Gerald Aldytia Bunga

In this article, the author discusses the issues pertaining to piracy jure gentium and armed robbery at sea. Focus shall be given on the incidence of both crimes occurring offshore Somalia during a certain time period. It is noted that Somalia is unable or unwilling to enforce its law to protect international (commercial) shipping passing through its waters. This inability to enforce the law has been the primary reason, Somalia was forced to seek legal assistance from the international community. By taking lessons from Somalia and comparing these two crimes, the author seeks to propose a model of how to tackle the problem at hand. To be discussed and analysed is a number of United Nations Security Council Resolutions which provide the international community with a guideline how to handle both crimes.

VeJ Volume 5 • Nomor 2 • 302

Joanna Kusiak

Among the ‘extra-economic means’ that facilitate primitive accumulation, or accumulation by dispossession, the law plays a prominent role. But works on neoliberal urban restructuring rarely engage with concrete legal technologies. Analysing judicial property restitution (‘reprivatization’) in Warsaw, this article grasps the machine of accumulation by dispossession at a moment of faltering and exposes the distinctive legal technologies behind its troubleshooting. It makes three contributions to critical urban studies. First, it demonstrates how judicial systems can steal political conflicts that obstruct the cycle of accumulation by dispossession. It thus introduces the notion of ‘judicial robbery’, a non-legislated expropriation of common property through judicial engineering that simultaneously deprives the public of political agency. Second, it shows that seemingly neutral legal technicalities, usually sheltered from political debate, can become a key locus of urban politics. Third, it examines the agency, scope and spatial patterns of ‘dispossession by restitution’, the term I use for a locally specific form of accumulation by dispossession in Warsaw. Lastly, I raise the question of political struggle against primitive accumulation. Is the judicial robbery reversible? If we can reclaim property, can we also reclaim political conflicts that have been stolen by the law?

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF URBAN AND REGIONAL RESEARCH DOI:10.1111/1468-2427.12827

Louise E. Porter* and Laurence J. Alison

Purpose. The purpose of this paper was, firstly, to replicate Porter and Alison’s (2001) leadership behaviour scale and, secondly, to extend this research through the use of a new sample of group robbery offenders. This will provide further support for the use of such a scale to identify potential criminal leaders and also offer insight into the dynamics and hierarchical structures among group robbery offenders.

Methods. One hundred and five cases of group robbery, yielding 290 offender behaviour profiles, were coded according to each offender’s level of involvement at each chronological offence stage in terms of decisions, actions and orders. A multidimensional scaling procedure examined the combinations of these, and produced a partially ordered scale of leadership behaviour with the defining aspects being initial decision making and involvement in the offence outcome.

Results. The scale identified potential leaders in 103 of the 105 robbery groups, where these leaders scored higher than non-leaders on the leadership behaviour scale. Two-thirds of groups comprised a dichotomous leader/follower distinction, whilst the remaining third comprised more dispersed, linear and lieutenant hierarchies.

Conclusions. These results further support the leader behaviour scale originally proposed by Porter and Alison (2001). The results also offer insight into the processes by which robberies evolve; namely, through a series of decisions of one individual who then either participates first or gives orders to his fellow group members to participate, although the former seems far more frequent.

Legal and Criminological Psychology (2006), 11, 245–265.

Peter Selman

n the first two months of 2010, the plight of orphaned children in earthquake-hit Haiti led to calls for intercountry adoption processes to be expedited, but it also raised the question of whether taking children away from their homeland, even in extreme or impoverished conditions, is the right solution, especially at times of crisis. Peter Selman examines, in the context of other examples of the use (or non-use) of adoption as a response to natural disaster, the varied responses of countries in Europe and North America in the aftermath of the earthquake and how this affected the number of children adopted from Haiti.

ADOPTION & FOSTERING VOLUME 35 NUMBER 4 2011

By Brandon Martin, Deepak Premkumar, and Mandi Acevedo

Law enforcement agencies have experienced hiring and retention challenges amid the pandemic, economic uncertainty, and changing views of the police. This report provides key trends and context for understanding officer staffing in California and highlights several obstacles for agencies moving forward.

Key Takeaways
Law enforcement agencies at the state, county, and local levels employ more than 77,000 individuals with arrest powers across California spending about $28 billion on policing. Research shows that hiring additional law enforcement officers reduces crime, especially violent crime. Yet agencies have experienced several challenges around officer recruitment and retention in recent years amid the COVID-19 pandemic, economic uncertainty, and societal changes.

In this report, we bring together several new and underused data sources to provide key trends and context for understanding officer staffing in California, highlighting several possible challenges for agencies moving forward

The number of officers has decreased since the pandemic. Despite small growth over the last two years, the statewide officer count (77,200) in 2024 is 3 percent less than it was in 2019 (79,600). California has 196 officers per 100,000 residents, down from a peak of 221 in 2008. → Officer demographics have shifted. Although officers are predominantly male, the share of female officers has risen over time, from 12.8 percent in 2005 to 15.3 percent in 2024. Looking at race/ethnicity, representation of white and Black officers has declined over the last two decades, while representation of Latino officers has increased significantly and representation of Asian officers has remained largely unchanged. Average officer age and tenure have stayed relatively stable. Recent research shows benefits to having more female, Latino, Black, older, and experienced officers. → Staffing trends differ based on agency size and type. While agencies of all sizes saw declines in staffing after the Great Recession, the post-pandemic drop was concentrated in large agencies with over 100 officers. In recent years, rural agencies have experienced more volatile changes in staffing than non-rural agencies. And over the last two decades, staffing levels have risen at sheriff’s departments while decreasing slightly at police departments. → Officer retention has declined. From 2016 to 2020, total separations—including resignations, retirements, and terminations—rose steadily at California law enforcement agencies, by about 11 percent.

Separations then went up more than 30 percent between 2020 and 2022, potentially influenced by factors like the pandemic and protests following the murder of George Floyd. → Average salaries have decreased slightly; agencies are increasing overtime pay. After adjusting for inflation, the average base salary for officers declined between 2011 and 2023, from $116,000 to $110,000, possibly due to more experienced officers leaving. Over this time, average overtime pay grew from $10,000 to over $25,000. Though rural and non-rural agencies had similar overtime pay in 2011, there was a large difference by 2023 ($16,000 rural, $28,000 non-rural). → Agency competition and pay are key challenges to recruitment and retention. Respondents in our survey say that location issues, like remoteness of agency as well as housing costs and availability, also play a role. When it comes to hiring, agencies report that unqualified applicants are an issue. About 30 percent of respondents indicate that limited staff capacity has led to shifts in services or response priorities, such as deprioritizing non-criminal medical calls.

By Virginia Comolli | Martin Thorley

Over the past two decades, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) has significantly expanded its role as a provider of foreign law enforcement assistance and policing cooperation. What began primarily as targeted support linked to diplomatic competition and counterterrorism has evolved into a more systematic and geographically dispersed portfolio of activities. Today, the PRC supplies equipment, infrastructure, training and, in some cases, operational support to police forces across Asia, Africa, Latin America and, increasingly,
the Pacific Islands. In the Pacific, this engagement has grown markedly in the last ten years in both scope and political sensitivity. Initial efforts centred on infrastructure development and training exchanges, but in several countries these have developed into more sustained and, at times, operationally embedded relationships. As
a result, policing cooperation – traditionally viewed as a largely technical area – has become more closely intertwined with broader questions of influence, security and geopolitics in the region. This trajectory reflects broader global patterns in China’s law enforcement engagement, which is shaped by a combination of external and domestic objectives. Internationally, assistance serves to cultivate diplomatic partnerships, expand political influence, secure support in multilateral forums, and reinforce state authority abroad. At the same time, it advances domestic priorities: protecting Chinese nationals and investments overseas, engaging and monitoring diaspora communities, countering transnational threats and projecting the image of a state capable of safeguarding its citizens globally.

Under Xi Jinping’s Comprehensive National Security Concept and the Global Security Initiative (GSI), the boundary between internal and external security has increasingly blurred, positioning foreign law enforcement cooperation as an instrument through which Beijing seeks to shape its external environment in ways that reinforce domestic stability. Against this backdrop, this report finds that Chinese policing assistance and cooperation in the South Pacific is: Politically differentiated, ranging from infrastructure grants to formal security frameworks. Institutionally layered, combining central direction with provincial actors and diaspora-linked networks. Strategically consequential, reshaping regional security dynamics without necessarily displacing traditional partners. Operationally assertive in some contexts.

By Runnymede Trust

Keeping Us Safe: Rethinking policing, harm and justice, is a major new report calling for a fundamental shift in how the UK approaches safety, harm prevention and justice.

Drawing on nationally representative polling of 5,405 people in England and Wales, alongside in-depth community-based qualitative research, the report finds strong public support for social investment over punitive enforcement when given nuanced choices.

Key findings from the national polling include:

More than half (52%) think investing in public and social services would do more to prevent crime than increasing police powers (18% disagree, the rest are unsure). Half (50%) of the public believe investing in public and social services would do more to prevent crime than increasing the number of police officers (22% disagree, the rest are unsure). Keeping Us Safe critiques the dominant political and media framing that more police and more policing powers are common-sense solutions to social issues. It argues that binary polling questions obscure these nuances and reinforce a narrow public narrative that equates safety with police presence.

In the report, we trace modern British policing to its colonial origins, finding that contemporary policing continues to reproduce racial injustices through stop and search, punitive practices in educational settings, policing the border, mental health detentions and the overrepresentation of Black and racialised communities in the criminal legal system.

We argue that despite decades of inquiries and reform efforts, including high-profile reviews into institutional racism - from the 1999 Macpherson Report which found ‘institutional racism’ in the Metropolitan Police, to the 2023 Casey Review which identified a culture of racism, misogyny, and homophobia - attempts to reform policing have failed to address systemic issues. Instead, it argues, reform has often individualised racism as a matter of ‘bad apples’, leaving structures which produce inequality intact.

Police spending reached £19.9 billion last year, while youth services, mental health provision, housing support and community infrastructure face chronic underfunding.

Across six key areas (‘serious youth violence’, education, housing and homelessness, border enforcement, gender-based violence and mental health), the research finds that policing often deepens harm and fails to address root causes such as poverty, social exclusion, trauma and racism. It highlights community-led models already in practice, including: transformative justice practices that address harm without reproducing
violence, grounded in care, consent and collective accountability; reparative justice approaches that acknowledge and seek redress for historic and ongoing harms caused by racism, colonialism and slavery
and the inequalities they produced; restorative justice initiatives that empower survivors and create genuine opportunities for people who’ve caused harm to take responsibility and repair relationships; healing justice models that recognise harm as both systemic and interpersonal and treat healing as part of a collective political project.

The report sets out a series of ‘non-reformist reforms’ designed to build safer, more resilient communities. These include investing in teachers and pastoral support; ending school exclusions and the Prevent Duty; overhauling the Mental Health Act to end the use of police in responding to people in crisis; and an end to the No Recourse to Public Funds policy.

Keeping Us Safe concludes that safety does not begin with enforcement but with meeting people’s basic needs. It calls for a redistribution of public resources away from punitive systems and towards harm prevention, collective care and accountability.

By Price Nyland

This month, the Center for Policing Equity (CPE) published a ne report, BART Fare Enforcement: Balancing Goals, Community Concerns, and Human Costs, in partnership with Bay Area Rapid Transit (BART). The team received additional support from Stout, a global advisory firm specializing in corporate finance, accounting and transaction advisory, valuation, financial disputes, claims, and investigations. The report is a comprehensive assessment of BART’s approach to enforcing its fares, and CPE hopes to see the recommendations contained in this report adopted for implementation.

CPE’s Research Team Contextualized Community Harm During Analysis Phase

Aiming to uplift the voices of those most impacted by BART’s practices, CPE’s qualitative research team conducted 14 focus groups composed of 95 Bay Area residents living in the five counties BART serves. The focus groups explored BART riders’ perceptions of safety, fare affordability, contact with BART police and fare enforcement, and factors influencing their decisions to ride BART. Community participants also offered input on ways to improve BART’s public safety responses.

In addition to this qualitative effort, CPE conducted a quantitative analysis of fare enforcement practices and outcomes using financial, ridership, and BART Police Department (BPD) data, including information on arrests, calls for service, proof of payment, and citations. CPE also used publicly available data collected as part of California’s Racial and Identity Profiling Act (RIPA)¹.

CPE Recommendations to Improve BART Operations

This project was a timely collaboration for both CPE and BART, as BART works to address revenue and public safety challenges while seeking a deeper understanding of community impacts and goals. CPE anticipates that the community input, financial, qualitative, and quantitative analyses and recommendations detailed in the report will improve outcomes for BART riders and the wider community BART serves, as well as the agency’s financial solvency.

CPE’s findings indicate that BART’s current fare enforcement strategy—which disproportionately affects marginalized groups, including Black and Brown riders, low-income individuals, people experiencing mental health crises, and individuals who are unhoused— has not resulted in significant revenue recovery or improved public safety. Instead, punitive measures have contributed to community mistrust. In addition to these human costs, CPE found that BART’s frequently cited $25 million annual revenue loss due to fare evasion is inflated and misrepresents the actual financial impact of fare evasion. Stout estimated that BART’s annual revenue loss as a result of fare evasion is $5.7 million – $9.5 million per year, far below the BART estimate.

Based on these analyses and findings, CPE developed recommendations for the BART Board of Directors to improve BART’s fare enforcement practices, policies, and impacts:

Expand BART’s Transit Ambassador and Crisis Intervention Team (CIT) personnel as non-police responses to public disorder and community concerns regarding unhoused individuals and people with mental health conditions. Clarify BPD’s warrant policy to eliminate discretion regarding arrests for misdemeanor warrants. The policy should mandate that officers arrest only for an outstanding misdemeanor warrant if required by California Penal Code § 827.1 or a specific BART policy and that officers must issue a citation in all other instances. Revise BPD policy to explicitly require warnings for individuals stopped for fare evasion for the first time. Additionally, update policies to mandate the use of civil proof-of-payment citations instead of criminal citations under California Penal Code § 640, except in specific circumstances. Improve access to discounted fares for low-income riders, youth, seniors, and people with disabilities by automating eligibility for and access to BART discounted cards for individuals with Medi-Cal Benefits Identification Card (BIC), Electronic Benefits Transfer (EBT) cards, Supplemental Security Income (SSI)/Social Security Disability (SSD) eligibility, and student or senior IDs. Discounted card availability should be expanded at BART stations, and more community partners should be formally engaged to assist with discounted card applications online. End the enforcement of fare evasion under California Penal Code § 640(c)(1) as a misdemeanor to reduce the human and fiscal harm incurred by BART riders, as well as the impact on social service and criminal legal systems.
As recommended in 2020, CPE also notes the need for improved data collection processes and implementation of data auditing measures to ensure all aspects of a BART Police Department interaction are
documented. All findings and recommendations can be found in the report and the executive summary.This project signals an opportunity for BART to dig deeper into its own practices and policies to ensure alignment, both within the agency and in partnership with the community it serves, on the quality of service being provided. CPE believes the voices of those most impacted by current fare enforcement practices must play a central role in shaping system reforms. The report offers BART a powerful opportunity to innovate and build on existing efforts to ensure the system is both safe and equitable.

This project signals an opportunity for BART to dig deeper into its own practices and policies to ensure alignment, both within the agency and in partnership with the community it serves, on the quality of service being provided. CPE believes the voices of those most impacted by current fare enforcement practices must play a central role in shaping system reforms. The report offers BART a powerful opportunity to innovate and build on existing efforts to ensure the system is both safe and equitable.

By Dustin Richardson, Jeremy Barnum, Meagan Cahill

The police have a complex role in managing mass demonstrations, requiring them to balance competing priorities and obligations. On the one hand, they must uphold the fundamental right to free assembly and
expression guaranteed by the United States Constitution, while on the other hand, they must maintain safety and order. Although most mass demonstrations are peaceful, some can escalate into widespread civil
disturbances. The primary challenge for agencies, then, is to implement training, policies, and crowd management approaches that prepare officers to safely and effectively facilitate the vast majority of peaceful protests while also having plans and contingencies in place should property destruction or violence occur.
Too much focus on either outcome leaves agencies unprepared and can result in inappropriate responses that have unintended consequences

By Susannah Hickie

Police officers experience elevated rates of psychological ill-health relative to the general population (Syed et al. 2020). While operational trauma is an established risk, qualitative research on organizational stress, institutional support, and help-seeking remains limited. This qualitative study contributes to a growing body of research which identifies organizational stressors as possibly more corrosive than operational trauma (Newell et al. 2022). Drawing on 60 interviews with officers in the Police Service of Northern Ireland, this study examines how organizational stress, institutional support, help-seeking behaviours, and moral injury intersect. Five organizationally rooted themes emerged— fear of repercussions, stigma, performative wellbeing initiatives, inaccessibility, and a culture of mistrust—all of which acted as barriers to help-seeking and were described as more harmful than operational trauma. The article concludes by outlining context-specific reforms, including confidential, one-to-one follow-ups after traumatic events, annual psychological check-ins, clearer separation between wellbeing provision and operational risk management, and leadership accountability for fostering psychological safety.

By Ross Coomber; Charles Lloyd; Kate Brown: and Laura Bainbridge

 In county lines, there has been a significant shift in policing approaches towards young people and vulnerable adults who are increasingly seen as victims of criminal exploitation, rather than simply as suspects or offenders. The extent to which vulnerable individuals are seen and processed as victims and safeguarded, or criminalized, varies enormously between and within police forces. This results in a policing and outcomes
postcode lottery with serious implications for procedural justice. Local area safeguarding partnerships also often lack robust baseline processes for those subject to criminal exploitation. There needs to be a national policing strategy on child and adult criminal exploitation to effectively address these issues within policing and local safeguarding.

Summary : This is the UK’s first national study of police responses to county lines drug distribution and related child and adult criminal exploitation. The study examined how the police identify and process young people and vulnerable adults involved in drug distribution in cross-border and local drug markets. The findings show that police forces are changing how they consider and process young people and vulnerable adults involved in drug markets. However, while they increasingly recognize vulnerability and investigate possible criminal
exploitation, policing practice varies significantly between and even within forces. The findings suggest that to help establish an appropriate minimum baseline safeguarding response, consistent across all forces, there needs to be more detailed national guidance, policy, and centralized oversight in this area.

By Jerreed D. Ivanich

Police violence is a public health concern in the United States (1). Much of the prior work on police violence has established a firm foundation of racial inequity in police violence, specifically for Black and Latino populations (2). Additionally, most of the work has focused on urban settings (3). These foci have contributed, to some degree, to the lack of attention on police violence among American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) populations. The PNAS paper “Heightened risk of fatal police violence in and around reservations for American Indian and Alaska Native Peoples in the United States” by Schwartz et al. (4) begins to fill this important gap and increases visibility of police violence for AIAN peoples living on or near reservations. They highlight that one in 1,800 AIAN men in the United States will die from fatal police violence, which is an elevated risk compared to the national male lifetime risk of one in 2,000 (5). Beyond documenting this important disparity, Schartz et al. highlight the role of place, history, and governance structures in shaping risk.

By Yvonne Daly

Police Custody in Ireland brings together experts from policing studies, law, criminology, and psychology, to critically examine contemporary police custody in Ireland, what we know about it, how it operates, how it is experienced, and how it might be improved. This first-of-its-kind collection focuses exclusively on detention in Garda Síochána stations, critically examining it from human rights and best practice perspectives. It examines the physical environment of custody, police interview techniques, existing protections, rights, and entitlements, and experiences of specific communities in custody, such as children, ethnic minorities, non-English speakers, the Mincéir/Traveller community, and those with intellectual disabilities or Autism Spectrum Disorder. Police Custody in Ireland gives a snapshot of garda custody as it is now and makes important recommendations for necessary future improvements.

By Michel Thill

This open access book offers the first full-length, empirical deep-dive into everyday policework in the Democratic Republic of Congo. At the same time, its findings go well beyond the DRC and Africa, ultimately providing a new, startlingly nuanced theoretical framework for understanding what police practice and reform efforts tell us about states anywhere in the world. Following officers from the classroom to the station and the street, Michel Thill offers five narrative-driven chapters rich with historical detail and thick description that show how the police force, as an institution, struggles to coordinate practice with training, coercion with
persuasion and reconciliation, and the need to make ends meet with the duty to serve the public. By delving into the convoluted repercussions of police reform, Thill identifies the tensions that shape everyday police work, thereby offering new ways of thinking about police reform while offering practical guidance for practitioners and policymakers.

By Emmanuel C. Onyeozili, Biko Agozino, Augustine Agu, Patrick Ibe

In locating policing firmly within the Afrikan tradition, from earliest antiquity to the present, this book returns policing to the people in Afrikan communities. While its focus is on policing within Nigeria, theoretical insights and practical examples, these latter both positive and negative, from around the world are also deployed to illuminate a firm grasp of the evolution of police and policing from colonial times in what is now Nigeria.
The resulting text therefore makes a necessary and radical break with colonial and neocolonial policing in which the police are usually little more—if anything more—than an occupying force organized by Europeans who oppresses the mass of the people on behalf of these foreign masters and their local accomplices, who are junior partners in the exploitation of Afrika.

By Tomas Salem

This book offers a unique look into the world of policing and the frontline of Brazil’s war on drugs. It analyzes the tensions produced by attempts to modernize Rio de Janeiro’s public security policies. Since the return of democracy in 1985, Rio's police forces have waged war against armed drug gangs based in the city’s favelas, casting the people who live in these communities as internal enemies. In preparation for the Olympics in 2016, the police sought to ‘pacify’ the favelas and their populations through the establishment of Pacifying Police Units (UPPs) in many of the city’s favela communities. Drawing on eight months of ethnographic fieldwork with the police, this book follows officers across the institutional hierarchy in their daily activities, on patrol, and during training. Tracing the genealogies of contemporary forms of policing-as-warfare through the notion of ‘colonial war’ and ‘cultural war’, it highlights the material and ideational dimensions of war as a cosmological force that shapes Brazilian social relations, subjectivities, landscapes, economies, and politics. It draws on the Deleuzian notion of ‘war machine and state dynamics’ to show how practices of elimination
co-exist with attempts to transform favela territories and their people and analyzes the link between the moral universe of policing and right-wing populism in Brazil. Through rich and nuanced ethnography, it offers a critical perspective on militarized policing and 21st century forms of authoritarianism.

By Aaron Bielejewski

This Open-Access-book questions the relationship between institutionalized images and understandings of policing – the monolithic ideas common to most, if not all, Western law enforcement agencies – and contextual, situate, and local interactions where the human representatives of policing – street-level officers – come into contact with residents. The political and theoretical association of specific forms of “Western” policing with democratic society can be illustrated in the case of German integration: narratives of reform and essentially forging new democratic police agencies in the “new German states” stand at odds with much of the experience and statements of officers who continued to serve following (Re)Unification. Officers who present their works primarily in terms of their local responsibilities, expectations and more specifically to their unique and individual relationship and connection to their communities downplay the relevance of high-level policing policy. Based on a two-year ethnographic study of policing in a rural county in the German state of Brandenburg, this book explores the local nature of policing both in terms of how police officers imagine their communities to be and with reference to broader societal expectations and assumptions of what police, essentially, are, can effectively do, and should effectively do.

Editors: Jaimee Mallion and Erika Gebo

The World Health Organization (2002) classified violence as a leading international public health problem that requires immediate intervention. Violence is a pervasive social problem whose causes and consequences are inextricably linked to individuals, families, institutions, communities, and societies. The negative consequences of violence, and serious violence in particular, reverberate beyond the immediate moment and location of it. By bringing together partners with varied skills, whole-system multi-agency approaches are advocated as the leading means of targeting serious violence. With this context in mind, this Special Issue examines a variety of collaborative, community-based approaches to preventing and reducing serious violence across the global landscape. The contributions from practitioners and researchers focus on the prevention and reduction of serious interpersonal violence in communities. The typologies of serious violence discussed by the collaborators include gang membership, domestic violence, and sexual violence. The contributions address the collaborative nature of serious violence prevention work, recognizing that violence is multi-causal and that solutions are needed across various socio-ecological domains. The contributions describe community-level collaborative approaches to preventing and reducing serious violence. The successes and lessons learned from the approaches are identified, and the applicability of the approaches to other areas are explored.

Edited by Bill McClanahan and Avi Brisman

In the past three decades, a stream of criminological inquiry has emerged which explores, measures, and theorizes crimes and harms to the environment at the micro-, mezzo-, and macro-levels. This “green criminology”, as it has come to be known, has widened the criminological gaze to consider crimes and harms committed against air, land (from forests to wetlands), nonhuman animals, and water in local, regional, national, and international areas or arenas. Accordingly, green criminology has endeavored to understand the causes and consequences of air and water pollution, biodiversity loss, climate change, corporate environmental crime (e.g., illegal waste disposal), food production and distribution, resource extraction and
exploitation, and wildlife trade and trafficking, while also exploring potential responses to these issues. This book seeks to introduce the green criminological perspective to a broader social science audience.
Recognizing that green criminology is not the first social science to explore the phenomena and harms at the intersections of humanity and ecology, this book offers an introduction to some of the unique insights developed over nearly 30 years of green criminological thought and scholarship to students, professors, researchers, and practitioners working in the fields of anthropology, economics, environmental humanities, environmental sociology, geography, history, and political ecology. This book contains contributions from researchers in green criminology from around the world, including early- and mid-career scholars, as well as more established voices in the field—all of whom are dedicated to exposing, understanding, and ultimately hoping to thwart further environmental degradation and despoliation.

Edited by Kirsten Foot,
Elizabeth Shun-Ching Parks,
Marcel Van der Watt

As the crime of human trafficking/modern slavery is multifaceted, collaborating to counter it across sectors, disciplines, regions, and from local to international levels is widely understood to be of utmost importance. However, the processes of organizing and leading robust collaborations are complex and challenging, and to be sustainable, such processes must result in both positive outcomes for the collaborating partners and demonstrable progress toward countering human trafficking. Despite a growing body of published research on anti-trafficking collaboration, many aspects of it remain understudied. This Special Issue of Societies invites researchers and collaboration leaders in the anti-trafficking arena to share research findings and/or evidence-supported practices on how to catalyze and support collaborations to generate and sustain track records of constructive impacts.