By Inês Sousa Guedes, Beatriz Vigo, Margarida Santos, Samuel Moreira, Carla Sofia Cardoso, Josefina Castro

Recent global events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine war, have heightened concerns over disinformation and its implications for security and democracy. Disinformation involves the deliberate spread of false or misleading content to influence beliefs and behaviors, often driven by political or economic motives. This study explores disinformation dynamics in Portugal, assessing public and political vulnerabilities and the regulatory framework. Thirteen in-depth interviews with fifteen experts from governmental and non-governmental sectors in Portugal were conducted in late 2023. Results revealed that internal disinformation in Portugal remains comparatively unsophisticated within the European Union (EU) context. Far-right movements in Portugal significantly contribute to political disinformation, amplifying populism and polarization discourses. Elections are particularly vulnerable to disinformation, with growing narratives around immigration, race, and gender issues increasing societal division. Furthermore, Portugal is not a primary target of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, due to its small size, unified political system, and reduced electorate. However, its integration into the EU and NATO exposes it to broader, regional disinformation strategies. Regulatory efforts within the EU, transitioning from self-regulation to co-regulation with digital platforms, are seen as a step forward. However, concerns remain about sustainability, platform compliance, and the need for preventive measures. In sum, this study highlights the evolution of disinformation in Portugal, the vulnerabilities it creates, and the critical need for enhanced regulatory and educational interventions. These findings contribute to broader discussions on resilience to disinformation within democratic societies.

By J. M. Hill, M. Weulen Kranenbarg

Since May 2019, the Netherlands has been in the grip of a ‘nitrogen crisis’. Kicked off by a judicial decision, but with decades of environmental harm by the extensive Dutch livestock industry at its heart, the crisis has been characterised by farmer protests, the emergence of new political forces, and, at times, intense societal debate about how to tackle the problem. Many in the agricultural industry and beyond oppose reducing livestock numbers to protect vulnerable ecosystems. The arguments they use to do so recall themes from climate change denial, a well-documented form of science denial. In this paper, we examine the extent to which arguments denying the nature, extent, and harm of nitrate emissions from the livestock industry, as well as solutions to the problem, appear in six national newspapers in the Netherlands from May 2019 to September 2024. We also categorise the type of arguments used and track whether they change over time. We focus on the mainstream media to determine whether the societal debate has been polluted by science denial, previously identified on social media (Hill and Weulen Kranenbarg, Tijdschrift voor Criminologie 66:248–272, 2024). Our findings indicate that arguments in support of science denial are found throughout the five-year period examined, although they are more concentrated in right-wing leaning newspapers. The narratives identified, such as emphasising the farmers as victims, pointing the finger at other industries, and arguing that the environmental harm is exaggerated, do not change across the period, indicating a hardened, as well as polarised,

By Jesús C. Aguerri, Fernando Miró-Llinares, Sara Sampayo

This article addresses the impact of social networks on the propagation of disinformation surrounding immigrants and their connection to crime in Spain, emphasizing whether the new media context has altered the classic processes of moral panic formation. To this end, we consulted the database of hoaxes constructed by Maldita, the Fact-Checking Agency, and conducted a dual analysis. The first analysis was a time series analysis, and the second was a content analysis of the hoaxes. The findings suggest that the contemporary digital disinformation phenomenon manifests in irregular 'waves', which do not directly correspond to external media events. Furthermore, while the topic of crime remains a central element in the construction of moral panics, the current climate of polarization in the new media environment appears to see a shift in focus towards the dissemination of false information, attributing statements to both political and media agents regarding their stance on migration, rather than on the connection between migration and crime itself. This paper discusses the extent of these changes as well as the aspects that remain unmodified.

By Mª Carmen Segura Cuenca, Nieves Erades Pérez

This study analyses the influence of social media as an information source on the perception of public insecurity, a phenomenon of growing relevance in the global context. Using data from the Seventh Wave of the World Values Survey (2017–2022), covering 66 countries, we assess the relationship between access to different information media and the perception of insecurity, while also considering sociodemographic and geographical factors. The methodology combined descriptive analyses, Chi-square tests, Kruskal-Wallis and Mann-Whitney U tests, a multilevel ordinal logistic regression model, and a decision tree model to identify key patterns. The results show that citizens who predominantly rely on social media for information tend to perceive higher levels of insecurity, with significant differences observed across regions and sociodemographic groups. Additionally, the analysis revealed non-linear associations between media consumption frequency and perceived insecurity, particularly with social media and traditional media such as newspapers and radio. These findings underscore the need for public policies aimed at regulating the quality of information on social media, in order to mitigate the spread of misinformation and its effects on security perceptions and social cohesion.

By Jillian Segal AO, Special Envoy to Combat Antisemitism

This handbook supports national efforts to understand, recognise and counter antisemitism across all sectors of Australian society. The handbook is a guide to the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance Working Definition of Antisemitism, the definition adopted by the Australian Government, contextualised for Australian life. It reflects the lived experience of Jewish Australians and responds to a deeply concerning rise in antisemitism across the country. The resource is practical, evidence-based and sector-specific. It is aimed for schools, universities, workplaces, government agencies, community organisations and anyone seeking to understand and combat antisemitism in Australia today. The handbook forms part of the broader program of work under the Special envoy's plan to combat antisemitism.

Editor : Anni Hesselink

Criminology and Victimology - International Perspectives elucidates the practical contributions, engagements, focal areas, and applications of expertise, knowledge, and skills by criminologists and victimologists in practice, thereby extending towards an invaluable enhancement of intellectually enriching multidisciplinary fields within the realms of human and social sciences, the criminal justice system, and both the formal and informal sectors of society. This book highlights the role and contributions of criminologists in formulating pre-sentence reports for the judiciary and informing sentencing decisions. It also highlights the acumen and capabilities of rural criminologists, along with their analytical endeavors and initiatives concerning rural environments, as well as the risks and victimization of livestock. Profound insights can be derived from criminological and victimological assessments of sexual and gender minority men (SGMM), including individuals from the lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ+) community, who face victimization and stigma within correctional contexts. Sociological inquiries from Montenegro unveil critical risk factors associated with juvenile offenders, correlating these risks with unstable family dynamics and exposure, thereby illuminating the offender-victim nexus and applying practical skills concerning these individuals. In Iran, criminology and victimology remain heavily reliant on criminal law, which stifles the professionalization and career prospects within the judicial sphere, thereby accentuating the necessity for advancing criminology and victimology as autonomous disciplines with tangible career trajectories. They are frequently subject to misapprehension. This book, Criminology and Victimology - International Practices, endeavors to elucidate the academic and theoretical frameworks that have evolved into a compelling and pragmatic application of knowledge and expertise. It entails that while firmly anchored in scientific theories, principles, and research, the fields of criminology and victimology have matured to furnish invaluable and pragmatic insights and contributions to multidisciplinary teams.

ntechOpen, 2025.

By Gary LaFree

The study of terrorism represents one of the major turning points in criminology of the twenty-first century. In the space of just two decades, research on terrorism and political extremism went from a relatively uncommon niche to a widely recognized criminological specialization. Terrorism research now appears in nearly all mainstream criminology journals; college courses on terrorism and political violence have been added to the curricula of most criminology departments; and a growing number of criminology students are choosing terrorism as a suitable topic for class papers, research topics, theses and dissertations. The purpose of this book is to explore similarities and differences between terrorism and more ordinary forms of crime. This Element considers the ways that criminology has contributed to the study of terrorism and the impact the increasing interest in terrorism has had on criminology. This Element also provides empirical comparisons of terrorist attacks to more ordinary crimes and criminal offenders.

Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2023.

By Elizabeth Poole, Eva Haifa Giraud, Ed de Quincey and John E. Richardson

This book focuses on digital attempts to contest Islamophobicnarratives, during a historical period where racialised Islamophobiahas shifted beyond the domain of the extreme right and beenlegitimised in a range of national contexts. The capacity of socialmedia to contest hate is heavily debated, however, in increasinglypolarised democracies, it is important to ask which conditions enablecounter-narratives against hate to emerge as well as identifying theconditions that undermine them. To answer these questions, ContestingHate draws on a unique five-year dataset, which includes a corpus ofalmost 4 million tweets related to three ‘trigger events’: theChristchurch terrorist attacks, Brexit, and the Covid-19 pandemic,alongside interviews with digital activists. The book reveals thecontrasting ways that Islamophobia is articulated and mobilised in thecontext of white supremacism, Hindu nationalism, and ‘culture wars’debates. It identifies the limits and potentials in varied attempts tocontest Islamophobia: ranging from hashtag and counter-narrativecampaigns led by NGOs, to (sometimes counter-productive) attempts bywould-be allies to call out racism and political hypocrisy. The bookdemonstrates the specific event-user-platform dynamics that enable orlimit the circulation of online hate, and the ambivalences associatedwith attempts to contest it in a context where the moderation ofTwitter was stricter and users who propagated hate were removed. Inthe process, the project advances an interdisciplinary approach, thatworks across media studies, computer science, sociology, and culturaltheory, that offers a new theoretical and methodological framework forunderstanding digital hate and mediated activism.

Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2026

By Australia's Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia

On 30 September 2024, the Australian Government announced the appointment of Mr Aftab Malik as Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia in Australia. This is an independent submission by the Special Envoy to the Australian Government detailing 54 recommendations. The recommendations follow hundreds of hours of consultations and listening with Muslim communities and Muslim leaders across Australia and engagement with national and international experts. The report outlines the deep impact of anti-Muslim prejudice on the nation and provides a strategic framework with practical steps to address the problem. Four principles of the recommendations have been identified.

Islamophobia engenders social exclusion, which leads to a degraded sense of personal safety, a deterioration in health, impaired performance in education and productivity in the workforce. It also corrodes a sense of belonging, citizenship and trust in government. Islamophobia has far-reaching implications for all Australians because it produces an “us” and “them” dynamic, which undermines Australia’s core values such as mutual respect, inclusion, fairness and compassion. Fear, hatred and the mistrust of Muslim Australians and Islam encourage people to act on fear instead of fact, and legitimise prejudice and dehumanisation. Islamophobia is not a Muslim issue, but a social cohesion issue, and therefore a challenge for all Australians. It is envisaged that the following federal agencies and other authorities will work together and play a key role in actioning the recommendations: Department of the Prime Minister and Cabinet Parliamentary Joint Committee on Human Rights Department of Home Affairs Attorney-General’s Department Department of Education Department of Health, Disability and Ageing, Department of Foreign Affairs and Tradeustralian Sports Commission, Department of Social Services, Department of Employment and Workplace Relations Department of Infrastructure, Transport, Regional Development, Communications, Sport and the Arts
Parliament of Australia — Parliamentary Joint Committee on Parliamentary Standards, The Office of the Special Envoy to Combat Islamophobia (OSECI) 2025.

By J. Rob Bray, Matthew Gray, Deirdre Howard-Wagner Bernard Baffour, Francis Markham, Kate Doery, Elfie Shiosaki, Perri Chapman, Lorana Bartels, Nicholas Biddle

A presentation of the Racism@Uni survey, conducted in August and September 2025, as part of a broader study into racism at Australian universities being undertaken by the Australian Human Rights Commission. The survey asked whether people had experienced racism in the past two years, and if so where. It asked about student and staff experiences of, and perceptions about, their university, their knowledge of policies to address racism, and whether they took precautionary actions to guard against racism. 42 out of the 43 Australian universities participated in the survey. From the 1.65 million invitations sent to Australian university staff and students 76,131 responses were obtained. There are key areas of the study environment at universities which need to be addressed, including the management of small group learning environments, and placements and internships. While some university policies are seen as effective, others, such as the management of complaints, were not, and some policies were seen as being performative, rather than substantive. This is Part A of a two-part report. Part B is Thematic analysis of qualitative responses to question F12.

Key findings

The high levels of interpersonal racism reported at universities reflect wider racism across the Australian community, rather than simply being specific to universities. Some dimensions of reported racism reflect wider conflicts, including in this survey, conflict in the Middle East. A recurrent element of the experience of racism for many staff and students were constraints on being able to speak freely. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff and students reported high levels of racism and expressed mixed views about university policies and practices. Racism at university impacts negatively on students’ study, staff careers, and on staff and student mental health. It is also deleterious to people’s participation at university and their sense of belonging.

By The Department of Education (Australia)

The implementation plan reflects Education Ministers’ shared commitment to ensuring that every Australian school is a safe, inclusive and respectful learning environment. The plan includes commitments for all education sectors and schools to embed and reflect the expectations of the National Framework for Addressing Bullying in Schools in their policies and procedure by Term 1 2027.

By Laura Doherty, Christopher Dowling and Meg Dickens

Online communities of ‘incels’ (involuntary celibates) have become synonymous with the promotion of misogyny and violence against women, particularly in light of recent violent incidents connected to them. Understanding how men stop engaging with these online communities is therefore important for broader violence prevention efforts. This study used a qualitative survey of self-identified former incels to determine motivations for disengagement, strategies to facilitate disengagement, and whether and how their attitudes towards violence against women changed with disengagement. Findings indicate that, while motivations to disengage varied, the strongest was disillusionment. This motivation in particular often led to improved attitudes towards women upon disengagement.

By Mª Carmen Segura Cuenca, Nieves Erades Pérez

This study analyses the influence of social media as an information source on the perception of public insecurity, a phenomenon of growing relevance in the global context. Using data from the Seventh Wave of the World Values Survey (2017–2022), covering 66 countries, we assess the relationship between access to different information media and the perception of insecurity, while also considering sociodemographic and geographical factors. The methodology combined descriptive analyses, Chi-square tests, Kruskal-Wallis and Mann-Whitney U tests, a multilevel ordinal logistic regression model, and a decision tree model to identify key patterns. The results show that citizens who predominantly rely on social media for information tend to perceive higher levels of insecurity, with significant differences observed across regions and sociodemographic groups. Additionally, the analysis revealed non-linear associations between media consumption frequency and perceived insecurity, particularly with social media and traditional media such as newspapers and radio. These findings underscore the need for public policies aimed at regulating the quality of information on social media, in order to mitigate the spread of misinformation and its effects on security perceptions and social cohesion.

Eur J Crim Policy Res 31, 377–398 (2025)

By Jesús C. Aguerri, Fernando Miró-Llinares, Sara Sampayo

This article addresses the impact of social networks on the propagation of disinformation surrounding immigrants and their connection to crime in Spain, emphasizing whether the new media context has altered the classic processes of moral panic formation. To this end, we consulted the database of hoaxes constructed by Maldita, the Fact-Checking Agency, and conducted a dual analysis. The first analysis was a time series analysis, and the second was a content analysis of the hoaxes. The findings suggest that the contemporary digital disinformation phenomenon manifests in irregular 'waves', which do not directly correspond to external media events. Furthermore, while the topic of crime remains a central element in the construction of moral panics, the current climate of polarization in the new media environment appears to see a shift in focus towards the dissemination of false information, attributing statements to both political and media agents regarding their stance on migration, rather than on the connection between migration and crime itself. This paper discusses the extent of these changes as well as the aspects that remain unmodified.

Eur J Crim Policy Res 31, 399–419 (2025)

By J. M. Hill, M. Weulen Kranenbarg

Since May 2019, the Netherlands has been in the grip of a ‘nitrogen crisis’. Kicked off by a judicial decision, but with decades of environmental harm by the extensive Dutch livestock industry at its heart, the crisis has been characterised by farmer protests, the emergence of new political forces, and, at times, intense societal debate about how to tackle the problem. Many in the agricultural industry and beyond oppose reducing livestock numbers to protect vulnerable ecosystems. The arguments they use to do so recall themes from climate change denial, a well-documented form of science denial. In this paper, we examine the extent to which arguments denying the nature, extent, and harm of nitrate emissions from the livestock industry, as well as solutions to the problem, appear in six national newspapers in the Netherlands from May 2019 to September 2024. We also categorise the type of arguments used and track whether they change over time. We focus on the mainstream media to determine whether the societal debate has been polluted by science denial, previously identified on social media (Hill and Weulen Kranenbarg, Tijdschrift voor Criminologie 66:248–272, 2024). Our findings indicate that arguments in support of science denial are found throughout the five-year period examined, although they are more concentrated in right-wing leaning newspapers. The narratives identified, such as emphasising the farmers as victims, pointing the finger at other industries, and arguing that the environmental harm is exaggerated, do not change across the period, indicating a hardened, as well as polarised, debate.

Eur J Crim Policy Res 31, 451–475 (2025).

By Inês Sousa Guedes, Beatriz Vigo, Margarida Santos, Samuel Moreira, Carla Sofia Cardoso, Josefina Castro

Recent global events, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine war, have heightened concerns over disinformation and its implications for security and democracy. Disinformation involves the deliberate spread of false or misleading content to influence beliefs and behaviors, often driven by political or economic motives. This study explores disinformation dynamics in Portugal, assessing public and political vulnerabilities and the regulatory framework. Thirteen in-depth interviews with fifteen experts from governmental and non-governmental sectors in Portugal were conducted in late 2023. Results revealed that internal disinformation in Portugal remains comparatively unsophisticated within the European Union (EU) context. Far-right movements in Portugal significantly contribute to political disinformation, amplifying populism and polarization discourses. Elections are particularly vulnerable to disinformation, with growing narratives around immigration, race, and gender issues increasing societal division. Furthermore, Portugal is not a primary target of state-sponsored disinformation campaigns, due to its small size, unified political system, and reduced electorate. However, its integration into the EU and NATO exposes it to broader, regional disinformation strategies. Regulatory efforts within the EU, transitioning from self-regulation to co-regulation with digital platforms, are seen as a step forward. However, concerns remain about sustainability, platform compliance, and the need for preventive measures. In sum, this study highlights the evolution of disinformation in Portugal, the vulnerabilities it creates, and the critical need for enhanced regulatory and educational interventions. These findings contribute to broader discussions on resilience to disinformation within democratic societies.

 Eur J Crim Policy Res 31, 529–557 (2025)

by Graeme Newman and the Machine

Why do we need rules? Who makes them? Who benefits from them? And what happens when we begin to question them?

Rules: An Argument with The Machine is a unique collection of short stories exploring one of the most fundamental features of human society: rules.

From ancient villages to futuristic cities, from courts of law to battlefields, from schools and prisons to utopian experiments, these stories examine the rules that govern our lives and the consequences of obeying, bending, or breaking them.

But this is more than a collection of stories.

Each story began as a collaboration between author Graeme Newman and an artificial intelligence. The Machine produced a story. The author responded, sometimes agreeing, often challenging, and occasionally mocking the machine's tendency toward optimism, redemption, and tidy moral conclusions. The result became an ongoing conversation about law, justice, power, morality, freedom, authority, conformity, and human nature itself.

As the stories unfold, a second narrative emerges:

• Can society exist without rules?

• Can rules exist without injustice?

• And can a machine ever understand the messy realities of human life?

Part philosophical inquiry, part social commentary, part literary experiment, Rules: An Argument with a Machine invites readers to join a lively debate between human skepticism and artificial optimism.

The stories may not provide definitive answers. But they ask questions worth arguing about.

In This Volume

• In the beginning: The origins of rules and morality

• The rise of rulers and authority

• Law, punishment, and social control

• Rule worshippers and rule breakers

• Utopias, dystopias, and "Ruletopia"

• The continuing dialogue between a human author and his machine co-author

For readers interested in social issues, criminal justice, political thought, philosophy, artificial intelligence, and the strange ways stories can illuminate the human condition.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. p.192.

By Lillian Patil & Dr. Marshall L. White With research assistance by Tim Curry, Alejandra Davila, Tanisha Pierrette, & Joanna Weiss

For years, advocates have known that fine and fee reform changes lives. Now we have the numbers to prove it. In our new report The Cost We No Longer Pay, FFJC presents a first-of-its-kind analysis of the impact of fine and fee reform efforts over the last eight years. Since 2018, we estimate that fine and fee reforms have delivered $37.5 billion in financial relief to families and communities. This is money that stays in people’s hands instead of being funneled into government coffers in ill-fated attempts to raise revenue. It’s money people can now spend to support themselves, their families, and their communities. $37.5 billion is enough to pay for a full year of groceries for roughly 3.1 million families - enough to feed every family in Los Angeles, Atlanta, San Antonio, Charlotte and Jacksonville, Florida combined.  

Over the last 10 years, 1 in 3 people have been impacted by court debt. Fines and fees don’t just cause a one-time inconvenience; they follow people for years, destabilize communities, and extract money from those who least afford it. This report shows why every policy win matters— fine and fee reform works. When we eliminate the fines and fees that burden families, we open up possibilities for people to use that money on the things that matter. These findings are a testament to years of advocacy — and a roadmap for what's possible when we keep fighting for families.

By Melinda Leturi

Abstract:

Humanitarianism is increasingly shaped by the convergence of environmental change, conflict, urbanization, displacement, and public health emergencies. At the same time, advances in geospatial artificial intelligence (GeoAI) are transforming the collection, analysis, and application of geospatial information for humanitarian responses. This paper presents a SALSA-based (Search, Appraisal, Synthesis, Analysis) integrative review examining the intersections of GeoAI, humanitarian action, environmental justice, infrastructure, and governance. Eighty publications, including twelve comprehensive review articles, were examined to identify major research themes, applications, and emerging challenges. The review demonstrates that Humanitarian GeoAI extends beyond technical innovation to encompass interconnected dimensions of infrastructure, analytical methods, humanitarian applications, and environmental justice, ethics, and governance. These findings are synthesized into a conceptual framework illustrating how geospatial infrastructures enable GeoAI methods, which support humanitarian applications and generate outcomes requiring ethical oversight and governance. The analysis identifies two cross-cutting challenges: the humanitarian–military dual-use dilemma, in which shared data, infrastructures, and analytical systems support both humanitarian and military objectives, and the privacy–safety dilemma, where efforts to protect vulnerable populations may simultaneously increase exposure to surveillance and harm. Future advances in autonomous GIS, generative artificial intelligence, and digital twins are likely to further reshape humanitarian practice. This review demonstrates that the future of Humanitarian GeoAI depends not only on technological innovation but also on governance frameworks capable of promoting environmental justice, accountability, and the protection of vulnerable populations.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. p.24

By Nicholas Blagden, Luke Vinter, Jade Mason, Eve Penford & Polly Delliere-Moor

For the past two decades, His Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service (HMPPS) in England and Wales have delivered an accredited offending behaviour programme aimed at adult males (and transgender females) with sexual convictions who present with offence-related (paraphilic) sexual interests. It is called the Healthy Sex Programme (HSP). HSP is based on a biopsychosocial model of change and draws on a variety of intervention procedures from across a wide spectrum clinical practice in applied psychology. The programme is open to those with and without learning disability and challenges (LDC) and is typically accessed following the completion of a primary accredited programme.

It provides 12 to 30 hours of one-to-one therapeutic time, split across five modules of clinical content, and is designed to increase safe sexual selfregulation, to strengthen social capacities for prosocial change and motivation to desist from crime through its eight aims set out below. 1. Understand healthy and unhealthy sex. 2. Identify and regulate triggers to arousal to healthy and unhealthy sex. 3. Increase arousal to healthy sex and reduce arousal to unhealthy sex. 4. Increase behavioural control over sexual thoughts and urges. 5. Strengthen skills for adult intimacy. 6. Strengthen a compassionate self with intention and skills to be helpful not harmful. 7. Clarify personal values and ensure values dignify learning skills for change. 8. Update Relapse Prevention plans.