By Cecilia Jacob | Cecilia.Jacob and

Mujeeb Kanth |

Hate speech and incitement have been instrumental in atrocity crimes that have occurred in India, even prior to its independence. These atrocities include targeted killings of minorities based on religious and ethnic identity, and demonstrate persistent features of systematic, orchestrated violence that is fuelled by a Hindu nationalist ideology. This ideology is routinely promulgated at the highest levels of political leadership. This article traces both the historical and institutional character of hate speech and incitement in India to understand its repeated manifestation over time. Through case studies of recent violence, it considers the implications of new legal developments, technology and the covid-19 pandemic on the character and dynamic of hate speech, incitement and atrocity violence in India. It considers key reforms and areas for accountability on which the international community could engage the government and civil society in India on the issue of hate speech and incitement to promote atrocity prevention at the domestic level.

Global Responsibility to Protect 15 (2023) 209–245

By David Spencer

In this policy note we outline the origins of Non-Crime Hate Incidents (NCHIs), the approach by police forces to recording them and their threefold impact: (1) distracting police officers from focusing on what should be the core mission of policing to fight crime, (2) curtailing the employment prospects of individual members of the public through inappropriate disclosures of NCHIs, and (3) having a broader chilling effect on freedom of expression in our society. The origins of NCHIs can be found in the Stephen Lawrence Inquiry, published in 1999, which recommended that the police formally log “racist incidents” that did not reach the threshold of being a criminal offence. Subsequently expanded to cover other types of incident, NCHIs were entrenched in policing practice through the College of Policing’s 2014 ‘Hate Crime Operational Guidance’. As a result of a successful legal challenge in 2021, R (on the application of Miller) v College of Policing, the previous Government exercised its statutory power to introduce a new Code of Practice for the recording of NCHIs in June 2023. Until this point NCHIs had no formal basis in legislation whatsoever. The Code of Practice, issued pursuant section 60 of the Police, Crime, Sentencing and Courts Act 2022, defines Non-Crime Hate Incidents (NCHIs) as: “an incident or alleged incident which involves or is alleged to involve an act by a person (‘the subject’) which is perceived by a person other than the subject to be motivated - wholly or partly - by hostility or prejudice towards persons with a particular characteristic.” This paper demonstrates that the protections which Parliament and the previous Government attempted to introduce through this Code of Practice have been largely ineffective. A recent Inspection by His Majesty’s Inspectorate for Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services (HMICFRS) shows that police forces have been willing entirely to ignore – and in fact to act contrary to – the Code of Practice. Out of 120 case files examined by HMICFRS sixteen NCHIs and fourteen hate crimes had been incorrectly recorded by police forces – an error rate of 25%. Of the 120 cases that HMICFRS reviewed, police had incorrectly recorded seven incidents on school premises. That police forces are failing to get it right is no surprise – their track record in this domain has been poor. In 2021, Merseyside Police were rightly criticised for producing a false and misleading advertising campaign which contained the slogan “BEING OFFENSIVE IS AN OFFENCE” – revealing that the officers involved were entirely wrong in their understanding of the law. A senior officer in the force subsequently withdrew the campaign and attempted to shift the blame onto the “local policing team on the Wirral”. Police forces continue to be highly opaque in their approach to NCHIs – producing little clarity over their policies or data relating to the recording of NCHIs. What data does exist shows that there is very wide variation in rates of reporting between police forces. Essex Police, records NCHIs at a rate of 21.5 NCHIs per 100 officers per annum in 2023 – a rate three times that of the Met, four times that of Greater Manchester and ten times that of West Yorkshire. The number of NCHIs recorded per 100 officers per annum is 7.2 in the Metropolitan Police, 5.72 in Greater Manchester Police and 2.4 in West Yorkshire Police. This compares to an estimated national rate in the 12 months to June 2024 of 8.9 NCHIs recorded per 100 officers. The distraction of police officers from other, more important activities is of grave concern to great swathes of the public – particularly given NCHIs do not involve allegations of criminality. In many cases Police and Crime Commissioners have been insufficiently robust in ensuring that forces have been focused on the fight against crime. In doing so it appears that PCCs are demonstrating an undue regard for an expansive understanding of police chiefs’ ‘operational independence’ – something the public will not thank them for. (continued)

London: Policy Exchange, 2024. 38p.

The Emotions of LGBT Rights and Reforms:

Repairing Law

By Senthorun Sunil Raj

Emotions are central to the pursuit, organisation, and contestation of LGBT rights in law. The Emotions of LGBT Rights and Reforms: Repairing Law analyses emotions that shape conflicts of rights that emerge between different minoritised groups across law reforms directed at better supporting LGBT people. This book examines law reform debates about religious exceptions to anti-discrimination laws, legal recognition of trans people, bans on “conversion therapy,” and sex and LGBT education in schools from jurisdictions like the United Kingdom, Australia, and the United States. Drawing from socio-legal theories, this book develops the concept of “emotional grammar” to show how emotions structure law reform pursuits (by threading Hansard, legislation, case law, law reform consultations, statutory guidance) and explains why addressing this emotional grammar is important for scholars, lawyers, judges, legislators, and activists seeking to navigate conflicts over LGBT rights and reforms that aim to repair the inequalities faced by LGBT people.

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2025.

Edited by Tony Roberts and Tanja Bosch

Since the so-called Arab Spring, citizens of African countries have continued to use digital tools in creative ways to ensure that marginalised voices are heard, and to demand for the rights they are entitled to in law: to freely associate, to form opinions, and to express them online without fear of violence or arrest. The authors of this compelling open access volume have brought to life this dramatic struggle for the digital realm between citizens and governments; documenting in vivid detail how citizens are using mobile and internet tools in powerful viral global campaigns to hold governments accountable and force policy change. With contributions from scholars across the continent, Digital Citizenship in Africa illustrates how citizens have been using VPNs, encryption, and privacy-protecting browsers to resist limits on their rights to privacy and political speech. This book dramatically expands our understanding of the vast and growing arsenal of tech tools, tactics, and techniques now being deployed by repressive governments to limit the ability of citizens to safely and openly express opposition to government and corporate actions. AI-enabled surveillance, covertly deployed disinformation, and internet shutdowns are documented in ten countries, concluding with recommendations on how to curb government and corporate power, and how to re-invigorate digital citizenship across Africa. The ebook editions of this book are available open access under a CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 licence on bloomsburycollections.com.

London: Zed Books, 2023. 256p.

By C. Raymond Beazley. Edited by Colin Heston

Prince Henry the Navigator: The Hero of Portugal and of Modern Discovery, 1394–1460 A.D. by C. Raymond Beazley is a scholarly and richly detailed biography that explores the life and legacy of Prince Henry of Portugal, a pivotal figure in the early Age of Exploration. Beazley’s work is more than just a biography—it’s a comprehensive historical study that places Prince Henry within the broader context of medieval geographical knowledge and the intellectual currents of Christian Europe. The book is structured to serve both as a narrative of Prince Henry’s life and as an account of the geographical and scientific progress that laid the groundwork for his achievements.

Though he never personally embarked on voyages, Prince Henry was instrumental in initiating and supporting expeditions along the West African coast. He established a navigation school at Sagres, where he gathered cartographers, sailors, and scholars to advance maritime knowledge. Beazley highlights the development of the caravel and other innovations that enabled longer and more efficient sea voyages. He also explores the political stability and ambition of Portugal under the House of Aviz, which made such exploration possible.

The book opens with a detailed preface and chapters that trace the evolution of geographical science from the Crusades onward, showing how medieval Europe’s understanding of the world set the stage for the Age of Discovery. Beazley combines rigorous scholarship with engaging storytelling, weaving together facts, anecdotes, and analysis to portray Prince Henry as a transformative figure in world history. Written in a formal, academic tone, the book is ideal for History enthusiasts, Students of medieval and early modern Europe and Scholars of exploration and maritime history.

It remains a valuable resource for understanding how one man’s vision helped launch Europe into a new era of global exploration.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 191p.

By H. G. Wells

H. G. Wells’s A Short History of the World is a sweeping and ambitious narrative that compresses the entire story of humanity into a single, accessible volume. Written in clear, engaging prose, Wells aimed to make the great arc of world history comprehensible to a general audience, without requiring specialized knowledge.

The book opens with the origins of the Earth, tracing the formation of the planet and the earliest appearance of life, before moving to the evolution of humankind. Wells then explores the emergence of civilizations across Mesopotamia, Egypt, India, and China, carefully weaving together political, religious, and cultural developments into a unified story. His coverage spans the ancient empires, classical Greece and Rome, the rise of Christianity and Islam, the medieval period, the Renaissance, and the Enlightenment.

In the later chapters, Wells addresses the industrial age, scientific discoveries, and the sweeping social and political transformations of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Writing just after the First World War, he gives particular attention to the global impact of modern warfare and the urgent need for new international structures to avoid future catastrophe.

Unlike a traditional textbook, Wells’s work reflects his perspective as both a novelist and a futurist. He is concerned not only with recounting events but also with tracing the moral and intellectual progress of humankind. His narrative frequently comments on human unity, the dangers of nationalism, and the promise of scientific and social cooperation.

A Short History of the World became one of Wells’s most widely read nonfiction works and remains notable as an early 20th-century attempt at a "world history for everyone," blending science, history, and philosophy. Though some interpretations and factual details have since been superseded by later scholarship, the book stands as a landmark in popular historical writing.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 354p..

By M. H. Cochran (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Michael H. Cochran’s Germany Not Guilty in 1914, published in 1931, stands as a provocative and revisionist challenge to the dominant narrative of German culpability for the outbreak of World War I. Written in response to Bernadotte Schmitt’s influential The Coming of the War, Cochran’s book offers a meticulous critique of the “war guilt” thesis enshrined in the Treaty of Versailles, which placed sole responsibility for the war on Germany. With a foreword by Harry Elmer Barnes and later commentary by Henry Adams, the book is deeply embedded in the interwar historiographical debates that questioned the moral and political foundations of postwar peace settlements.

Published during a period of growing disillusionment with the Versailles Treaty and rising revisionist sentiment in the United States and Europe, Cochran’s work was part of a broader intellectual movement that sought to rehabilitate Germany’s image and challenge the punitive postwar order. While not universally accepted, the book found an audience among scholars and political thinkers who viewed the war guilt clause as unjust and historically flawed. Its reception was mixed—praised for its rigor and boldness, but criticized for its perceived apologetics and selective use of evidence.

In 2025, Germany Not Guilty in 1914 remains relevant not only as a historical artifact but as a lens through which to examine the politics of blame, the construction of historical narratives, and the enduring consequences of diplomatic failure. The evolution from “guilt” to “responsibility” reflects broader changes in how societies understand conflict, justice, and reconciliation. As international law and historical memory continue to intersect—especially in debates over reparations, war crimes, and collective trauma—Cochran’s challenge to the Versailles narrative invites reflection on how history is written, who writes it, and to what ends.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.166.

By Harry Elmer Barnes (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Harry Elmer Barnes’s In Quest of Truth and Justice stands as a provocative and enduring challenge to the way history is written, remembered, and weaponized. Published in 1928, the book is a cornerstone of historical revisionism, particularly in its reassessment of the causes and culpability of World War I. Barnes argued that the dominant narrative—one that placed sole blame on Germany—was not only historically inaccurate but also morally unjust. He believed that truth and justice in historical scholarship required a fearless confrontation with political orthodoxy and propaganda, especially when such narratives served the interests of victors and power structures.
Barnes’s work was not merely an academic exercise; it was a moral crusade against what he saw as the corruption of historical truth by political expediency. He insisted that historians must act as independent arbiters of fact, not as servants of state ideology. His critique of the Treaty of Versailles and the war guilt clause was rooted in a broader concern: that distorted history could perpetuate injustice, fuel future conflicts, and undermine democratic accountability.
This ethos—of challenging dominant narratives and seeking justice through historical clarity—finds powerful echoes in today’s global conflicts, particularly in Ukraine and Gaza. Both crises are steeped in competing historical claims, contested identities, and politicized narratives that shape international responses and public opinion.
In both Ukraine and Gaza, Barnes’s legacy invites us to ask uncomfortable questions: Who controls the narrative? Whose history is being told, and whose is being silenced? Are we pursuing truth and justice, or merely reinforcing the power structures of the present?
Ultimately, In Quest of Truth and Justice is not just a historical text—it is a call to intellectual courage. In an age of polarized media, geopolitical propaganda, and moral ambiguity, Barnes’s work reminds us that history is not a weapon to be wielded by the powerful, but a mirror in which societies must confront their own truths. As we grapple with the complexities of Ukraine and Gaza, his message remains urgent: justice begins with honest history.

By Prof. Uichol Kim, Ph.D

Recent researches indicate that naional and personal wealth and happiness are not always posiively correlated. It is true that people who are rich and who live in economically developed naions (e.g., Finland, France, and Singapore) reported being happy, and people who are living in relaively poor countries reported being unhappy (e.g., Cambodia, Kenya, and Poland). However, many people in economically developed naions reported being relaively unhappy (e.g., Japan, Norway, and United States) and people who live in poor countries reported being happy (e.g., Bhutan, China, and Indonesia). These results indicate inancial resources may be necessary for happiness but are not suicient to make people happy, healthy and have a high quality of life.

UDAYANA UNIVERSITY PRESS, 2011, 468p.

By Zorica Kuburić, Ljiljana Ćumura, Ana Zotova

Када кажемо (некад љутито) детету: „Смири се већ једном, буди миран!“ - шта хожемо да кажемо? Кажемо и себи и детету оно што је немогуће. Мира нема, нити ће га бити јер га нема најпре у човеку, а онда и у људском друштву. А мир нам је ипак неопходан. Опет велим, нигде нема мира. Крећу се непрекидно атоми, ћели- је, неурони у људском мозгу, галаксије у космосу. Живот је вечити не- мир, али какав? Деструктиван и/или конструктиван? Бог такође не мирује, Он стално ствара, значи да је у сталном покрету, видљивом и невидљивом. Па ипак се у Библији каже да је је- дан дан у току стварања Бог наменио и себи и нама – миран дан, дан одмора. Сва жива бића једном се уморе, траже тај један дан у недељи – за предах, за сакупљање нове енергије, за нови немир.

204p.

By J. B. W. Gardiner

J. B. W. Gardiner’s German Plans for the Next War stands as a striking historical artifact and a warning. Written in the years following the First World War, this book represents not merely a record of military ambitions and strategic foresight, but also a chilling reminder of how nations, even when defeated, may never truly lay down their arms in spirit. Gardiner sought to expose what he regarded as the continuing German military mindset—a culture that, rather than abandoning war after the devastation of 1914–1918, appeared to him to be laying the intellectual and institutional groundwork for another, even greater conflict.

The book must be read in the context of its time. Published in an era when the Allied powers hoped the Versailles Treaty had secured peace, Gardiner’s research suggested otherwise. He observed that German generals, strategists, and political leaders were already imagining how to overcome the limitations imposed upon them. He highlighted the persistence of doctrines, the careful cultivation of future officers, and the intellectual determination to turn defeat into a temporary setback rather than a permanent condition. In this respect, Gardiner’s work was both a study in military planning and a diagnosis of political psychology: it warned that humiliation often breeds vengeance, and that nations denied overt military power will often channel their energies into hidden preparation.

From today’s perspective, Gardiner’s warnings seem prophetic. Barely two decades after the publication of this book, Germany under Adolf Hitler plunged Europe into the Second World War. Many of the tendencies Gardiner identified—the rejection of defeat, the cultivation of military thought despite disarmament, the hunger for revision of borders and prestige—proved to be more than passing fears. His analysis reminds us that ideologies of militarism, when not dismantled but merely suppressed, can return with renewed force.

Yet the significance of German Plans for the Next War extends beyond the German case. In 2025, Gardiner’s study forces us to ask uncomfortable questions about our own world. What happens when nations suffer defeat or humiliation but retain the intellectual, cultural, or economic drive to reassert themselves? Can peace treaties and international institutions alone guarantee stability, or must the underlying forces of militarism, nationalism, and strategic ambition be confronted directly? These questions resonate in a time of shifting global power balances, renewed territorial disputes, and technological arms races.

The book also underscores a broader lesson about vigilance. International observers in the 1920s might have dismissed Gardiner’s warnings as exaggerated, even alarmist. Many wanted to believe that the League of Nations and economic reconstruction would prevent future wars. Yet history vindicated the cautionary voice. For us today, amid conflicts in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia, Gardiner’s work suggests the danger of complacency. Strategic planning for war often takes place long before the world notices; by the time it becomes visible, it may be too late.

In revisiting Gardiner’s German Plans for the Next War, readers confront both the legacy of the First World War and a timeless warning about the persistence of military ambition. The book invites us to think critically about the conditions under which peace can be preserved, the role of foresight in international affairs, and the perennial truth that the seeds of future wars are often sown in the aftermath of present ones. Its enduring significance lies not only in its accurate anticipation of history, but in its reminder that vigilance, understanding, and courage are as necessary to preserve peace in the twenty-first century as they were in the twentieth.

By Munroe Smith. Introduction by Colin Heston.

When Munroe Smith, the American jurist and scholar of comparative constitutional law, published Militarism and Statecraft in the early twentieth century, the world stood at a threshold. The balance of power in Europe was faltering, national ambitions clashed violently with the ideals of peace and progress, and the question of whether nations could master the destructive temptations of militarism was no longer abstract. It was a pressing reality. Smith’s concern was not simply with armies and weapons, but with the deeper political psychology that drives nations toward war. He sought to expose how the logic of militarism—discipline, hierarchy, and force—could infiltrate civil government, undermining the very statecraft that was supposed to serve reason, justice, and stability.

At the time of its writing, Smith was addressing the dangers of an era when Prussian militarism, the rivalries of empires, and the failure of diplomacy threatened the international order. His work can be read as both analysis and warning: a sober reflection on how the pursuit of military superiority can distort the priorities of states, drawing them away from long-term peace toward short-term domination. For Smith, the central challenge was not only to prepare adequately for defense but also to ensure that the military ethos did not overwhelm civil society and political judgment.

The value of these reflections is not confined to Smith’s age. In 2025, more than a century later, the tension between militarism and statecraft persists, albeit in new forms. The end of the Cold War did not usher in an era of lasting peace, but rather revealed the fragility of international institutions and the persistence of rival nationalisms. Today, the global order is marked by renewed great-power competition, particularly between the United States and China, alongside Russia’s continuing assertiveness in Europe. The conflicts in Ukraine, the South China Sea, and the Middle East remind us that the balance of deterrence and diplomacy remains unstable.

Moreover, the rise of advanced technologies—autonomous weapons systems, cyberwarfare, artificial intelligence in military planning, and the militarization of outer space—has created new arenas where Smith’s questions echo with urgency. If he warned against the creeping influence of military logic on the political state, how much more should we be concerned when the logic of algorithms and machine efficiency begins to shape the most consequential decisions of war and peace? The issue is no longer only about armies marching across borders but about invisible lines of code and satellites in orbit—yet the fundamental danger is the same: that the tools of defense become ends in themselves, driving state policy rather than serving it.

Smith also recognized that militarism poses a danger to the vitality of democratic institutions. In times of insecurity, citizens may surrender too readily to centralized authority, trading liberties for promises of safety. In 2025, as societies grapple with disinformation campaigns, rising authoritarianism, and deep political polarization, Smith’s warning acquires a renewed resonance. The militarization of politics—whether through expanded security states, the rhetoric of perpetual conflict, or the invocation of national emergency—remains a challenge to civic freedom.

What Smith offers, therefore, is not a simple rejection of military power but a call for balance. Statecraft requires prudence, restraint, and a recognition of the limits of force. True security, he suggests, cannot rest on militarism alone, for unchecked military logic corrodes the very foundations of peace. In 2025, as nations navigate the double-edged sword of military innovation and the uncertainty of a multipolar world, his insights invite us to reflect on the perennial dilemma: how can we cultivate security without letting the instruments of war dominate our political imagination?

To read Militarism and Statecraft today is to encounter a voice from another century that speaks to our own. It reminds us that the dilemmas of power, security, and diplomacy are not new, even as the technologies and actors change. Smith’s work urges us to see beyond immediate crises and to measure the costs of militarism not only in battles fought, but in the subtle ways it reshapes our societies, our freedoms, and our possibilities for peace. If the twenty-first century is to avoid the mistakes of the twentieth, it will be by heeding the balance that Smith demanded: a statecraft that governs militarism, rather than a militarism that governs the state.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 151p.

By W. H. Mallock

W. H. Mallock’s Aristocracy and Evolution: A Study of the Rights, the Origin, and the Social Functions of the Wealthier Classes stands as one of the most articulate and unapologetic defences of aristocracy produced in the late Victorian period. First published in 1898, the book emerges at a moment when Britain’s traditional ruling classes were confronting profound social and political changes: the extension of the franchise, the rise of organised labour, the spread of socialist ideas, and the increasing challenge of scientific modernity to long-standing moral and political assumptions. Mallock’s project is, at one level, a restatement of conservative principles; yet it is also an attempt to reframe aristocratic privilege in terms of contemporary scientific thought, particularly evolutionary theory. In doing so, he sought not merely to justify inequality, but to explain it as a necessary and even beneficial feature of social organisation.

Ultimately, Aristocracy and Evolution can serve both as a caution and a provocation in today’s political debates. For those wary of concentrated power, it warns that some degree of hierarchical leadership may be inescapable if societies are to function effectively. For those inclined to defend elites, it insists that legitimacy rests not on birth, wealth, or even innovation alone, but on demonstrable contributions to the public good. The intersection of these insights with the populist critique of unaccountable power yields a more demanding standard for leadership than either side often admits. Mallock’s Victorian defence of hierarchy thus becomes, in our time, a challenge to reimagine what responsible, capable, and accountable leadership might look like in an age when the very concept of authority is under strain.

That such questions remain unresolved more than a century later is a testament both to the durability of the problem and to the unsettling clarity with which Aristocracy and Evolution poses it. Whether one accepts Mallock’s conclusions or disputes them, the book demands that we consider, without sentimentality or evasion, the relationship between talent and power, and the terms on which society should entrust its future to the few who will inevitably shape it.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 195p.

By Alfred Wallace (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction) Format: Kindle Edition

Alfred Russel Wallace’s final major work, Social Environment and Moral Progress, is a profound reflection on human morality, society, and evolution, written at the culmination of a life devoted to scientific inquiry and humanitarian ideals.

Wallace argues that morality is an enduring and intrinsic aspect of human nature, resilient even in the face of adverse social conditions. He traces the persistence of moral truth throughout history, asserting that the "divine spark" of ethical consciousness cannot be extinguished by ignorance, poverty, or injustice . A central theme of the book is Wallace’s critique of industrial capitalism and social inequality. He condemns the Victorian era’s rapid economic growth for fostering unprecedented social immorality, where wealth accumulation came at the cost of human dignity and justice . He describes the social environment of his time as "rotten from top to bottom," emphasizing the failure of governments and elites to address widespread poverty and suffering . Wallace also challenges the misuse of evolutionary theory, particularly the ideas promoted by eugenicists and social Darwinists. He strongly opposes the notion that society should decide who is "fit" to reproduce, calling such policies morally repugnant and scientifically flawed .Instead, Wallace proposes a radical alternative rooted in cooperation and equality. He advocates for a universal basic income, believing it would empower individuals—especially women—to make reproductive choices freely and responsibly, reduce poverty, and foster a more moral and civilized society . He envisions a future where education, health, and freedom are universally accessible, allowing natural selection to operate through informed and compassionate human choices rather than brutal competition.

Wallace’s work stands as a visionary blend of evolutionary science and social reform, offering a hopeful and humanistic perspective on progress. His belief in the moral potential of humanity and the need for systemic change remains strikingly relevant today.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 111p.

By H. G. Wells. Introduction by Colin Heston

In the wake of the Great War, H.G. Wells’s What Is Coming? A European Forecast emerges not merely as a speculative treatise but as a profound intellectual reckoning with the forces that have shaped—and will continue to shape—the modern world. Written in 1916, at a time when the outcome of the war remained uncertain and its consequences unfathomable, Wells offers a sweeping analysis of the social, political, and economic transformations that the conflict has set in motion. His introduction to the future is not a prophecy in the mystical sense, but a reasoned extrapolation grounded in scientific thinking, historical precedent, and a deep understanding of human nature. Wells does not seek to predict events with precision; rather, he aims to illuminate the trajectories of thought, governance, and collective behavior that will define the post-war era.

In What Is Coming?, Wells does not offer comfort or certainty. He offers clarity, urgency, and a challenge. The future, he insists, will not be shaped by treaties or conferences alone, but by the moral and intellectual evolution of individuals and societies. The war has torn away the veils of tradition and exposed the raw materials of a new world. Whether that world will be built with wisdom or squandered in renewed conflict depends on the choices made in its aftermath. Wells invites his readers to think boldly, act generously, and prepare not just for peace, but for the responsibilities that peace entails.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 177p.

By Jesse Frederick Steiner

In Community Organization, Jesse Frederick Steiner offers a pioneering exploration of how communities evolve, organize, and mobilize to meet collective needs. First published in 1925, this seminal work remains a cornerstone in the fields of sociology and social work, providing timeless insights into the dynamics of community life.

Steiner masterfully examines the interplay between economic forces, social institutions, and grassroots movements, tracing the development of key initiatives such as the playground movement, school-community centers, public health campaigns, and the rise of the American Red Cross. Through detailed case studies and philosophical reflections, he reveals how communities can transform from fragmented groups into cohesive, purpose-driven entities.

Whether you're a student of social sciences, a community leader, or simply passionate about civic engagement, Community Organization offers a rich, thoughtful framework for understanding and shaping the social fabric of our lives.

The Century Co. NY. London. 1825. 401p.

By Petra Regeni and Claudia Wallner

RUSI and the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) Germany convened a closed-door roundtable event in Berlin on 31 March 2025 to discuss online hate speech and discrimination in Europe in the age of AI. The roundtable included presentations across three sessions (corresponding with the sections of this paper) and participants from academia, civil society, advocacy groups, legal non-profit organisations and the private sector. The event provided a space to discuss online hate speech and discriminatory rhetoric – ranging from antisemitism, misogyny and anti-LGBTQI+ narratives to racism and xenophobia – as well as the implications of AI in their spread and amplification. Discussions centred around the complexities introduced by AI-generated and targeted hate speech, and explored potential responses, from regulatory measures and content moderation to educational initiatives promoting critical thinking skills. This conference report summarises key themes and points raised during the roundtable, none of which are attributable to individual participants and presenters.

Conference Report

London: Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies (RUSI), 2025, 13p.

By Albert Kales (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Albert M. Kales’s Unpopular Government in the United States, published in 1914, is a searching and often unsettling examination of the American democratic system at a time when the country was undergoing profound political and social transformation. Kales, a legal scholar and reform advocate, wrote during the Progressive Era—a period marked by widespread concern over corruption, inefficiency, and the growing disconnect between the ideals of democracy and the realities of governance. His book is not a polemic but a carefully reasoned argument that seeks to understand why a government founded on popular sovereignty could become so alienated from the people it purports to serve. An important aspect of Kales’s reform agenda is his emphasis on civic education. He believes that a more informed electorate is essential to the health of democracy and calls for greater efforts to educate citizens about the workings of government and the responsibilities of citizenship. He also supports mechanisms such as the initiative and referendum, which allow citizens to bypass legislatures and enact laws directly, though he cautions that these tools must be used judiciously to avoid further complicating the political process.

Although Kales’s book did not become a staple of political science curricula, it has been periodically rediscovered by scholars interested in the history of democratic theory, administrative reform, and the Progressive movement. His insights into voter disengagement and the structural barriers to meaningful democratic participation have gained renewed relevance in contemporary discussions about democratic backsliding, political polarization, and the role of technocracy in modern governance. However, many of Kales’s core ideas continue to resonate in modern political systems, particularly in debates about democratic participation, judicial independence, and the role of expertise in governance.

By August Bebel (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

August Bebel’s Woman and Socialism is one of the most influential and enduring works in the history of socialist and feminist thought. First published in 1879 as Die Frau und der Sozialismus, the book represents a groundbreaking synthesis of Marxist theory and the struggle for women’s emancipation. Bebel, a co-founder of the German Social Democratic Party and a leading figure in the international socialist movement, sought to demonstrate that the liberation of women was not only compatible with socialism but essential to its realization. His work remains a foundational text for understanding the intersection of class and gender oppression, and it continues to resonate in contemporary debates about equality, labor, and social justice.

Woman and Socialism is not merely a critique; it is also a vision of transformation. Bebel outlines how a socialist society would fundamentally alter the conditions of women’s lives. In such a society, he argues, the means of production would be collectively owned, and both men and women would participate equally in productive labor. The state would assume responsibility for many of the functions traditionally relegated to women—such as childcare, education, and elder care—thus freeing women from the confines of domestic servitude. Marriage would become a voluntary and egalitarian union, based on mutual affection rather than economic necessity.

Bebel’s work is notable for its breadth and depth. He addresses a wide range of issues, including education, reproductive rights, prostitution, and the role of women in political movements. He also engages with contemporary debates within the socialist movement, challenging those who viewed the “woman question” as secondary or divisive. For Bebel, the emancipation of women is not a peripheral concern but a central pillar of socialist theory and practice. He argues that a society cannot be truly free or just if half its population remains oppressed. Bebel explores a wide range of themes that connect the struggle for women’s emancipation with the broader goals of socialism.

Bebel’s introduction itself serves as both a historical overview and a political manifesto. It invites readers to reconsider the roots of gender inequality and to imagine a future in which social and economic structures support, rather than hinder, human flourishing. Bebel’s synthesis of feminism and socialism was ahead of its time, and his insistence on the inseparability of class and gender struggles remains a powerful and relevant message. His work continues to inspire activists, scholars, and readers committed to building a more equitable world.

There are a number of editions and translations each edition slightly different. For example, sometime the title is written as Woman Under Socialism. The extensive use of tables of statistics also varies form one edition to another. This edition has been reformatted, designed, abridged and annotated with an Introduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston to remove errors and other distracting content that occurred in the original edition, making the book more accessible for the present day reader.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 359p.

By Allan L. Benson (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Allan L. Benson’s The Truth About Socialism is a bold and impassioned political manifesto that seeks to demystify socialism for the American public and to present it not as a foreign ideology or a utopian dream, but as a practical and necessary response to the injustices of early 20th-century capitalism. Written during a time of profound economic inequality, labor unrest, and political disillusionment, the book is both a critique of the existing capitalist order and a call to action for working-class Americans to reclaim their rightful share of the nation’s wealth and power. Benson is particularly effective in dismantling the myths and fears surrounding socialism. He anticipates the objections of his critics—those who equate socialism with tyranny, inefficiency, or the loss of individual freedom—and responds with clarity and conviction. He argues that true freedom cannot exist in a society where economic survival depends on the whims of employers and where political power is bought and sold by the wealthy. For Benson, socialism is not the enemy of liberty but its fulfillment: a system in which all people have the material security and democratic voice necessary to live freely and fully.

Benson's introduction to The Truth About Socialism sets the stage for a powerful and accessible exploration of socialist principles. It combines moral passion with analytical rigor, historical insight with political urgency. Benson’s work remains a compelling document of its time, reflecting the hopes and struggles of a generation seeking to build a more just and equitable society. It also continues to resonate today, as debates over inequality, labor rights, and the role of government in the economy remain as vital as ever.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 132p.