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Posts tagged voting rights
Race, Class & Party: A History of Negro Suffrage and White Politics in the South

By Paul Lewinson

The writer of this study has many indebtednesses to acknowledge for help in its prosecution. The greatest, it is hoped, is in some small measure discharged in the dedication. The study was begun at the London School of Economics. Intensive work was commenced on the 1865-1900 period at the Robert Brookings Graduate School in Washington (not to be confused with the present Brookings Institution), under the guidance of Professor William E. Dodd. A Social Science Research Council fellowship made possible the field trip and the questionnaire on which the last chapters are based. Many persons have given invaluable help on the form of the manuscript: the Faculty of the Brookings School, several Southerners white and Negro, and especially Jean Atherton Flexner, my “best friend and severest critic.” The scores of Southerners, many of them busy persons, who sacrificed time to discuss the local situation with the writer, would in some cases feel ill repaid were their names to be published here. Contacts with them were in many cases established through the cooperation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Urban League; letters of introduction came also from Dr. Abraham Flexner, and from Mr. Will Alexander of the Interracial Cooperation Commission. The clipping files of Tuskegee Institute, a mine of valuable information in charge of Dr. Monroe Work, were opened to the writer.

Oxford University Press, 1932, 304 pages

Who Must Pay to Regain the Vote? A 50-State Survey

By Margaret Love and David Schlussel

This report examines the extent to which state reenfranchisement laws consider payment of legal financial obligations (LFOs), including fines, fees, and restitution, in determining whether and when to restore voting rights to people disenfranchised due to a felony conviction. (Our national survey discusses and ranks each state’s general approach to loss and restoration of voting rights based on conviction.) We first published this research in July 2020 during litigation over Florida’s 2018 voting rights ballot initiative, which many expected would restore voting rights to more than a million people disenfranchised because of a felony conviction. However, the initiative was interpreted by Florida’s legislature and supreme court to condition reenfranchisement on payment of all outstanding fines, fees, costs, and restitution, which drastically limited its anticipated reach. A federal district court found this system unconstitutional, but the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit reversed that conclusion in a 6-4 decision. During the appeal, an amicus brief by the State of Texas, joined by seven other states, asserted that “States across the country have similar rules [to Florida] for felon voting” and that the district court’s holding “called into question the widespread practice” of permanently disenfranchising people who are not able to “pay their debts to society.” As we demonstrated in our original report and amicus brief, few states have laws like Florida’s that indefinitely deny re-enfranchisement based on any unpaid debt related to a disqualifying conviction. This updated report documents each state’s current treatment of unpaid LFOs in regards to voting rights, including developments in California, where voters early this month passed a constitutional amendment to restore voting rights to those on parole; and Iowa, where the governor in August issued an executive order to restore voting rights after completion of incarceration and supervision, regardless of payment of LFOs. As of this writing, in nearly half the states (21 states), LFOs have no bearing on re-enfranchisement. In most of the others (15 states), regaining the vote is tied to completion of supervision, which may give courts and supervision officials some discretion to delay re-enfranchisement if LFOs have not been paid, but not to deny it permanently. Moreover, officials in many of these “delay” states already must consider ability to pay in determining whether to extend supervision, and officials may consider it in others. In total, 10 states deny the vote to at least some people who have otherwise completed all aspects of their sentence, but still owe LFOs. Of these, only 3 states including Florida have laws mandating indefinite denial of the vote to any person with any unpaid LFOs from a disqualifying conviction, even if the person has completed all non-financial requirements of the sentence, and regardless of ability to pay. An additional 7 states indefinitely deny re-enfranchisement because of LFOs, but only in certain cases. A new Sentencing Project report estimates that 5.2 million Americans remain disenfranchised due to a felony conviction, including an estimated 900,000 Floridians who have otherwise completed their felony sentences, but still owe LFOs; the authors were not able to provide firm estimates on the number of voters disenfranchised on this basis in the other 9 states that do so. * Four states handle reenfranchisement exclusively through a discretionary exercise of constitutional clemency. The governors of 3 of these states currently exercise their clemency power on a broad basis to reenfranchise most individuals who have completed incarceration and supervision time, without regard to payment of LFOs

Washington, DC: Collateral Consequences Resource Center (CCRC)2020. 17p.

Suffrage, Capital, and Welfare: Conditional Citizenship in Historical Perspective

Edited by Fia Cottrell-Sundevall · Ragnheiður Kristjánsdóttir

This open access book examines disenfranchisement and voting barriers in ten self-governing and aspiring liberal democracies worldwide, before and after the introduction of so-called universal suffrage. Focusing on economic voting restrictions implemented through constitutional provisions and laws, it explores the various disqualifications that prevent people from voting. The notions of economic independence underpinning these restrictions have built and reinforced societal structures and power relations, particularly concerning class, gender, race, civil status, age, and education. Historically, voting rights have been celebrated as a symbol of inclusivity and equal citizenship. Yet, as contributors in this collection highlight, recent centennial celebrations of universal suffrage often depict it as a distinct milestone, overshadowing the voting restrictions that persisted post women’s suffrage. As democracy now faces new, concerted challenges, there is a compelling reason to revisit and question the narrative of the progression of democratic ideals.

Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2024. 286p.