By Gary Klein

In light of the difficulty achieving consensus about gun violence prevention at the federal level in the current political climate, leadership and innovation on gun violence prevention must come at the state and local levels. State legislators, law enforcement leaders, and state attorneys general must take the lead to find the pathway that most effectively protects their residents in collaboration with concerned communities. There is substantial evidence that states with comprehensive and effective gun laws have fewer incidents of gun homicides, gun suicides, and unintentional shooting deaths. These 50 proposals for state or local action have demonstrated success where they have been enacted and are a starting point for states interested in promoting public safety by addressing preventable gun violence.  

Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2022. 24p.

By The Violence Policy Center

Large capacity ammunition magazines are the common thread running through most mass shootings in the United States. Since 1980, there have been at least 106 mass shootings (three or more fatalities not including the shooter) where the shooter used large capacity ammunition magazines containing more than 10 rounds. A total of 959 people were killed in these shootings, and 1,309 were wounded. This number is likely a significant undercount of actual incidents as there is no consistent collection or reporting on this data. Even in many high-profile shootings, information on magazine capacity is neither released nor reported. The Violence Policy Center has compiled this list of incidents by analyzing news reports and follow-up investigative reports on mass shootings. Only shootings in which there is specific information that large capacity magazines were used are included.  ( This document was last updated on January 11, 2024.

Washington, DC: Violence Policy Center, 2024. 17p. 

By Michael Sierra-Arévaloa and Justin Nix 

After more than 50 years of social science research on policing in the United States, the danger of police work remains a salient feature of police officers’ occupational environment (Loftus, 2010; Marenin, 2016; Sierra-Arévalo, 2019). Scholarly attention to the danger of policing has been renewed by recent discussion of a “war on cops” that began after the 2014 police killing of Michael Brown in Ferguson, MO. Proponents of this hypothesized war posit that the contemporary political climate has resulted in widespread distrust and even disdain of police on the part of public officials, academics, and the news media; in turn, the public has become increasingly “anti-police” and emboldened to question, resist, and violently attack police officers on U.S. streets (Mac Donald, 2016). However, despite widespread concern among police administrators (Nix et al., 2018), empirical research on the most dire implication of a war on cops—violence against police—finds no significant increases in fatal or non-fatal violence against police in recent years (Maguire et al., 2017; Shjarback & Maguire, 2019). Nonetheless, the issue of violence against police remains highly salient to U.S. politics and policy, including the rise of the Blue Lives Matter movement and the growth in laws seeking enhanced penalties for killing police officers (Craven, 2017).  Despite the rich history of research on danger in police work, however, there are several long-standing limitations to this body of scholarship. First, researchers’ operationalization of “danger” tends toward the rarest, most extreme measure of danger in police work: felonious line of-duty deaths that are driven by firearm assaults (see White et al., 2019, p. 14). This focus on felonious deaths underestimates the total scope of the danger police confront by ignoring nonfatal violence against officers (c.f. Bierie, 2017; Bierie et al., 2016), including non-fatal firearm assaults that, even though they do not result in a line-of-duty death, represent cases of deadly force directed at police. Second, analyses that attend to all assaults on police officers better capture less-than-lethal violence (e.g. punches, kicks) but do not differentiate such cases from especially lethal threats like firearm assaults (Shjarback & Maguire, 2019; Tiesman et al., 2018; c.f. Bierie et al., 2016). Third, data sources that rely on voluntary reporting by police (e.g. LEOKA, NIBRS) are limited by a lack of consistent reporting by law enforcement agencies and marked lag times in the release of said data, frustrating timely, confident estimates of a pressing public safety and policy issue (Kuhns et al., 2016, p. 6; Nix et al., 2019, p. 6; Shjarback & Maguire, 2019). Because of its inattention to cases in which officers are shot but not killed, existing research tends to provide either an underestimate of gun violence directed at officers or eschew specificity in favor of an estimate of assault broadly defined. This, in combination with the data quality and timeliness issues that affect datasets commonly used to examine violence against police, prevents accurate estimates of total firearm assaults on officers that are of longstanding salience to the issue of officer safety in the United States (Cell, 2019; The President’s Commission on Law Enforcement and Administration of Justice, 1967, p. 239).  Given the decided gravity of the problem at hand, there is a clear and urgent need for researchers to bring new, more timely data to bear. This article addresses these issues with open-source data provided by the Gun Violence Archive (GVA), a non-profit organization that collects and constantly updates data on firearm assaults of police officers across the United States. Because GVA records both fatal and non-fatal firearm assaults on police, we are able to provide an estimate of firearm assaults on police officers that includes (and differentiates) fatal and non-fatal shootings.3 We use these data to provide national- and state-level estimates of fatal and non-fatal firearm assaults against police officers in the United States from 2014 to 2019. We conclude with consideration of future directions for this research as well as the promises and limitations of data like those collected by GVA in research on violence against and by police. We also provide concrete policy recommendations for improving the quality and timeliness of data on violence against police to better support police agencies, researchers, and policy makers.    

Criminology & Public Policy, Volume19, Issue3 Special Issue:CUTTING‐EDGE RESEARCH IN POLICE POLICY AND PRACTICE August 2020 Pages 1041-1066

By Jordan B. Cohen

In the 1980s, the production of guns made with polymer (industrial plastic) stoked concerns that firearms were becoming undetectable by metal detectors in places like airports and federal buildings. In response, Congress passed, and President Ronald W. Reagan signed into law, the Undetectable Firearms Act of 1988 (UFA; P.L. 100-649).

The UFA was codified as 18 U.S.C. §922(p) and prohibits owning, purchasing, importing, receiving, and selling firearms that do not include at least 3.7 ounces of stainless steel. The UFA also prohibits handguns where the barrel, slide or cylinder, or the frame or receiver do not generate an image that accurately depicts the shape of the component when under inspection by the type of x-ray machine commonly used at airports.

The UFA included a sunset clause, after which its provisions will be repealed. The UFA’s sunset has been delayed multiple times, most recently through March 22, 2024 (P.L. 118-40).

History of Undetectable Firearms Act

The impetus for the UFA stemmed from fears that polymer-framed firearms could slip past airport metal detectors. For example, the Glock was invented in the 1980s and is a polymer-framed, semi-automatic pistol. Initially designed for the Austrian military, the Glock’s frame weighs much less than traditional steel-framed firearms and the polymer allows it to better absorb recoil than other handguns.

Some observers framed the Glock as a hijacker’s special, referring to the potentiality that it could pass through airport security undetected. Additionally, in 1986 media reports claimed that the Glock, when dismantled, “is frighteningly easy to smuggle past airport security” and that “one Pentagon security expert decided to demonstrate just how easy it would be to sneak a Glock 17 aboard an airliner.” Though not mentioned in these articles, these same metal detectors and their operators were also often not recognizing pistols made exclusively out of metal.

Beyond concerns over polymer guns, some feared that individuals may attempt to board aircrafts or enter federal buildings with nondescript, gadget firearms or firearms that, when broken into component parts, do not look like traditional firearms—such as “a James Bond-like pen gun.”

Washington, DC: Congressional Research Service, 2024. 3p.

By Melissa W. Burek,  & Julia C. Bell

On June 13, 2022, Ohio enacted a permitless carry law (PCL), allowing Ohioans to carry a firearm without a concealed-carry license. The Center for Justice Research was tasked to explore the relationship between permitless carry and crime involving a firearm before and after the enactment of the PCL in the eight largest cities of Ohio. This exploratory study considers crime incidents involving a firearm, validated gunshot detection incidents, and the impact of PCL on law enforcement from June 2021 to June 2023. Major findings, study limitations, and future research recommendations are presented in the full report. In brief, we observed: • Results from a trend analysis indicated a significant decrease in crime incidents involving a firearm for Akron, Columbus, and Toledo, and across all 8 cities combined from June 2021- June 2023. • As displayed in the figure above, most cities’ crime rates decreased after the PCL was enacted. Unlike the other six cities, rates in Dayton and Cincinnati increased slightly, however. • Toledo, Parma, and Akron each experienced an average of 19% decrease in summed rates of crimes involving a firearm post-PCL. • Based on data from June 2021-June 2023, the enactment of the PCL does not appear to have any appreciable effect on law enforcement injuries or deaths by firearm in the cities of interest. • Data on gunshot detection technology for Toledo and Columbus also captured a decrease in validated crime incidents post-PCL by 23.2% and 20.6%, respectively. • Increases in crime rates in the spring-summer months appear both before and after the PCL went into effect for most cities (see Figure 1 in full report), but this observation could be due to the influence of other factors such as time of year or structural population characteristics. This slight acceleration in crimes involving firearms was also temporary

United States, Center for Justice Research. 2023, 22pg

By Rebecca F. Wilson, Sasha Mintz, Janet M. Blair, Carter J. Betz, Abby Collier, and Katherine A. Fowler

In the United States, unintentional injury is the fourth leading cause of death among infants (i.e., children aged <1 year) and is the top cause of death among children and adolescents aged 1–17 years; firearms are a leading injury method. Unsecured firearms (e.g., unlocked and loaded) are associated with risk for unintentional childhood firearm injury death. Data recorded during 2003–2021 by the National Violent Death Reporting System (NVDRS) from 49 states, the District of Columbia, and Puerto Rico were used to characterize unintentional firearm injury deaths of U.S. infants, children, and adolescents aged 0–17 years (referred to as children in this report). NVDRS identified 1,262 unintentional firearm injury deaths among children aged 0–17 years: the largest percentage (33%) of these deaths were among children aged 11–15 years, followed by 29% among those aged 0–5 years, 24% among those aged 16–17 years, and 14% among persons aged 6–10 years. Overall, 83% of unintentional firearm injury deaths occurred among boys. The majority (85%) of victims were fatally injured at a house or apartment, including 56% in their own home. Approximately one half (53%) of fatal unintentional firearm injuries to children were inflicted by others; 38% were self-inflicted. In 9% of incidents, it was unknown whether the injury was self- or other-inflicted. Approximately two thirds (67%) of shooters were playing with or showing the firearm to others when it discharged. Overall, firearms used in unintentional injury deaths were often stored loaded (74%) and unlocked (76%) and were most commonly accessed from nightstands and other sleeping areas (30%). Unintentional firearm injury deaths of children are preventable. Secured firearm storage practices (e.g., storing firearms locked, unloaded, and separate from ammunition) have been identified as protective factors against child firearm injuries and deaths, underscoring the importance of policymakers, health care professionals (e.g., pediatricians), and others partnering with parents, caregivers, and firearm owners to promote secure firearm storage.  

United States, Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report. 2023, 8pg