By The U.S. Library of Congress, Federal Research Division

The goal of this report is to provide SMART and other interested stakeholders with a global list of country legislations and statutes pertaining to sex offender registration and notification. This report contains a main narrative section and an appendix. Divided into a main report and an appendix, this report first presents the laws and regulations of forty-one countries found to have sex offender registration and notification systems, or something comparable. The appendix lists another forty-two countries found to have had notable movement regarding sex offender registration laws; for example, those that have proposed legislation on the subject matter, or, that have attempted, but failed, to pass relevant bills. Countries for which researchers did not find relevant information are excluded from this report. Countries within the main report are organized into six geographic regions: Africa [Sub-Sahara], East Asia and the Pacific, Europe and Eurasia, Near East [North Africa and Middle East], South and Central Asia, and the Western Hemisphere. Associated territories, states, and in the case of the United Kingdom, Crown Dependencies and colonies, that have distinct local legislation or regulatory language pertaining to sex offender registration and notification, are included as well.  

Washington, DC: U..S. Library of Congress, 2022, 225p.

By Alexis Jay, Malcolm Evans. Ivor Frank and Drusilla Sharpling  

In this investigation, the Inquiry considered the sexual exploitation of children by organised networks. Department for Education guidance recognises that child sexual exploitation is a form of child sexual abuse. It is said to occur “where an individual or group takes advantage of an imbalance of power to coerce, manipulate or deceive a child or young person under the age of 18 into sexual activity (a) in exchange for something the victim needs or wants, and/or (b) for the financial advantage or increased status of the perpetrator or facilitator”.1 A ‘network’ was defined for the purposes of this investigation as “two or more individuals (whether identified or not) who are known to (or associated with) one another”. Offender networks are often loosely interconnected rather than formally organised and older children or teenagers may also be involved in grooming victims. The sexual exploitation of children by networks is not a rare problem confined to a small number of areas with high-profile criminal cases. It is a crime which involves the sexual abuse of children in the most degrading and destructive ways, by multiple perpetrators. The Inquiry therefore chose to base this investigation on areas which had not already been the subject of independent investigation (such as Rotherham, Rochdale and Oxford). The intention was to obtain an accurate picture of current practice at a strategic level and through examination of individual cases, as well as drawing on wider knowledge about child sexual exploitation in England and Wales. Six case study areas were chosen: Durham, Swansea, Warwickshire, St Helens, Tower Hamlets and Bristol. Eight themes were examined in each area: • problem profiling and disruption of child sexual exploitation; • empathy and concern for child victims; • risk assessment, protection from harm and outcomes for children; • missing children, return home interviews and children in care; • male victims; • children with disabilities; • partnership working; and • audit, review and performance improvement.

London: Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse,   2022. 193p.

By Vic F.. Wiener

Placing youth on sex offender registries fails to advance public safety and has devastating consequences for registered youth and their families. While 38 states place youth adjudicated delinquent on sex offender registries, Florida’s laws are some of the harshest in the country—children as young as 14 can be placed on the public registry for life, subject to residency restrictions limiting where they can live or work, and prevented from wearing Halloween costumes. Any failure to comply exactly with the complex 6,000-word registration law places children at risk of large fines and years of imprisonment. This report examines Florida’s youth registration laws and their history, city and county ordinances that affect registered youth, and data on registered youth in Florida.

Philadelphia: Juvenile Law Center, 2022. 52p.

By Maxi Ussar

Globally, 1 in 5 girls and 1 in 13 boys have been sexually exploited or abused before reaching the age of 18. Some recent research suggests that online interaction is now so ubiquitous that it is likely to feature in some form in almost all cases of child sexual exploitation and abuse. Increased internet penetration and advances in technology have allowed offenders to engage in child sexual exploitation and abuse in an unprecedented environment of secrecy and relative anonymity across the globe. While the full scope and extent of the threat of technology-facilitated child sexual exploitation and abuse remains unknown, global statistics show alarming increases in reported cases to national hotlines and clearing houses in recent years. A new sense of urgency: The COVID-19 pandemic, which brought with it increased emotional vulnerabilities, economic hardship and surges in unsupervised time online among children and adolescents is likely to have magnified vulnerabilities to child exploitation and abuse, particularly online. Widespread disruptions in child protection services across the world have left vulnerable children without access to adequate protection, further contributing to a new sense of urgency to address online child sexual exploitation and abuse. The WeProtect Initiative. To tackle online child sexual abuse and exploitation globally, the UK government, with support from other national governments, leading technological companies, INTERPOL, UN agencies and civil society organizations, established the WeProtect initiative in 2014. The initiative developed the WeProtect Global Alliance Model National Response (MNR), which provides a comprehensive blueprint for effectively tackling child sexual exploitation and abuse at the national level.

 New York: United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) December 2021.   106p.

By Michael Skidmore, Beth Aitkenhead and Rick Muir

The internet has enabled the production and consumption of Child Sexual Abuse Material (CSAM) on an industrial scale. It has also created new opportunities for adults to sexually abuse and exploit children. The volume of online child sexual abuse offences is now so great that it has simply overwhelmed the ability of law enforcement agencies, internationally, to respond. However, there is nothing pre-determined about this situation. Public policy can make a difference. This report looks at what can be done to help “turn the tide” on online Child Sexual Abuse (CSA). It does this by first describing the scale and nature of online CSA, second, assessing the ability of the police and law enforcement to investigate these crimes, third, by examining the service provided to victims of online CSA and, finally by looking at what more can be done to prevent online CSA in the first place.  

London: Police Foundation, 2022. 95p.

By John J. Chin, Lois M. Takahashi, Yeonsoo Baik, Caitlin Ho, Stacy To, Abigail Radaza, Elizabeth S.C. Wu, Sungmin Lee, Melanie Dulfo, Daun Jung  

Recent media accounts about high-net-worth individuals, including New England Patriots owner Robert Kraft, being identified as clients of illicit massage parlors have gained national attention.1 Other media reports have documented raids, mass arrests and undercover stings of massage parlors in US cities and suburbs. Although these recent accounts highlight the linkages between massage parlors and human trafficking and the fact that many of these women are Asian immigrants, rarely has there been media coverage of the daily experiences of the workers in these illicit massage parlors from their own perspectives. Why are women working in these establishments and under what conditions do they labor? What is the arrest process like for them? What solutions can be offered that do not further penalize, traumatize, or victimize an already vulnerable population? We aim in this analysis to summarize previous research and to report on our recent interviews with Asian immigrant women working in illicit massage parlors in New York City and Los Angeles County – to portray a full range of “occupational arrangements, power relations, and worker experiences.” By “illicit,” we mean a subset of massage parlors that purport to operate as legal businesses but where sexual services are illegally bought and sold. Our analysis suggests that some of the polarized debates around illicit massage parlors can be at least partly reconciled by framing massage parlor work as a labor rights issue, as part of the larger immigrant story of survival, and as a law enforcement reform issue

New York: Hunter College of the City University of New York and Los Angeles: University of Southern California, 2019. 44p.

By Susan Hennessey

There is an unacknowledged Venn diagram at the heart of the Going Dark debate. Circle A represents crimes for which various manifestations of technology pose extreme challenges to law enforcement investigations: for example, computer offenses that take place exclusively online or technology-based narcotics trafficking and money laundering. Circle B represents crimes for which society demands an exceptionally high level of effective prevention, investigation, and prosecution: violent offenses with identifiable victims like murder or rape. This is not to say Circle A crimes are unimportant—only that, taken alone, society is more inclined to view the security benefits of robust encryption as outweighing the net harms. Likewise, it is certainly true that investigation of Circle B crimes can be impeded by encryption and other technology. But more often than not, law enforcement has at least some other avenues of obtaining evidence, such as from a crime scene or from witnesses.

Washington, DC: Hoover Institution, 2017. 40p.  

By The All Survivors Project (ASP) and the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School (IHRC)

The pervasive nature and appalling consequences of sexual violence against women, men, girls, and boys, including lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and intersex (LGBTI+) persons, in situations of armed conflict are well established. Detention settings are a key context of vulnerability to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), as noted by United Nations Security Council Resolution 2467 (2019). These Principles aim to outline and clarify existing international law and standards to prevent and address CRSV in detention settings. These Principles apply to all types of detention settings where people are deprived of their liberty for reasons linked to armed conflict (international and non-international). Such settings include official and unofficial places of detention operated by state security forces, such as armed forces, police, border guards, and others. The Principles also apply to situations of deprivation of liberty by non-state armed groups (NSAGs). Under international humanitarian law (IHL) it is contested whether NSAGs have a legal basis to lawfully deprive people of their liberty. Nonetheless, whenever NSAGs detain people, they must comply with a range of detention-related IHL obligations, including to treat detainees humanely and take measures to prevent and address sexual violence. The Principles identify preventive and responsive measures applicable to all persons deprived of their liberty in situations of armed conflict. While the Principles are specific to situations of ongoing armed conflict, they are also relevant to the immediate post conflict phase, when sexual violence linked to the conflict may still be occurring in detention settings.  

Cambridge, MA: All Survivors Project, 2020. 66p.

By Her Majesty's Government  (UK)

 Violence against women and girls is an unacceptable, preventable issue which blights the lives of millions. Crimes of violence against women and girls are many and varied. They include rape and other sexual offences, stalking, domestic abuse, ‘honourbased’ abuse (including female genital mutilation and forced marriage and ‘honour’ killings), ‘revenge porn’ and ‘upskirting’, as well as many others. While different types of violence against women and girls have their own distinct causes and impacts on victims and survivors, what these crimes share is that they disproportionately affect women and girls. These crimes are deeply harmful, not only because of the profound effect they can have on victims, survivors and their loved ones, but also because of the impact they can have on wider society, impacting on the freedom and equality we all should value and enjoy. These impacts can include day-to-day decision-making, but also extend to the social and economic costs to the economy, society, and taxpayer. We know that the devastating impact of these crimes can include the loss of life, the destruction of homes, futures, and lives. Everyone in modern Britain should have the freedom to succeed and everyone deserves the right to public safety and protection under the law. This is as true for women and girls as it is for anyone else. Throughout this Strategy we draw on the testimonies of victims and survivors who bravely describe the impact these crimes can have. The Government thanks them for their contributions.

London: HM Government, 2021. 85p.

By Amanda R. Witwer; Lynn Langton; Michael J. D. Vermeer; Duran Banks; Dulani Woods; Brian A. Jackson

This report defines TFA as "acts or courses of conduct facilitated through digital means that compromise the victim's privacy and causing emotional, physical, and social harm to the victim." Among the forms of TFA are cyber stalking, non-consensual pornography, and "sextortion." After discussions, workshop participants identified and prioritized 48 potential strategies for addressing TFA, 21 of which were deemed to be high priority (Tier 1). The high-priority strategies reflect four key themes: 1) implementing public education and TFA prevention efforts; 2) promoting awareness of TFA among criminal justice practitioners; 3) improving criminal justice practices and policies for addressing TFA, and 4) mitigating harm and empowering TFA victims. Regarding criminal justice priorities, the workshop participants noted the lack of both investigative and legal means to address TFA cases effectively. Developing standards and training for the identification, collection, and processing of digital evidence and establishing specialized TFA units would enable law enforcement to conduct thorough investigations of TFA crimes. Instituting statutes specific to TFA behaviors, accompanied by sentencing guidelines that acknowledge the harms to and vulnerabilities of TFA victims, would enable prosecutors to ensure that TFA sentences are commensurate with the harms caused and the services victims receive.

Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2020. 26p.

By Marc-André Argentino, Adnan Raja & Aoife Gallagher

Since QAnon’s rise to prominence, several high-profile celebrities have found themselves at the centre of the movement’s conspiratorial narratives, and therefore, the focus of coordinated harassment campaigns, brigading, dogpilling, slander and hate. This has led researchers who examine the digital information ecosystem to ask whether QAnon-coordinated harassment operates like other forms of targeted hate and harassment online, and specifically, whether vulnerable identity groups are faced with particularly egregious experiences. In this report, based on analysis conducted in early 2021, and examining upwards of 9 million posts and mentions across Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, we examine the role of gender-based violence against celebrities who were of particular significance to the QAnon community’s conspiracy theories in late 2019 and into the end of 2020: Chrissy Teigen, Tom Hanks, Ellen DeGeneres, Anderson Cooper, Jussie Smollett and Oprah Winfrey. The resulting analysis confirmed the suspicion that the most prominent type of harassment came in the form of brigading individual targets with accusations and slanderous mentions of paedophilia, often with graphic and disturbing language in their accusations.

Amman: Berlin: London: Paris: Washington DC: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2022. 32p.

By The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime

In the 21st century, so far thousands of criminal assassinations have been committed worldwide. Although all the victims are privately remembered, most are publicly forgotten. This project features the profiles of 50 individuals who lost their lives due to their role as journalists, activists, police officers, community leaders and other work that exposed illegal activity or disrupted the status quo. Through these stories, we can begin to paint a broader picture of the assassinations phenomenon and the wide-ranging impact it has on countries, communities and families.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2020. 232p,

Sexual Assault Unit Assessment: New York Police Department: Final report

By James Markey, Hannah Feeney, Kevin Strom, Amy Durall

Law enforcement’s response to sexual assault directly impacts the ability to deliver justice for victims through the criminal justice system and prevent future crimes. Creating a comprehensive, sustainable practice for addressing sexual assault can improve an agency’s investigative response and case outcomes, which, in turn, can benefit individual victims and their communities. The New York City Police Department (NYPD) is responsible for providing public safety services for 8 million citizens across five boroughs (Bronx, Brooklyn, Manhattan, Queens, and Staten Island), as well as the city’s many visitors. The NYPD strives to provide a consistent process that coordinates agency-wide efforts across the boroughs and designated patrol precincts. The NYPD has numerous community and government partners including District Attorney’s offices in each borough, as well as medical providers and advocacy agencies. In 2021, the NYPD contracted with RTI International to assess its response to sexual assault. Through this project, RTI finalized plans to provide NYPD with an independent and comprehensive review of the agency’s response and investigation of adult sexual assault cases. All assessment activities took place between April 2021 and September 2021. This report details the observations, findings, and recommendations identified by the RTI International Assessment Team. The RTI International Assessment Team (hereinafter referred to as the Assessment Team) examined in detail the processes and procedures in place for investigating and prosecuting adult sexual assault cases by NYPD, including the use of victim-centered and trauma-informed practices. As part of the assessment, the team conducted a thorough examination of the sexual assault investigative process, both within and outside the law enforcement domain. This assessment included: 1) review of policies pertaining to sexual assault response and investigation, in-service training, and academy training curriculum; 2) investigative case file analysis; and 3) personnel and stakeholder interviews. These methods were used to develop findings and recommendations, with the intention of promoting organizational transformation to better serve adult victims of sexual assault .

Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI International, 2021. 785p

By Nina Kaysser and Ana Paula Oliveira

In July 2021, the assassination of Haitian president Jovenel Moïse made headlines. The media reported that a large number of foreign nationals had been involved in the murder, including 13 suspected Colombian contract killers, but the identity of those who ordered the killing remains unknown and is still the subject of investigation. Although the case received widespread international coverage, employing hitmen to carry out the assassination of prominent figures is not 2 a new phenomenon. All over the world, thousands of people are assassinated yearly, in silence. In many countries, assassinations have become a daily occurrence. Assassinations, or contract killings, are frequently used by criminal networks to achieve their political, economic and criminal interests. They enable criminal actors to maintain control over communities, allowing them to take over lucrative markets or infiltrate public institutions. They are also a way of silencing those who take a stand and threaten to challenge the status quo, or those who investigate and dismantle criminal activities. The negative impacts of this crime are severe, weakening society and the economy, and undermining democratic processes. Despite the harm they cause, assassinations are an understudied topic, and in particular how they link to organized crime. The GI-TOC has developed a unique and novel database on contract killings worldwide. The Global Assassination Monitor, a disaggregated data-collection project that is part of the GI-TOC’s Assassination Witness initiative, records hits and attempted hits. (To be classified as contract killings, the murders need to meet two criteria: they target specific individuals and they involve some form of contract, with the perpetrators receiving a reward for the killing.) The database draws on extensive research of international and national media sources, and the results of this analysis will be presented in the forthcoming report ‘Killing in silence: Monitoring the role of organized crime in contract killings’. The data indicates that assassinations are highly clustered in several ways. They are clustered geographically, with high concentrations in the Americas (accounting for 37% of all recorded cases) closely followed by Asia (which accounted for 33%). Africa accounted for 24% of cases while Europe accounted for only 6%. The data suggests that contract killings tend to flourish in environments where there is a strong presence of organized crime, power struggles, corruption and violence. Assassinations are also found to be deployed to target certain groups, especially activists, community leaders and politicians. And they cluster around specific motives or drivers, often related to political or economic interests. The findings point to the strength of the criminal groups who order these contract killings, and the way in which organized crime is often embedded in political and economic institutions. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, with its restrictive measures in the form of lockdowns and border closures, contract killings continued unabated in 2020. In fact, the measures taken to contain the virus would appear to have created opportunities for assassinations to increase, at least in some areas. The findings highlighted in this research not only uncover the sheer magnitude of global organized-crime-related assassinations, but also help understand how this criminal phenomenon gravely impacts the social fabric of communities the world over. This initiative provides a first stepping stone in highlighting areas for further research and better responses to this crime, such as investigating links between the illicit firearms trade and how it relates to assassinations, strengthening investigatory and adjudicatory capacities, bolstering corporate responsibility, engaging with civil society and providing protection for activists.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2021. 112p.

By Jocelyn Frye, Shilpa Phadke, Robin Bleiweis, Maggie Jo Buchanan, Danielle Corley, and Osub Ahmed

In 2006, Maricruz Ladino, a farmworker at a California lettuce-packing plant, was repeatedly harassed by her supervisor. She rebuffed his lewd requests and comments, but he was unrelenting. Eventually, as they were heading back from a day’s work in the fields, he took her to another location and raped her. She was afraid to come forward, but after several months, she finally mustered the courage to complain about what had happened. Instead of taking action against her supervisor, her employer fired her. She later filed a civil suit against the company and, in 2010, the company agreed to a settlement. When reflecting on her traumatic experience several years later, Ladino would explain how she found the courage to come forward, saying, “I have daughters, I have sisters. And I have to stop this from happening to them, too. That’s what gave me strength to speak out.”2 The prevalence of gender-based violence (GBV) in the United States has become the focus of a national conversation. Whether it is the meteoric rise and resilience of the #MeToo movement, originally launched by activist Tarana Burke more than a decade ago; a seemingly endless list of public figures involved in allegations of sexual misconduct; a U.S. Supreme Court nomination fight made contentious in part by sexual assault allegations; President Donald Trump’s dismissive attacks on survivors’ stories and more than two dozen women alleging his own misconduct over decades; or Trump administration policies that increasingly degrade, disparage, and dehumanize women and gender minorities, all have elevated the discussion about how well GBV claims are handled and what responses are needed to combat it.3 In the wake of this attention, people from across the country have stood up and spoken out. They have told their personal stories and made clear that a status quo that tolerates sexual misconduct is unacceptable and must change. Many policymakers have been quick to profess support for survivors and reject all forms of GBV,

from sexual harassment to sexual assault and more, yet concrete legislative action to address these issues has been slow in coming. Even when policymakers do engage, they often focus on piecemeal measures as a quick fix rather than a more holistic response to address the full range of underlying problems. Lost in the discussion are the interwoven issues that collectively perpetuate GBV—particularly the systemic biases around race, sex, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, national origin, and disability that shape survivors’ diverse experiences. Overly narrow views and definitions around sex and gender identity that leave out women of color and gender minorities risk ignoring critical aspects of the problem and perpetuating a broader public narrative that elevates some groups over others and leaves out some survivors altogether. Furthermore, too little attention has focused on the connections between GBV and other abusive or violent behaviors, such as research showing high rates of domestic violence and misogynistic attacks among perpetrators of mass shootings.4 Dissecting how all of these issues relate to each other is crucial and long overdue 

Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2019. 70p.

By Beatriz Magaloni, Krist´of Gosztonyi, and Sarah Thompson

The monopoly of violence in the hands of the state is conceived as the principal vehicle to generate order. A problem with this vision is that parts of the state and its law enforcement apparatus often become extensions of criminality rather than solutions to it. We argue that one solution to this dilemma is to “opt out from the state.” Using a multimethod strategy combining extensive qualitative research, quasi-experimental statistical analyses, and survey data, the paper demonstrates that indigenous communities in Mexico are better able to escape predatory criminal rule when they are legally allowed to carve a space of autonomy from the state through the institution of “usos y costumbres.” We demonstrate that these municipalities are more immune to violence than similar localities where regular police forces and local judiciaries are in charge of law enforcement and where mayors are elected through multiparty elections rather than customary practices.

Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Department of Political Science, 2021. 44p.

By Jenna Russo

While all UN multidimensional peacekeeping operations are mandated to prevent and respond to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, as well as in the Central African Republic, are also mandated to protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). While SGBV is often used and understood interchangeably with CRSV, SGBV is broader in scope, as it encompasses nonsexual forms of gender-based violence and need not be connected to armed conflict.

This report examines how missions are implementing their mandates to protect civilians from SGBV, including CRSV, and assesses good practices, gaps, and opportunities for improvement. The report draws on lessons learned from the UN missions in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the DRC (MONUSCO). It considers how the complexities of preventing and responding to SGBV necessitate a whole-of-mission approach to the protection of civilians (POC) that encompasses not only physical protection from violence but also activities that address cultural norms related to gender, strengthen the rule of law, and enhance women’s participation. This report thus considers a range of protection activities carried out by missions, as well as structures and processes that promote the effective integration of gender into mission planning and activities.

The paper concludes with several recommendations for UN peacekeeping missions, the UN Department of Peace Operations (DPO), and member states on the Security Council to strengthen work on SGBV.

New York: International Peace Institute, 2022. 33p.

By Kristina Amerhauser ̵and Walter Kemp

As the space for civil society appears to be shrinking in the Western Balkans, with organizations being under pressure from governments and increasingly concerned about their security, this report looks at organized crime and corruption in the region from a civil society perspective. It aims to give an overview of how civil society organizations in the Western Balkans deal with issues related to organized crime and corruption and highlights their main activities and concerns.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Organized Crime, 2021. 33p.

By EIGE -  European Institute for Gender Equality

The recent COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to increasing our reliance on digital technologies in our everyday activities, consolidating internet access as a new fundamental human right. Digital platforms have often been celebrated for allowing equal opportunities for public self expression, regardless of one’s identity and status. Yet, not everyone is welcome in the cyberspace. The digital arena has become a breeding ground for a range of exclusionary and violent discourses and beliefs, expressed and disseminated in a context of anonymity and impunity. Both women and men can be victims of cyber violence. However, evidence shows that women and girls are highly exposed to it. Not only are they more likely to be targeted by cyber violence; they can also suffer from serious consequences, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm and suffering. Women and girls often end up withdrawing from the digital sphere, silencing and isolating themselves and eventually losing opportunities to build their education, professional career and support networks. Cyber violence against women and girls (CVAWG) is often dismissed as an insignificant and virtual phenomenon. However, as digital (online) and face-to-face (offline) spaces become more and more integrated, CVAWG often amplifies (or is a precursor for) violence and victimisation in the physical world. CVAWG is not a private problem and does not exist in a vacuum: it is an integral part of the continuum of violence against women and girls. Just like any other form of gender-based violence, CWAWG is deeply rooted in the social inequality between women and men that persists in our world. CVAWG is an intersectional form of violence with different patterns and levels of vulnerability and risk among specific groups of women and girls. It can be exacerbated when it is committed on the grounds of gender in combination with other factors, including age, ethnic or racial origin, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, religion or belief. Combating CVAWG: aims and scope of this report The aim of this report is to provide an in-depth investigation into the phenomenon of cyber violence and to examine how it affects women and girls specifically.  

Vilnius LITHUANIA: EIGE, 2022. 110p.

By The YWCA

Police killings of Black people and the ensuing nation-wide protests that swept across the United States during the spring and summer months of 2020 are certain to be recorded as defining elements of an unprecedented year. Like Tamir Rice, Eric Garner, and so many others before them, the names of the people of color killed by police in 2020 are now seared into our national consciousness: George Floyd. Rayshard Brooks. Tony McDade. Breonna Taylor. Their deaths unleashed a national fury and ignited a long overdue reckoning with racial violence by police against people of color.

But as so often happens, women and girls of color are again being left out of the story. Their experiences? Overlooked and erased by a media and policy narrative that overwhelmingly focuses on men and boys of color.

Washington, DC: YWCA, 2020. 49p.