psychologi- cal rewards of work; about the new role of women in our society; and about the rest of us who depart from our homes and return and who seek to fill the time in between with meaning. ful and well-recompensed activities….

Boston. MIT Press. 1973.276p.

By George W. Fairweather, David H. Sanders , Louis G. Tornatzky, With Robert N. Harris, Jr.

from the preface: This book presents the results of a national experiment aimed at finding the parameters of social change in mental health organizations. While the experiment involves most mental hospitals in the nation, it is the hope of the experimenters that the groundwork has been laid for innovation util- ization experiments that transcend the mental health area. For it is the firm conviction of the authors that the major survival issue man will have to solve in the latter part of the 20th century and in the 21st century in- volves changing his institutional practices, behaviors, and values in more innovative directions

NY. Pergamon Press.. 1974. 226p. BOOK CONTAINS MARK-UP

By John P. Conrad et al

FROM THE INTRODUCTION: ” A Good pair of simultaneous equations for the student of comparative corrections to keep in mind is:
Interdisciplinary is Good Custodial is Bad.
I mention this algebra now because I intend to subiect the interdisci- plinary concept to an abrasive treatment which may open questions about my loyalties. I believe in these equations. Purely custodial insti- tutions constitute nearly all non-interdisciplinary endeavor in corrections. Custodial correctional practice is making no strides to anywhere.

The Prison Journal. Volume XIV. Number 2. 1964. 49p.

By Fritz Heider

FROM THE INTRODUCTION: “We are here today to commemorate Kurt Lewin by honoring a man who "has furthered in his work the development and integration of pschological research and social action." The spirit of scientific inquiry into real world problems is precisely the spirit that the award commemorates and it is this characteristic which marks so distinctively the work of Fritz Heider.

As we all know so well, Lewin was always concerned with the new light that a good theory could throw upon a social problem or an every- day experience. "There is nothing so practical as a good theory" Lewin once remarked; and he believed that fi psychologists are going to contribute to social policy, one of the most important ways ni which they willdo it is by theoretical formulations that lay bare what "common sense" obscures.

The Journal Of Social Issues. 1959. No.13. 18p.

By Dorwin Cartwright

From the Introduction: “The Concept of Group Dynamics. The founding of the Center may be dated as during the academic year 1944-1945, when Kurt Lewin went to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. The origination of the idea of such a Center, however, occurred some time before that. Undoubtedly, the critical event was Kurt Lewin's move from Germany to the United States. Since, for him, psychology was not divorced from life, he immediately began ot devote his professional interests to the task of gaining a deeper understanding of the differences he observed between Germany and the United States in the period between the two World Wars…

The Journal Of Social Issues. 1958. No.12. 23p.

By Herbert Hendin

This is a study of national character as well as an investigation of the Scandinavian suicide phenomenon. Denmark, Sweden, and Norway have all been described as "social welfare states" and they are related historically as well as geographically. Yet the suicide rates in Denmark and Sweden are among the world's highest and are almost three times the strikingly low suicide rate inNorway. Seeking to understand this phenomenon, D.r Herbert Hendin of the Columbia University Psychoanalytic Clinic undertook a four-year study of suicide ni the Scandinavian countries. Using psychoanalytic techniques, he interviewed suicidal and non-suicidal patients as well as non-patients. He correlates the picture of the Norwegian, Swede, and Dane that emerges from Suicide and Scandinavia with the literature and folk tales of each country and also with such sources of popular culture as cartoons and stories in women's magazines.

NY. Anchor. 1954; 194p. USED BOOK. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Elmer T. Clark

FROM THE PREFACE: “ It should also go without saying that no disparagement is meant by the word "sect." No fine distinctions of definition are drawn between churches, denominations, and sects, and the words may be found used interchangeably. As a glance at Webster will show, all religious bodies may be, and often are, referred to as sects; the "sects" in continentalEurope are the very bodies which in America are the largest denomina- tions, the Methodists, Baptists, and others.While disagreeing at many, perhaps at most, points with the attitudes, beliefs, and interpretations of these small sects, I deem them quite impor- tant in our religious milieu; I have respect for their adherents' sincerity and recognize spiritual values in their service. I have endeavored to maintain a strictly unbiased, certainly an unprejudiced a n d sympathetic, attitude, in so far as this is possible to one outside their own circle of believers. In the small sects one sees religion as it springs naturally from the naïve and simple heart that craves touch with the supernatural, and is unaffected by the conventions and the scientific leanings of a sophisti cated society.”

NY. Abingdon Press. 1937. 249p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Daniel Glaser

FROM THE FORWARD: How should this change? Answers to these questions are offered here in describing and assessing the career of Richard A. McGee (1897-1983), who was one of themost successful promoters of ways to control crime, yet always dissatisfied with what he achieved. McGee's work in corrections began in 1931 as director of education in a federal prison. From 1935 to 1941 he supervised New York City penal facilities, then headed the Department of Public Institutions for the state of Washington, and from 1944 until his retirement in 1967, he directed California's state correctional programs. Throughout his years in justice agencies, and in retirement, McGee published extensively, and had numerous national and international offices and honors. This book draws much from his lucid writings.

NY. SUNY Press. 1995. 232p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Neil Alan Weiner, Margaret A. Z and Rita J. Sagi

FROM THE PREFACE: W e begin with an introduction that asks the basic question, "What Is Violence?" We invite the reader to review the variety of behavioral vignettes presented there and to reflect upon the definitional elements needed to form a meaningful and useful conception of violence. Part 1 presents an overview of American violence that highlights major trends, both historical and contem- porary. Part 2 explores the major types of interpersonal violent crimes and details their patterns and impacts on the lives of victims. Part 3focuses on collective and political violence and includes narratives of labor and racial strife and discussions of modern terrorism. Part 4 examines the topic of violent behavior within Organizational settings. Part 5 reviews theoretical explanations of interpersonal and collective violence and discusses some important correlates. Part 6 con- cludes with articles on public policy that examine prevention and treatment programs, some of which are controversial.

NY. Harcourt Brace. 1990. 493p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Thomas M. Madden And Luther W. Youngdahl.

FROM THE PREFACE: Diligence and care must be exercised in selecting the right kind of sentence to help a defendant become a law-abiding, self-respecting, responsible person. The presentence investigation report, with which this monograph deals, is an indispensable aid to the court in arriving at a sentence that will serve the best interests of the defendant, his family, and society. Recognized authorities in the judicial and correctional fields recommend that apresentence report be preparedon all offenders, regard- less of the nature of the offense.

Division of Probation Administrative Office Of The United States Courts. Supreme Court Building, Washington, D.C. 1965. 47p.

By Marvin E. Wolfgang

From Chapter 2: “Trying to unravel the skein of complexity called youth is itself a diffi- cult task. T o understand the meaning of violence, a most elusive and generic term, is equally challenging. To describe the combined concepts is acompounded problem. Even the best of our efforts to understand or to control the relationship between youth and violence is fraught with speculation. But to this imperfect description we still grope for ways to treat, process, handle, and control the youth who are violent or appear headed for violent behavior. Among the problems involved in this combined analysis is the ab. sence of sufficient and valid kinds of scientific data. Operational defini- tions of youth violence are not clear, rigorous, or precise except in official police and juvenile court statistics, and these are subject to sam- pling bias and other limits ontheir validity.”

Social and Rehabilitation Service, Youth Development and Delinquency Prevention Administration. 1970. 95p.

By Stuart Whitely, Dennie Briggs and Merfyn Turner

FROM THE PREFACE: Deviance iscommonly regarded as 'badness' and deserving to be treated by punishment and imprisonment, or as 'madness' and requiring treatment by medicines and hospitalisation At the extremes of deviant behaviour this labelling and all that goes with it causes the majority oft h e public few qualms of conscience. The immediate problem is solved in that society is protected from the 'bad' individual by secluding him in prison, whilst the 'mad' individual is saved from the conse- quences of his actions by being secluded in a mental hospital….”

NY. Schocken. 1973.239p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Jerome Frank

FROM THE COVER: “Law And The Modern Mind appeared in 1930 and, in the words of Judge Charles E. Clark, it "fell like a bomb on the legal world." In the generation since, its influence has grown rather than diminished, until today it isaccepted as aclassic of general jurisprudence. The work is a bold and persuasive attack on the delusion that The Law is a bastion of predic- table and logical action. Judge Frank's controversial thesis is that the decisions made by judge and jury are determined to an enormous extent by powerful, concealed, and highly idiosyncratic psychological prejudices that these arbiters bring to the courtroom. He points out that all legal verdicts result from the application of known legal rules to the facts of the suit-a procedure that sounds utterly methodical and uncapricious. But, Judge Frank argues, because profound, immeasurable biases will strongly influence the judge and jury's reaction to a witness, lawyer, or litigant, we can never know what they will believe "the facts of the suit" to be.”

NY. Doubleday. 1930, 1963. 419p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

Edited by Edwin .I Megargee and Jack E. Hokanson

FROM THE PREFACE: Prefaces usually begin by attempting to convince the reader that the topic the book addresses is important or interesting enough for him to invest his time in reading it. Such an approach is unnecessary for this book, because at this point in our history the relevance of research on aggression and its causes si self-evident. Since 1962, the rate of violent crimes per hundred thousand population in the United States, includ- ing murder, forcible rape, robbery, and aggravated assault, has increased 5 percent. As these words are written, the nation is embroiled in a protracted war that has already cost 40,000 American lives and many times that many casualties among the populations of North and South Vietnam; moreover, the national involvement in this war is stimulating additional violence on the domestic scene. While the Vietnamese conflict is a major preoccupation for American citizens, this is only one of several dozen wars that have occurred since the end of World War I. Violence and warfare are the most dramatic and extreme forms of aggression, but the inability of people to resolve their differences amicably is also reflected in the spiralling rate of divorce, strikes, turmoil on our campuses, and in the alienation of many segments of our population from one another.

NY. Harper and Row. 1970. 277p. CONTAINS MARK-UP