By Nancy Rodriguez and Rebecca Tublitz    

  Immigrants represent a substantial part of the United States: today, 41 million immigrants reside in the U.S., representing 13 percent of the population. Migration of people from different parts of the world to the U.S. have led to dramatic changes in the racial and ethnic make-up of the population. In 1970, Latinos represented 4.6 percent of the U.S. population. Today, just under 1 in 5 people in the U.S. self-identifies as being of “Hispanic or Latino origin”, making it the second largest racial or ethnic group after Whites.1 The 62 million people across the U.S. who identify as Latino represent an enormously diverse array of communities in terms of ethnic heritage, migration histories, citizenship status, and language. Latinos also identify with a wide variety of racial categories, including Black, White, multi-racial, and other.2 However, as the Latino population has grown, so too has the criminal justice system. Since 1970, the U.S. experienced unprecedented growth in the size and scale of its criminal justice system, driven largely by policies favoring the increased use of arrest and incarceration for offenses both minor and more severe.3 Today, 1.2 million people are incarcerated in the nation’s state and federal prisons, while nearly 550,000 are held in jail.4 Annually, almost 9 million are arrested and booked into jail each year. …

Irvine, CA:  UCI School of Sociology: Department of Criminology, Law and Society     2023. 31p.

By Nicola Delvino and Markus González Beilfuss

In both the United States and Spain, Latino migrants are disproportionately exposed to crime victimization. Among them, those with irregular status are scared to report crime to the police out of the fear of deportation. This article explores how national legislation and local policies in the United States and Spain regulate the possibility of irregular migrants who are victims of crime to interact with the police. We analyze the interplay between immigration and criminal legislation and enforcement structures in the United States and Spain to define whether deportation is a real or perceived risk for victims reporting crime. We identify opportunities for “safe reporting of crime,” and we look at how policy responses in the two countries compare. We find that national legislation in both countries introduced measures aimed at allowing safe interactions between migrant victims and the police. Additionally, in the United States, cities also adopted local “safe reporting” policies. However, despite these existing measures, opportunities for safe reporting remain limited in both countries. We conclude with a discussion on lessons that legislators in the United States and Spain could learn from each other to improve the reporting of crime from victims with irregular status. 

  American Behavioral Scientist  2021, Vol. 65(9) 1193–1205