By Steve Yeong and Elizabeth Moore

A new study by the NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research (BOCSAR) has found that Aboriginal people who participate in Circle Sentencing have lower rates of imprisonment and recidivism than Aboriginal people who are sentenced in the traditional way.

Circle Sentencing is an alternative sentencing method for Aboriginal offenders, which is available in 12 NSW Local Courts. Under Circle Sentencing, the magistrate works with Aboriginal elders, victims and the offender’s family to determine an appropriate sentence.

The BOCSAR study examined three issues:

The probability of imprisonment.

The probability of at least one reoffence within 12 months.

The number of days between sentencing and the offender’s first reoffence.

After controlling for a variety of defendant-case characteristics (e.g., prior offending, offence severity, age, gender and socioeconomic status), the study found that, when compared to Aboriginal offenders sentenced in the traditional way, offenders participating in Circle Sentencing:

Are 9.3 percentage points less likely to receive a prison sentence.

Are 3.9 percentage points less likely to reoffend within 12 months.

Take 55 days longer to reoffend if and when they do.

Sydney, AUS: NSW Bureau Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2020. 22p.

By Ilya Klauzner and Steve Yeong

The Early Appropriate Guilty Plea (EAGP) reforms were introduced in April 2018 to incentivise the entry of guilty pleas early in the court process. The reforms included early certification of charges, increased and earlier negotiation between the defence and prosecution, continuity of legal representation, and statutory sentencing discounts for early guilty pleas. The reforms substantially changed the court processes for defendants charged with the most serious (i.e., indictable) offences. We examine whether the EAGP reforms achieved its main aims. The reforms were intended to increase the proportion of cases with an early guilty plea as well as a guilty plea at any point in the court process. The increased efficiency associated with avoiding a committal to trial was also expected to contribute to: • A reduction in the time to case finalisation; • An increase in the weekly number of case finalisations in the District Court (DC). Our study examines these outcomes by comparing cases initiated after the EAGP reforms (i.e., with a charge date on or after the 30th April 2018 and finalisation date before the 16th March 2020) to cases initiated before the reforms (i.e., with a charge date after 13th June 2016 and a finalisation date before 30th April 2018).

Sydney, AUS: NSW Bureau Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2021. 22p.

By Steve Yeong and Sara Rahman

In February 2019, the NSW Government appointed seven new judges to the NSW District Court (the DC7 reforms) as a measure to address the rising number of pending criminal matters. We examine whether the appointment of these judges resulted in an increase in the monthly number of finalised matters in the NSW District Criminal Court (DC). To do this, we compare DC finalisations before and after the reforms for six NSW courts who experienced an increase of at least 10 sitting weeks to eight NSW courts who did not experience any increase in sitting weeks following the reform. Monthly finalisations over the period 1 January 2014 to 30 September 2020 are examined.

Sydney, AUS: NSW Bureau Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research, 2021. 23p.

By Stacey J. Bosick

An analysis of felony cases accepted for prosecution by the Denver District Attorney’s Office in the City and County of Denver REPORT HIGHLIGHTS: • The researcher found racial and ethnic differences across three of the four points of prosecutorial discretion examined: dismissals, deferred judgments, and referrals to drug court. • There was no evidence of racial and ethnic differences in plea offers, the fourth point of prosecutorial discretion examined. • Results of the study demonstrate a persistent set of disadvantages faced by Black and Hispanic defendants. • The findings point to the importance of increasing structures and processes to support racial justice, including collecting and examining data across multiple points of prosecutorial discretion.

Denver: University of Denver, 2021. 44p.

By Rose Cahn

On May 19, 2003, Angel Ramirez1 was pulled over while driving home from work. A careful driver, Angel was sure he hadn’t been speeding, but during this “routine stop,” police asked for proof of citizenship. Having none, he was immediately arrested, transferred to immigration custody, and placed in removal proceedings. At the time of his arrest, Angel had lived in the United States for 30 years. He was a well-liked, civically engaged, small-business owner. He and his U.S.-citizen wife had four children together and a fifth on the way. But due to a single marijuana conviction from 1999—when he was 18 and represented by counsel who never told him the lasting immigration consequences of a plea deal—Angel faced losing his family, his business, and the only country he had ever called home. Barred by his conviction from lawful permanent residency and any opportunity for discretionary relief, he faced deportation to Mexico. In August 2008, Maria Sanchez, a long-time lawful permanent resident (“LPR” or “green card” holder), was convicted of growing a marijuana plant in her backyard. Born in Mexico, Maria had lived in the United States for over three decades, raising her children and grandchildren here. Maria suffered from arthritis and turned to the same remedy her mother and grandmother had used: She grew a single marijuana plant, soaked it in rubbing alcohol, and rubbed the alcohol tincture on her painful joints. This was Maria’s first and only arrest. Her public defender got a good deal from a criminal perspective: four months of house arrest. Unbeknownst to Maria, however, that plea was the functional equivalent of signing her own deportation order. Considered an aggravated felony under immigration law, the conviction subjected Maria to mandatory deportation and mandatory imprisonment, with no opportunity for discretionary relief. She suddenly faced the real likelihood of being separated from her family forever.

Oakland, CA: Californians for Safety and Justice, 2019. 148p.

By Lauren Magee, Travis Carter, and Edmund F. McGarrell

In an effort to reduce the number of fatal and nonfatal shootings in Detroit, the Wayne County Prosecutor’s Office (WCPO), working closely with the Detroit Police Department (DPD), developed an innovative approach to the investigation and prosecution of nonfatal shootings. The innovation involved the use of a One-Person Grand Jury focused specifically on nonfatal shootings. The One-Person Grand Jury was considered an investigatory resource that could increase the cooperation of shooting victims and witnesses. The grand jury provided victims and witnesses a safe environment in which to provide testimony they might otherwise be reluctant to provide. The short-term goals included the preservation of testimonial evidence that would result in identification, arrest, and conviction of perpetrators of nonfatal shooting incidents. The mission of the WCPO’s Violent Crime Unit: The mission of The Violent Crime Unit Is to ensure that Justice Is served by utilizing a non-traditional approach to the reduction of violent crime. This collaborative effort utilizes a combination of special judicial proceedings, vertical prosecution, crime analysis, social media analysis, and witness protection to target violent gangs and offenders that drive violent crime. The longer-term goal was to reduce shootings. The rationale was that building stronger cases would lead to an increase in arrests and better cases for court; future shootings would be prevented through two causal mechanisms. First, high risk individuals (shooters) would be more likely to be convicted and sentenced to a period of incarceration during which they would be unable to re-offend within the community (incapacitation effect). Second, the perceived risk of sanction among potential shooters would be increased (deterrence effect). Essentially, by holding shooters accountable at a higher rate than historically has been the case, there should be a reduction in shootings. Additionally, given that nonfatal shootings have historically had low levels of clearance by arrest and closure through prosecution, the focused attention of the OnePerson Grand Jury might have an additional effect of increasing the perceived legitimacy of police and prosecution by residents of neighborhoods affected by shootings through the effort to hold shooters accountable. Complementing the One-Person Grand Jury was increased cooperation and coordination among prosecutors and police investigators whereby designated prosecutors were available (via phone) to consult with police investigators at the scene of a nonfatal shooting. The intent was to provide prosecution resources to investigators, including the legal process of the One-Person Grand Jury, to enhance investigations and case preparation.

East Lansing, MI: Michigan Justice Statistics Center, School of Criminal Justice, Michigan State University, 2021. 31p.

By Shannon Tomascak, Preeti Chauhan, and Allie Meizlish

In this report, the Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) examines how criminal summons issuance and outcomes have changed in New York City from 2003 to 2019, adding six years of data to update DCJ’s prior report on criminal summons enforcement between 2003 and 2013. This new report builds on DCJ’s prior research by: (1) examining trends in criminal summons issuance and outcomes within the context of significant policy reforms including the implementation of the Criminal Justice Reform Act (CJRA) and changes in marijuana enforcement; (2) assessing trends in summonses by charge type, demographics, borough, warrant issuance, and dispositions; and (3) focusing on the most recent year of data (2019) to help the public and policymakers assess recent enforcement of criminal summonses and identify opportunities for further reform.

New York: The Data Collaborative for Justice (DCJ) at John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2020. 47p.

By Ella J. Siegrist, Jenna L. Dole, Kristine Denman, Ashleigh Maus, Joel Robinson, Callie Dorsey, and Graham White

In November 2016, New Mexico voters approved a constitutional amendment altering pretrial release and bail practices for felony cases within the state. As part of a multi-phase study, this report evaluates the implementation of bail reform thus far. We primarily used information from stakeholder interviews; this was supplemented with court observations, media coverage, and legal documents. In this report, we document the current pretrial process; the way that pretrial release and detention decisions are made; the perceived impact of the amendment; reform success and areas for improvement; and recommendations for how New Mexico and other states may improve pretrial practices.

Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center. Institute for Social Research, 2020. 131p.

By Kristine Denman, Ella Siegrist, Joel Robinson, Ashleigh Maus, Jenna Dole

Like other jurisdictions and states across the nation, New Mexico recently reformed its bail system. In 2016, New Mexico voters passed a constitutional amendment intended to ensure that defendants are not detained solely because they are unable to post bond, while simultaneously protecting the safety of the community. The New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center has engaged in an ongoing project to assess bail reform efforts in New Mexico. The current report focuses on one aspect of bail reform: the use of preventative detention.1

Albuquerque, NM: New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center. Institute for Social Research, 2021. 50p.

By Micaela M. Alvarado

The author of this theses examines the multifaceted factors that are in play during sentencing in the criminal justice system and to fill a gap in the literature regarding sentencing disparities based on race and sex across types of counties, such as rural or urban counties, and whether those patterns have changed over time. The author lists three reasons for the importance of this research: it helps inform recent sentencing reforms aimed at targeting inequalities in the criminal processing system; filling a research gap on county-by-county variation in sentencing disparities by demographic characteristics; and examining longitudinal trends in sentencing constitutes an important step in better understanding influential factors in judicial decision making. The thesis examines trends over time as it addresses two specific research questions: do individuals from urban counties receive harsher sentences than those from rural counties; and does an offender’s race, sex, and county of residence influence the sentencing severity. Results showed that individuals in rural counties received harsher sentences, and revealed evidence of overall increased punitiveness for both urban and rural counties over the last several years. Results also revealed differences in sentencing outcomes based on race/ethnicity and sex between rural and urban counties; specifically, Black males experienced the most severe punishment in both rural and urban counties as well as receiving the most punitive form of punishment over time. Results also demonstrated that rural counties provided more punitive sentences in general, while urban counties have more offenders. The author suggests that urban counties may, as a result, rely on different punishment options due to limited resources. Analyses revealed more lenient sentences for females across rural and urban counties over time.

Huntsville, TX: Sam Houston State University, 2019. 105p.

By K. Alexander Adams and Youngsung Kim

This paper uses panel data from 1980 to 2018 in all 50 U.S. states and the District of Columbia to examine the relationship between liberalized concealed carry laws, homicide, and firearm homicide. Multivariate regression analysis was conducted with state and time fixed effects. A general-to-specific procedure was also used to reduce the arbitrariness of choosing control variables in the crime equation. Various robustness checks were also employed, including the use of a generalized synthetic control model. The relationship between shall-issue and constitutional carry laws and homicide were statistically insignificant at the 1%, 5%, and even 10% level. The results were robust to multiple alternative model specifications. We find no evidence that looser concealed carry laws pose a significant public health or criminological risk.

Unpublished paper, 2023. 

By Danielle Kaeble, BJS Statistician

This report presents national data on adult offenders under community supervision on probation or parole in 2019. It includes characteristics of the population, such as sex, race or Hispanic origin, and most serious offense. The report details how offenders move onto and off community supervision, such as completing their term of supervision, being incarcerated, absconding, or other unsatisfactory outcomes while in the community. Findings are based on data from BJS’s 2019 Annual Probation Survey, Annual Parole Survey, and Federal Justice Statistics Program.

By Danielle Kaeble, BJS Statistician

This report is the 29th in a series that began in 1981. It includes characteristics of the population such as sex, race or ethnicity, and most serious offense of adult U.S. residents under correctional supervision in the community. The report details how people move onto and off community supervision, such as completing their term of supervision, being incarcerated, absconding, or other unsatisfactory outcomes while in the community. Findings are based on data from BJS’s 2020 Annual Probation Survey, Annual Parole Survey, and Federal Justice Statistics Program.

By Danielle Kaeble, BJS Statistician

This report is the 30th in a series that began in 1981. It includes characteristics of the population such as sex, race or ethnicity, and most serious offense of adult U.S. residents under correctional supervision in the community. The report details how people move onto and off community supervision, such as completing their term of supervision, being incarcerated, absconding, or other unsatisfactory outcomes while in the community.

The keynote speech argues that accurate and uniform data on probation and parole must be used to support and argue correctional policy that advocates the rational use of correctional resources, notably to reduce the use of incarceration and increase the use of community supervision. The keynote panel, conforming to the theme of national criminal justice data, discusses how national data should be used, developing effective user services for criminal justice statistical analysis, and eliciting support for data collection and analysis in an era of budget-cutting. In the workshop reports on State responses to prison overcrowding, an overview is given of the problem, and examples of State responses to the problem are presented for Minnesota and California. The panel presentations on setting priorities for national reporting provide the systems and operation view, a judicial and sentencing view, and a legislative and legal view. Staff, speakers, and participant lists are included.

Intended for parole officials, legislators, and researchers in criminal justice, the report profiles the persons paroled in 1977 in terms of commitment offenses, prior prison commitments, type of sentence, type of admission to prison, amount of time served in prison on current conviction, parole status, and recommitments, as well as demographic variables such as sex, age, racial/ethnic origin, and education. Using these variables, the report describes parolees by four broad sets of characteristics: prison commitment, demographic background, parole entry, and parole status. A discussion of longer term tends in 1973-1977 uniform parole reports data concludes the report. Data sources and tables are presented in the appendixes

By GBD 2019 Police Violence US Subnational Collaborators

The burden of fatal police violence is an urgent public health crisis in the USA. Mounting evidence shows that deaths at the hands of the police disproportionately impact people of certain races and ethnicities, pointing to systemic racism in policing. Recent high-profile killings by police in the USA have prompted calls for more extensive and public data reporting on police violence. This study examines the presence and extent of under-reporting of police violence in US Government-run vital registration data, offers a method for correcting under-reporting in these datasets, and presents revised estimates of deaths due to police violence in the USA.

The Lancet 2021; 398: 1239–55  

By Andrew C. Forrester and Alex Nowrasteh 

The 287(g) program enables local law enforcement agencies to enforce federal immigration laws. We examine 287(g)’s implementation across multiple counties in North Carolina and identify its impact on local crime rates and police clearance rates using a staggered difference-in-differences research design. Under multiple empirical specifications, we find no evidence to suggest that 287(g) programs had an effect on crime rates in North Carolina counties following their implementation. These results hold for simple measures of program adoption and program intensity. Our findings suggest that 287(g) in North Carolina counties did not meet its intended objective of improving public safety by facilitating the removal of violent offenders.   

Logan, UT: Center for Growth and Opportunity at Utah State University , 2020. 40p.

By Joel A. Capellan; Evan T. Sorg

The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 has facilitated the arrest, detention, and deportation of illegal immigrants by local law enforcement officials by adding 287(g) to the Immigration and Nationality Act; however, there has not been a nationwide examination of the crime reduction benefits of these agreements. Using crime, demographic, and detention data from the 167 counties that applied for 287(g) status from 2005-2010, the authors estimated three cross-lagged panel models to assess the impact on total crime of 287(g) interventions resulting in detention or deportations on total crime, violent crime, and property crime. The study found no evidence that 287(g) arrangements were linked to meaningful crime reduction. Due to the potential adverse consequences from these agreements, this study questions the continued use of such agreements under 287(g).

Glassboro, NJ: Rowan University, 2022. 40p.

By Maxime Ricard and Kouamé Félix Grodji

Africa’s rapidly expanding cities are witnessing unprecedented levels of violent crime and the growing menace of criminal gangs. Exceeding the capacity of police, these dangers pose threats to citizen security, livelihoods, and the governability of urban areas.

• In response to these security crises, community-based security groups are emerging as a form of collaborative policing. While not a substitute for police, these groups can help address rising urban crime. Since they know their neighborhoods, these groups can act as go-betweens for overstretched local police and citizens.

• The most effective vigilance committees recognize that coercive tactics and violent confrontations with youth gangs escalate hostilities and fail to address deeper community problems. This will require tackling systemic factors linked to high crime rates in order to redirect youth gangs and stem urban violence.

• Experience from Abidjan reveals the limits of these vigilance committees in tackling serious crimes as well as the risk that these committees can turn to extrajudicial violence and become a threat themselves. This highlights the importance of close partnerships between vigilance committees and the police if collaborative policing models are to contribute to community security.

• Civil society engagement and community oversight are needed to regulate community-based security groups and ensure that they are not misused by local elites or corrupt police.

Washington, DC: Africa Center for Strategic Studies, 2021.