By Janeen Buck Willison, Nkechi Erondu

In 2018, change agents within the Camden County (NJ) Department of Corrections introduced a five-pronged community engagement strategy to reduce the use of jail and improve reentry outcomes for people released from incarceration. Central to this strategy are the County’s NuEntry Opportunity Specialists (NOS), previously incarcerated individuals who serve as credible messengers to people released from incarceration and who work to reduce the stigma of incarceration through community education and outreach. This case study, part of a series highlighting work supported by the Safety and Justice Challenge, describes Camden County’s community engagement strategy and examines its implementation and reported impact. Lessons and recommendations derived from implementation of the county’s community engagement strategy and its sustainability efforts are also discussed.

Washington DC: The Urban Institute, 2022. 23p.

By John Shaffer, Bryce Peterson, KiDeuk Kim, Rochisha Shukla

Cell phones have become a ubiquitous part of society, with more than 97 percent of US adults owning one (Pew Research Center 2021). For prison and jail officials, however, they represent a serious and growing concern. In a recent survey of state correctional agencies, Urban found that most respondents consider cell phones a serious problem for a facility’s overall security and for the safety of incarcerated people, staff, and members of the public (Kim, Peterson, and Shaffer 2023). Corrections officials have employed several technological and nontechnological solutions to address contraband cell phones in their institutions (Peterson et al. 2022; Russo et al. 2022). No one strategy appears to be completely effective at combating contraband cell phones. Most strategies are limited in their ability to prevent cell phone use across an entire facility, while others are difficult to implement or prohibitively expensive (see Peterson et al. 2022). Conversely, signal jamming has received broad support among criminal justice practitioners as a potentially effective and straightforward interdiction strategy. Officials can use signal jamming to prevent people from using cell phones throughout their facilities by compromising a phone’s ability to receive signals or by modifying received signals to be inaccurate or inoperable. A typical application of cell phone jamming involves overwhelming the phone with a higher-power signal, usually a pure signal or random noise, so the phone can no longer function properly. Although many corrections officials are interested in implementing signal jamming in their agencies, the Federal Communications Commission currently prohibits the use of this technology in the United States, as guided by the Communications Act of 1934. Some federal agencies are exempt from the Communications Act and are allowed to implement jamming solutions by requesting and receiving Special Temporary Authority licensing from the Federal Communications Commission. The Federal Bureau of Prisons is among these agencies. No state or local entities are currently allowed to use signal jamming technology. The selective prohibition against jamming has been a source of tension between federal regulators and corrections officials, and federal lawmakers have made efforts (for instance, through the Cellphone Jamming Reform Act of 2022) to revise the Communications Act and allow state correctional agencies to jam cell phones. Despite corrections officials’ interest in jamming and the ongoing discussion around legislative changes, little is known about the use and application of this technology in correctional settings. To address this knowledge gap, the Urban Institute, along with partner organizations (CNA Corporation, Correctional Leaders Association, and American Correctional Association) and subjectmatter experts (John Shaffer and Joe Russo), reviewed current industry practices and interviewed officials with firsthand experience implementing jamming. In summer and fall 2021, we spoke with corrections officials in the United States, New Zealand, and Australia to formulate an understanding of the benefits and challenges of cell phone jamming as a cell phone interdiction strategy.2 This report is a resource for stakeholders and the public on the mechanics of jamming, its potential effectiveness, and the legal and pragmatic considerations involved in its implementation in correctional settings

Washington DC: The Urban Institute, 2023. 18p.

By Katherine LeMasters, Samantha Nall, Cole Jurecka, Betsy Craft, Paul Christine, Ingrid Binswanger & Joshua Barocas

In response to the U.S. overdose crisis, many states have increased criminal penalties for drug possession, particularly fentanyl. This study sought to qualitatively explore diverse community perspectives on increasing criminal legal penalties in Colorado for fentanyl possession (House Bill 22-1326) and the broader role of the criminal legal system in addressing substance use and overdose prevention. We conducted 31 semi-structured interviews in 2023 with community leaders directly working with people who use drugs, individuals with lived experience with drug use and the criminal legal system, and law enforcement throughout Colorado. Interviewees were asked about the perceived impact of House Bill 22-1326 on their communities and agencies. After interviews were complete, we created templated summaries and matrix analyses to conduct rapid qualitative analysis, an action-oriented approach to qualitative data analysis.

Results

Respondents included peer support specialists (n = 7), policymakers (n = 6), community behavioral health/harm reduction providers (n = 6), criminal legal program staff (n = 8), and law enforcement (n = 4), with nine participants from rural counties. Analysis revealed that participants found increasing criminal penalties for fentanyl possession to be misguided: “And the felony [of HB-1326] is such a good example of a policy being led by feelings rather than evidence.” This was in the context of participants’ divergent views on police as conduits to treatment and punishment and perceiving jail as an (in)appropriate response for substance use disorder treatment.

Conclusions

All participants supported policy efforts to prevent fatal fentanyl overdoses, yet, most thought that increased use of police and incarceration as avenues to prevent overdose was misguided. This study highlights a diverse array of community perspectives that can inform policy decisions concerning criminal penalties for fentanyl possession and distribution and can inform policies that affect people who use drugs broadly.

Health & Justice volume 13, Article number: 26 (2025)

By Stephen Koppel, Michael Rempel, Min Xie, Olive Lu, Jeremy Travis, & Preeti Chauhan

Executive Summary The premise of this project is simple: In determining its response to crime and violence, New York City stands at a crossroads. For several decades up until the 2020s, the City saw dramatic crime reductions take place alongside a shrinking criminal legal system— represented by fewer arrests, less reliance on jail and prison, and the expansion of alternatives to incarceration. This period culminated in sweeping reforms to New York State’s bail, discovery, and parole laws that sought to extend the pendulum toward less unnecessary incarceration and greater fairness. Recent years, however, have witnessed a series of dislocations and reversals. A global pandemic disrupted the country’s social and economic fabric, and violent crime increased after years of decline. The 2020 Black Lives Matter protests generated a robust public dialogue about the role of police and the criminal justice system in producing public safety and the need for greater investments in community-based public safety strategies. However, both the reality and perception of rising crime led to increases in low-level enforcement by the New York City Police Department, including more pedestrian street stops, summonses for minor misconduct, and misdemeanor arrests. At the same time, the City is legally mandated to close the violent and decrepit jails on Rikers Island. This requires further reductions in the jail population, for example by expanding mental health services and speeding up case processing, in addition to improving morale, training and oversight of jail staff and expediting construction of modern, humane replacement jails. To provide context for discussions on the best path forward, we sought to ground policy discussions in objective data concerning the City’s trajectory from the 1990s to the present moment. To this end, we released two reports on the same project landing page. Extending two earlier analyses, one report relied on official data sources to track crime, law enforcement activity, decision-making by courts and prosecutors, incarceration, community supervision, and racial disparities. The second report relied on data from the annually administered National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) to provide trends in both reported and unreported victimization. This executive summary presents key findings from both reports. We believe that understanding New York City's crime trends, the experiences of crime victims, and the history of the City's response to crime will shed light on the choices the City faces today. We address several questions, with the resulting main themes and findings summarized below

New York: Data Collaborative for Justice, at John Jay College, 2025. 4p

By Prison Reform Trust

The high level of multiple and often unmet need experienced by many women in the justice system is well documented.1 Many women in prison are victims of more serious crimes than those they are accused of committing.2 The past two decades have seen several key policy developments relating to women’s imprisonment (see Appendix 1). Each of these developments show a trend towards recognising the distinct and specific needs of women in the criminal justice system and call for a reduction in women’s imprisonment. However, the number of women in prison, especially on remand and on short sentences, has remained stubbornly high. Moving beyond this status quo requires bold and creative thinking alongside sustained development and implementation of pre-existing strategies. This briefing sets out key facts and figures relating to women in the criminal justice system and highlights progress to date in implementing an approach which recognises women’s distinct needs.

London: PRT, 2025. 10p.

By Kellyann Bock, Michael Rempel

While it is well-established that a substantial portion of people in NYC jails are designated for mental health services, less is known about when during their incarceration these needs are first identified. This brief examines the prevalence and timing of the “Brad H” flag, assigned to anyone who is diagnosed, screened for, requesting, or receiving mental health services while incarcerated in New York City jails, covering the period from June 2, 2016 to March 24, 2025.

Specifically, we looked at increases in the fraction of the NYC jail population that flag for mental health needs, how long it takes for incarcerated people to receive a Brad H flag, what share of their jail stay people spend designated for mental health services, disparities in flagging by gender, race, and custody level, and how flagging relates to overall length of stay.

New York: Data Collaborative.for Justice, 2025. 9p.

By Margaret Love & David Schlussel

This Report Card supplements our recently published 50-state report, “The Many Roads to Reintegration,” a survey of U.S. laws aimed at restoring rights and opportunities after arrest or conviction. That report includes topical essays covering voting and firearms rights, an array of record relief remedies, and consideration of criminal record in employment and occupational licensing. The “Many Roads” report assigned to each state, D.C., and the federal system a grade for nine different types of restoration laws: (1) loss and restoration of voting rights (2) pardon (3) felony expungement, sealing & set-aside (“felony relief”) (4) misdemeanor expungement, sealing & set-aside (“misdemeanor relief”) (5) non-conviction relief (6) deferred adjudication (7) judicial certificates of relief (8) employment (9) occupational licensing. Using these grades, we produced an overall ranking of the states and D.C.* In this Report Card we provide the grades and rankings in an easily digestible form. We also provide a brief narrative summary of how each state’s law stacks up in the different categories. Our hope is that these summaries will suggest ways in which a state might improve its laws and hence its ranking. An appendix collects all the grades and rankings. Finally, we emphasize once again that our grades are based solely on the text of each state’s law, leaving more nuanced judgments about their actual operation to practitioners, researchers, and the law’s intended beneficiaries. We expect to look more closely at the operation of some of the record relief laws in the near future, and

Washington, DC: Collateral Consequences Resource Center (CCRC), 2020. 61p.

By Prison Reform Trust

The high level of multiple and often unmet need experienced by many women in the justice system is well documented. Many women in prison are victims of more serious crimes than those they are accused of committing. The past two decades have seen several key policy developments relating to women’s imprisonment (see Appendix 1). Each of these developments show a trend towards recognising the distinct and specific needs of women in the criminal justice system and call for a reduction in women’s imprisonment. However, the number of women in prison, especially on remand and on short sentences, has remained stubbornly high. Moving beyond this status quo requires bold and creative thinking alongside sustained development and implementation of pre-existing strategies. This briefing sets out key facts and figures relating to women in the criminal justice system and highlights progress to date in implementing an approach which recognises women’s distinct needs.

London: Prison Reform Trust, 2025. 10p.

By Rocco d’Este

Incarceration is a crucial part of the scholarly analysis of crime, but what happens inside penal institutions largely remains a ‘black box’ (Western, 2021). This paper studies the impact of the new psychoactive substances (NPS) epidemic within prisons. NPS are powerful addictive chemical compounds that mimic the pharmacological effects of conventional drugs of abuse (CDA) but avoid classification as illegal and detection in standard drug tests. To conduct the analysis, I have assembled a novel establishment-by month database of all England and Wales prisons from 2007 to 2018 including information on drugs seizures, random mandatory drug test results, various measures of harm, violence, and causes of death. I first document a large increase in NPS availability and an alarming correlation with the steep rise in harm and violence behind bars. I then evaluate the impact of the Psychoactive Substances Act 2016, a supply-side intervention aimed at inhibiting the proliferation of NPS. The analysis exploits cross-prison variation in the initial size of the drug market and shows high-intensity NPS trafficking prisons experienced a sustained but partial reduction in NPS availability, limited substitution toward CDA, and a rise in violence, self-harm, and suicides following the law. Collectively, the findings suggest unwarranted responses to government interventions may be amplified within penal institutions and that new challenges stemming from scientific advances in illegal drugs production should be addressed through systemic interventions that also consider the demand for addictive substances.

IZA DP No. 15248

Bonn: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics , 2022. 60p.

By Laura M. Maruschak

This statistical brief presents findings on maternal healthcare and pregnancy prevalence and outcomes for persons in the custody of state or federal correctional authorities in the United States. It reports statistics on (1) pregnancy testing and positive tests among female admissions; (2) pregnancy prevalence and outcomes by type; (3) pregnancy-related training for staff, emergency transportation protocols, and medical services provided to pregnant and postpartum women; (4) accommodations and support services for pregnant and postpartum women; and (5) provision of and participation in nursery or residential programs in which mothers reside with their children. Findings in this report are based on data from the maternal health supplement to the Bureau of Justice Statistics’ annual National Prisoner Statistics collection (NPS-MatHealth).1 The NPS-MatHealth was administered for the first time in 2024 and collected 2023 data on maternal health in correctional settings from the departments of corrections of the 50 states and the Federal Bureau of Prisons (FBOP). For information on the U.S. House of Representatives Committee on Appropriations directive and the feasibility study that led to and informed the NPS-MatHealth, see Data on Maternal Health and Pregnancy Outcomes from Prisons and Jails: Results from a Feasibility Study (NCJ 307326, BJS, January 2024). Pregnancy testing and positive tests among female admissions „ In the 47 jurisdictions that reported pregnancy testing data, 88% of female admissions were tested for pregnancy during 2023 (table 1). „ Among female admissions tested in the 46 jurisdictions that reported the number of admissions who tested positive, 2% tested positive. Pregnancy prevalence in custody and outcomes of pregnancies by type „ On December 31, 2023, 49 jurisdictions reported housing a total of 328 pregnant women, accounting for 0.5% of all the women in the custody of those jurisdictions. „ Sixty percent of pregnant women in the custody of state and federal correctional authorities were white, 20% were black, 9% were Hispanic, 4% were American Indian or Alaska Native, and 2% were Asian, Native Hawaiian, or Other Pacific Islander (table 2). „ Between January 1, 2023 and December 31, 2023, 727 pregnancy outcomes—including live births, miscarriages, and abortions—were reported in 49 jurisdictions (table 3). „ Live births (665) accounted for 91% of the pregnancy outcomes reported, miscarriages (47) accounted for 6%, and abortions (15) accounted for 2%

Washington, DC: U.S. Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2025. 10p.

By Lauren Kuhli and Carolyn Sufrin

The majority of people incarcerated in U.S. women’s jails and prisons are younger than 45; most of them are parents, and some will be pregnant behind bars. The ways that institutions of incarceration manage their reproductive bodies rely on overlapping legal, cultural, social, historical, and racialized foundations that allow reproductive oppressions to flourish behind bars. Yet, as we argue in this article, these dynamics of incarcerated reproduction manifest far beyond prison and jail walls, through criminalizing and restrictive discourses that devalue the reproductive wellbeing of marginalized people. We analyze the legal, clinical, and socio-political dimensions of carceral control of reproduction and reproductive health care in U.S. prisons and jails, including abortion access, prenatal and postpartum care, childbirth, and parenting. We describe violations of constitutional and clinical standards of reproductive care behind bars, showing how these reproductive coercions are grounded in historical legacies of slavery and the ongoing reproductive control of black and other marginalized bodies. This article makes the case that understanding reproduction behind bars and its legacies of racialized reproductive oppressions reveals the carceral dynamics of reproduction that are foundational to U.S. society.

Harvard Law Review, v. 14, 2020, 50p.

By Ana Mourão https://orcid.org/0009-0002-0556-080ana13mourao@gmail.com, Marta Sousa https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3258-9932, […], and Olga Cunha

Individuals who have served prison sentences face challenges in reintegrating into society, with recidivism often used as the primary indicator of reintegration success. This systematic review analyzed 38 studies with adult participants who had served a sentence or were in the last year of prison, identifying criteria for successful reintegration after release and risk and protective factors. Success factors cover intrapersonal (health, drug abstinence), interpersonal (social support, community involvement), institutional (institutional and community support), and community domains (employment and housing). Protective factors include emotional stability, family and community support, education, employment, financial stability, and access to health and social services. Risk factors include drug use, health problems, difficulties with family and social adjustment, job and financial instability, low education, housing instability, and discrimination. The findings underscore that reintegration is a complex and multifaceted process, requiring targeted programs to reduce recidivism and stigma and promote effective reintegration into society.

CRIMINAL JUSTICE AND BEHAVIOR, 201X, Vol. XX, No. X, Month 2025, 1–27

By Megan Schwartz

When people leave prison or jail, they need to find stable housing and a way to earn money, among other necessities. The extent to which they are able to accomplish these goals substantially impacts how likely they are to return to prison or jail.1 Unfortunately, formerly incarcerated people face major challenges that the general population does not. A confluence of factors—including discrimination, restricted access to public benefits, compounding debt, and significant time spent out of the general job market—hinders returning citizens’ efforts to secure stable housing and employment, pay their bills, and maintain good physical and mental health upon their release. As a result, people leaving prison or jail often need immediate financial assistance.2 For decades, most states have made a practice of giving returning citizens a small amount of money, called “gate money,” to cover the cost of transportation and other immediate needs. Most states have offered between 10 and 50 dollars—enough to last from a few hours to a few days.3 But recently, due to increased advocacy around the efficacy of cash stimulus as a component of reentry support in places such as New York State and Washington State, many legislatures have considered increasing the dollar amount of their cash assistance and offering this kind of support more widely. The Returning Citizens Stimulus (RCS) program—funded by philanthropy, implemented in 28 cities across the United States, and administered by the Center for Employment Opportunities (CEO)— was a pilot program for this larger-scale reentry cash support. Designed to provide meaningful cash assistance to returning citizens during the months after their release from prison or jail, the RCS program aimed to help people quickly reach stability in their lives outside of prison and reduce recidivism as a result. It represents the largest-scale conditional cash transfer reentry program to date and an evolution of the burgeoning interest among practitioners and policymakers in cash assistance as reentry support. MDRC was contracted by CEO to conduct a two-part evaluation of the RCS program. This brief presents findings from the second part of the evaluation, a recidivism impact study; it is the first-ever study known to the author to estimate the effect of a large-scale program of this kind on recidivism outcomes. Because incarcerating people is expensive, knowing a program’s impact on recidivism can help practitioners and policymakers weigh the costs and benefits of the program. This study was geographically limited to two counties in California: Los Angeles and Alameda. As such, results may not be generalizable to other program sites. Results from this analysis include the following: • In the first six months after being released from prison, people who participated in the RCS program had, on average, fewer parole violations than a similar group of recently incarcerated individuals. Participants were also less likely to violate parole by committing violent infractions such as assault and battery; • In the first year after being released, participants in the RCS program committed fewer parole violations (both overall and for violent offenses) than their nonparticipant counterparts in the comparison group. Program participation was limited to three months, generally shortly after release, and thus, the program appears to reduce recidivism among participants beyond the period when participants were receiving the cash stimulus; and • The RCS program may have been effective at reducing reincarceration among program participants in the 18-, 24-, and 30-month follow-up periods. However, for methodological reasons explained in the Technical Supplement accompanying this brief, further study is needed to assess the reliability of this estimated effect.

New York: MDRC, 2025. 15p.

By Colette Marcellin and Evelyn F. McCoy 

Sexual violence in US correctional facilities is a long-standing problem that has gained increased attention in recent years. Many advocacy, human rights, and research organizations have called for action on this issue for decades, and in 2003, Congress took federal action by passing the Prison Rape Elimination Act (PREA). PREA requires nationwide data collection and research about sexual violence in federal, state, and local correctional facilities, and established the National Prison Rape Elimination Commission to develop national standards for addressing this issue. Despite PREA’s enactment, PREA standards established in 2012, and growing national discourse about sexual violence in correctional facilities, many challenges persist. As of 2017, 31 states had not yet fully complied with the established PREA standards. Further, survivors of sexual violence, people with behavioral health needs, and people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and/or queer (LGBTQ+) continue to disproportionately experience sexual violence in correctional facilities. Research about PREA’s impact and outcomes, survivors’ experiences with PREA reporting and investigation processes, and experiences with victim services is limited and should specifically examine the experiences of survivors with marginalized identities. Further research on this issue is needed and must incorporate strong protections for participating incarcerated people and participatory approaches that center their experiences and expertise.
Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2021. 17p.

By Rochisha Shukla, Will Engelhardt, Krista White, Sam Tecotzky

The Urban Institute’s Justice and Safety Division conducted a 22-month, mixed-methods evaluation of the Ready to Work (RTW) program operated by Bridge House, a nonprofit organization with the mission to “respect and empower people who are experiencing homelessness.” The program “combines three elements—paid work in a Ready to Work social enterprise, dormitory housing at a Ready to Work House, and case management support,” which RTW refers to as its “three-legged stool” approach. Using RTW programmatic data, administrative data from the Colorado Homeless Management Information System (HMIS) and the Colorado Department of Corrections (CDOC) on key outcomes, and data collected through stakeholder interviews, focus groups, program observations, and document reviews, Urban addressed the following objectives: (1) estimate the impact of program participation on housing, employment, and criminal justice outcomes; (2) identify the factors that appear to be associated with successful outcomes; (3) determine why and in what ways the program is able and/or unable to achieve its goals; (4) identify whether program activities have been implemented as intended; (5) calculate Ready to Work’s financial return on investment; and (6) recommend program improvements. Key Findings: The Overall Impact of the Program  Program graduates had a significantly lower likelihood of experiencing housing instability within 6 to 36 months after program completion compared with program dropouts and non-enrollees.  The impact of program completion on postprogram incarceration was not statistically significant; however, the results were in the expected direction, with program graduates showing a slightly lower rate of incarceration compared with the control groups across all follow-up periods.  Five percent of program graduates reported being employed at intake, and 64 percent reported having employment at or after program completion, a statistically significant increase. Additional analyses show that the odds of employment at or after program completion were lower among people who had been incarcerated.  The study also finds evidence of potential protective effects of the program, as participants who completed the program and who therefore engaged with it longer experienced improved housing stability and reduced incarceration compared with their matched controls during the program and immediately after completion. These effects may be associated with a sense of security or stability that comes with being enrolled in a structured program and early engagement with program services, like in-program housing and employment, mental health and substance use treatment, and vocational and educational assistance.  People who dropped out of the program showed consistently worse housing and incarceration outcomes compared with program graduates and non-enrollees. Descriptive statistics on pre-program factors and qualitative findings show that people who dropped out had significantly different needs than the other groups. Additionally, unmeasured effects, such as motivation to complete the program, could further explain the disparities between the groups.

Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2025. 77p.

By Travis Reginal, Jesse Jannetta, Sam Hoppe

This case study explores how Lake County, Illinois, and the City and County of San Francisco, with support from the Safety and Justice Challenge (SJC)—an initiative funded by the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation to reduce overincarceration and disparities in jail populations—integrated equity into their efforts to reduce local jail populations. By examining the relationship between equity and decarceration, we provide actionable insights for jurisdictions aiming to address the root causes of incarceration disparities. The case study shows how these sites reevaluated and reshaped practices to tackle systemic inequities, offering a roadmap for reducing the overrepresentation of marginalized groups in the criminal legal system.

WHY THIS MATTERS

In the ongoing pursuit of criminal legal system reform, equity has emerged as a crucial lens for reshaping policies and practices. Systemic inequities—evidenced by racial and ethnic disparities in arrests, detention, and incarceration—remain pervasive. For example, Black people are jailed at nearly 3.5 times the rate of White people, and Native Americans at more than 2 times the rate. These disparities reflect both historical structural inequities, such as segregation, and unequal application of law enforcement practices.

With SJC support, jurisdictions have sought to reduce jail populations and eliminate racial inequities in them. While these decarceration efforts have reduced jail populations overall, many sites still struggle to address disparities, as reductions have often disproportionately benefited White people.

This case study underscores why prioritizing equity is essential for justice reform, offering actionable insights to help policymakers, practitioners, and advocates align decarceration goals with equity objectives. By addressing the root causes of disparities, jurisdictions can advance more effective, humane, and equitable approaches to justice.

WHAT WE FOUND

Drawing on stakeholders’ perceptions of their SJC efforts in Lake County and San Francisco, we highlight key lessons from their initiatives to reduce racial and ethnic disparities in local jails. These insights are intended to inform other jurisdictions as they navigate the challenges and opportunities of integrating equity into their justice reform strategies.

Lessons other jurisdictions might find informative for reducing racial and ethnic disparities in their jails include the following:

• Data play a pivotal role in efforts toward equity. Both sites demonstrated the importance of robust data analysis in identifying disparities and informing reforms. For instance, San Francisco used data to pinpoint drug-related offenses as a key driver of its jail population. However, data alone are insufficient—strategies to engage stakeholders who are not persuaded by data are also necessary.

• Institutionalizing equity work is a multilayered process. Sustaining progress requires embedding equity efforts into organizational structures. Both sites faced challenges owing to staff turnover and a lack of continuity plans, which slowed momentum. Creating dedicated equity-focused roles and ensuring succession planning are critical to maintaining long-term impact.

• Cross-system partnerships are needed to reduce disparities. Racial disparities are driven by inequities across systems like housing, education, and health care. Both sites highlighted the need for coordinated efforts across these sectors to address systemic barriers and promote equity effectively.

• Community engagement continues to be a challenging area for government. Both sites identified opportunities to improve how they engage with the community and raise awareness of their SJC work. Deciding when and how to involve the community meaningfully is critical for building trust and securing buy-in. It is equally important to provide supports and structures that enable community members—particularly those with lived experience—to participate effectively in partnerships with system actors and agencies. Additionally, balancing power dynamics between stakeholders requires careful planning, such as using a toolkit to manage relationships and foster equitable collaboration.

HOW WE DID IT

To develop this case study, we drew on three primary data sources: semistructured interviews with 17 stakeholders from Lake County and San Francisco (conducted between March 2023 and January 2024), analysis of SJC progress reports and public documents, and jail population trend data from the Institute for State and Local Governance. Interviewees represented a range of justice agencies and community partners, sharing insights on equity-focused reforms, challenges, and successes. We analyzed the interviews using NVivo qualitative software, applying a codebook developed to identify trends and themes related to local reform efforts and equity strategies.

Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2025. 45p.

By Evelyn F. McCoy, Azhar Gulaid

This study aimed to understand the state of reproductive health care access and quality in a jail in California after early stages of the implementation of Assembly Bill 732 (A.B. 732). A.B. 732 was passed in September 2020 with the goal of increasing reproductive health care access and quality for incarcerated people and pregnant incarcerated people in state prisons and county jails.

WHY THIS MATTERS

People in jail—especially women, nonbinary people, and transgender people—have specific and significant reproductive health needs. Most people in jail are in their peak reproductive years, have histories of physical and/or sexual violence, and enter jail with more significant reproductive health care needs than the general population. Incarcerated people are more likely than the general population to have STIs, human immunodeficiency virus, and viral hepatitis, as well as higher rates of cervical and breast cancer and irregular menstrual cycles. Unsanitary conditions in jail, coupled with limited access to reproductive health care, can worsen health outcomes for people in jail. Despite this, reproductive health and health care for incarcerated people, as well as policies implemented to improve these areas, are understudied and overlooked.

WHAT WE FOUND

Study participants experience significant delays between requesting services and delivery of services, and have even experienced nonresponsiveness after multiple medical requests.Study participants face significant challenges in the delivery and quality of care, including having medical staff who are inexperienced with basic medical procedures such as blood draws, having inconveniently timed procedures, and getting little to no follow-up or information after procedures.Study participants noted that they have experienced dismissiveness from medical staff, have needed to exaggerate requests as emergencies to receive care, and have even experienced mistreatment and punishment from staff.Most study participants shared that they have never received general information about reproductive health care or services and do not know what is available to them.Half of study participants shared that they do not feel comfortable or safe receiving services from jail medical staff. Discomfort comes from private medical information being discussed in jail common spaces and officers being present at medical appointments, including procedures that require undressing.Nearly a third of study participants have experienced bias or pressure from staff about reproductive decisions.Our study also identified findings in the following areas, as detailed in the report:preventive caremenstruation supportcontraceptive care and abortionpregnancy and postpartum carereentry preparation and parenting classes

HOW WE DID IT

We conducted semi-structured, individual, in-person interviews with 34 incarcerated people in a women’s jail in California to learn about their experiences accessing and receiving reproductive health care since A.B. 732 was passed.Washington, DC: Urban Institute, 2024. 83p.

By the Independent Rikers Commission

. In October 2023, City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams re-appointed the Independent Rikers Commission, which was first established in 2016 by then-Speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito. Our renewed mission: to re-examine and refresh the plan to close the jail complex on Rikers Island, given the post-COVID-19 world and the New York City law that mandates Rikers close entirely by August 31, 2027. After adding new members to broaden our Commission’s base of expertise and representation, we undertook over a year of research, analysis, and consultations. This report provides our unanimous conclusions and recommendations.

New York: The Commission, 2025; 114p.

Final Report RAND Europe with research support from Rosie Meek, Kirsty Hudson, Sarah Senker and Charlotte Scott

RAND Europe was commissioned by the Ministry of Justice in 2022 to conduct a study exploring the lived experiences of two interventions in prisons in England and Wales: drug testing regimens and incentivised substance free living (ISFL) wings. Mandatory drug testing is routinely conducted in prisons to monitor drug trends, deter drug consumption (through sanctions), and identify individuals in need of further support. ISFLs are dedicated wings for prisoners who want to live in a drug-free environment, whether that be free from the consumption of drugs, the violence related to drugs, or the culture of drug use. Drug testing regimens and ISFLs feed into the delivery of His Majesty’s Prisons and Probation Service’s (HMPPS) drug policy for prisons, which is guided by three key aims: restrict supply, reduce demand and build recovery. This study aimed to understand how drug testing regimens are delivered, experienced, and perceived. Findings will shape the ISFL model by understanding the lived experience of staff and prisoners both on existing ISFL wings and elsewhere in the prison. Findings from this report will also be used to inform the design of a randomised controlled trial and process evaluation on ISFLs and a larger qualitative piece of work on implementation of drug testing. Data collection consisted of interviews and focus groups with prisoners, interviews with prison staff, and observations of drug testing suites and ISFL wings. Fieldwork took place in March and April 2023 in three prisons: a category C men’s prison in the North of England; a category B/C men’s prison in Wales; and a closed women’s prison in the South of England. Key findings on drug testing regimens Drug testing regimens appear to be designed with limited consideration of the variation and uniqueness of each prison and its population. The research identified practical limitations for prisoners on remand or serving short sentences in accessing support services. Female prisoners experienced the process of being tested as degrading due to the different way that they provide a sample in comparison to men. The illicit use of prescription medication, sourced through the prison’s medication hatch and traded among prisoners, was reported to be prevalent in all three sites. There was no immediate way for prison staff to know whether a positive result was the result of misuse or legitimate prescription use. The process for confirming this, via medical records, was described as lengthy and, at times, inappropriately punitive to prisoners legitimately taking prescription medication. Several staff and prisoners commented that the regimens were testing for substances that were widely understood not to be consumed in the sites. Drug testing regimens were not always seen to be effective as a therapeutic tool to support prisoners or address underlying needs that drive drug use. Generally, prisoners were either indifferent to, or supportive of, drug testing itself. The punitive responses to positive drug tests were felt to do little to deter drug use, in the absence of support being offered. Most participants, particularly in the men’s prisons, felt that drug testing was currently ineffective at deterring drug use in part due to inconsistent implementation. Additionally, for some at the South of England prison the ‘benefit’ of taking drugs to help deal with mental health issues and prison life, outweighed the ‘cost’ of getting caught. Key findings on ISFL wings There were mixed perceptions about the value of ISFL across the prison population. In the North of England and Welsh prisons, staff and prisoners were generally positive about the operation of the ISFL and attributed this to a calm atmosphere, positive and supportive relationships with staff and other prisoners, extended time out of cells and additional support services to help prisoners address their mental health needs. At the South of England prison, the ISFL was struggling to differentiate itself from other wings which staff and prisoners attributed to a lack of incentives specific to the ISFL. ISFLs were described by both staff and prisoners as having ‘a bad rep’ and creating ‘ill feeling’ among prisoners on other wings. This was put down to jealousy and resentment about the additional privileges and a perception that prisoners on ISFLs were colluding with management. ISFL referral processes differed significantly in implementation across the three prisons. All three wings used some form of referral criteria for recruiting participants. However, how referral worked in practice seemed ad hoc, informal and varied from site to site. The process for being able to reside on the wing was also unclear to many prisoners. Approaches to dealing with positive drug test results from ISFL residents also differed across the sites. In the North of England prison, a ‘two strikes’ approach to excluding prisoners from the wing appeared to be implemented consistently, while in the Welsh prison there was more flexibility for prisoners who volunteered information that they had used drugs. In the South of England prison no such penalty was applied. Talking therapies and purposeful activities were important in supporting recovery. The peer-led component of therapies and the opportunities to build supportive relationships with other residents through additional time out of cells and in shared spaces was felt to be effective in helping prisoners to understand the drivers of their drug use and how to address their mental health needs. The importance of a stable, safe environment and providing activities tailored to the needs of the population was highlighted by interviewees. Many believed that an ISFL should primarily be a settled environment where prisoners can access help to support their needs, and that a mix of prisoners, with and without histories of drug use, was beneficial in creating this environment. However, the environment in the ISFL at the South of England prison was described as ‘disruptive’ as it included prisoners who had not chosen to be on the ISFL, and other wings were described as offering a more therapeutic, communal environment. At this prison, staff also reported that the incentives on offer were typically more popular in a male, rather than female, prison (e.g., gym weights or pool tables) and female prisoners described different motivations for taking drugs. Findings underlined that the types of drugs consumed, reasons for drug consumption, and mental health and other needs vary by sex.

London: Ministry of Justice, 2024. 106p.

By Niloufer Taber and Asha Muralidharan

The Second Chance Pell Experimental Sites Initiative (SCP), launched by the U.S. Department of Education (ED) in 2015, provides need-based Pell Grants to people in state and federal prisons. The initiative examines whether expanding access to financial aid increases incarcerated adults’ participation in postsecondary educational opportunities. This program gives invited colleges the opportunity to provide credentialed college education programs within state and federal prisons using federal aid for incarcerated students who qualify. In 2016, ED invited 67 colleges in 28 states, and in 2020, it expanded SCP to include a total of 130 colleges from 42 states and Washington, DC. In 2022, SCP expanded again to include a total of 200 colleges in 48 states, Washington, DC, and Puerto Rico.1 The Vera Institute of Justice (Vera) provides technical assistance to the participating colleges and corrections departments to ensure that the programs provide highquality postsecondary education in prison and after release. This report summarizes the first six years of the experiment and primarily focuses on information from the 2021–2022 financial aid year, using survey responses from 75 participating colleges with enrolled students funded through SCP during this period.2

New York: Vera Institute of Justice, 2023. 14p.