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Posts in Punishment
Probation and parole in the United States, 2023

By Danielle Kaeb

This report presents findings on persons under community supervision on probation or parole in the United States in 2023. It includes characteristics of the U.S. community supervision population such as sex, race or ethnicity, and most serious offense. The report provides statistics on movements onto and off community supervision, and details types of exits, such as completing one’s term of supervision, being incarcerated, absconding, or other unsatisfactory outcomes while in the community. Findings are based on data from BJS’s Annual Probation Survey, Annual Parole Survey, and Federal Justice Statistics Program. This report is the 32nd in a series that began in 1981.

Highlights

At yearend 2023, an estimated 3,772,000 adults were under community supervision (probation or parole), up 27,900 (0.7%) from January 1, 2023.

From yearend 2013 to yearend 2023, among comparable agencies, the total adult community supervision population declined 23%.

During 2023, the number of adults on parole declined from 700,800 to 680,400 (down 2.9%).

The probation population increased for a second consecutive year in 2023, from 3,064,200 on January 1 to 3,103,400 on December 31 (up 1.3%).

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice Office of Justice Programs Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2025. 43p.

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Gaining Ground: How States Abolish or Restrict Application of the Death Penalty for Drug Offences

By Giada Girelli

The death penalty is an ineffective and inhumane punishment, and a prohibited one when imposed for drug offences. Still, as of 2024 it is retained in over 30 countries, and its implementation as a tool of drug control is a key driver of the use of capital punishment worldwide. At a time when its use is intensifying, by the part of an increasingly restricted but radical group of countries, it is critical to interrogate why and how governments around the world have abolished this measure or taken steps towards reducing its application. Such an assessment is key to understanding which actors and factors – social, political, cultural, economic – have influenced these processes, and which legal and policy steps were adopted to achieve that goal. In turn, this can offer important lessons to advocates, policymakers and practitioners on effective pathways to remove or restrict the application of the death penalty for drug offences in practice; as a step towards total death penalty abolition, and towards drug policies centred around dignity, health and rights. After a brief overview of the death penalty for drug offences, which builds upon Harm Reduction International (HRI) The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview series (hereinafter: Global Overview), this report is divided into two main parts. The first one is a review of 17 case studies of countries and territories which have removed the death penalty for drug offences from their laws, or adopted reforms aimed at reducing its use. The second is an analysis of commonalities in and recurring features of these experiences, with a focus on agents of change, narratives, other influencing processes, and the role of transparency. The report closes with some recommendations for policymakers, experts and activists, building on the lessons that can be learnt from these case studies. 1. 2 OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY This report reviews and analyses case studies of national developments which aimed to or had the effect of removing or restricting the use of the death penalty for drug offences. A primary purpose is to provide a comparative review of driving forces that practitioners and abolitionist activists can draw upon to develop strategies aimed at restricting use of the death penalty for drug offences in their own country. Attention is thus limited to (a) countries and territories with laws prescribing death as a punishment for drug offences at some point in their history; and (b) legal, policy, judicial or other developments which had at least the potential of restricting the use of this punishment; considering developments related to the death penalty for drug offences specifically, as well as developments related to the death penalty generally in countries where this punishment was prescribed for drug crimes. The death penalty is an ineffective and inhumane punishment, and a prohibited one when imposed for drug offences. Still, as of 2024 it is retained in over 30 countries, and its implementation as a tool of drug control is a key driver of the use of capital punishment worldwide. At a time when its use is intensifying, by the part of an increasingly restricted but radical group of countries, it is critical to interrogate why and how governments around the world have abolished this measure or taken steps towards reducing its application. Such an assessment is key to understanding which actors and factors – social, political, cultural, economic – have influenced these processes, and which legal and policy steps were adopted to achieve that goal. In turn, this can offer important lessons to advocates, policymakers and practitioners on effective pathways to remove or restrict the application of the death penalty for drug offences in practice; as a step towards total death penalty abolition, and towards drug policies centred around dignity, health and rights. After a brief overview of the death penalty for drug offences, which builds upon Harm Reduction International (HRI) The Death Penalty for Drug Offences: Global Overview series (hereinafter: Global Overview), this report is divided into two main parts. The first one is a review of 17 case studies of countries and territories which have removed the death penalty for drug offences from their laws, or adopted reforms aimed at reducing its use. The second is an analysis of commonalities in and recurring features of these experiences, with a focus on agents of change, narratives, other influencing processes, and the role of transparency. The report closes with some recommendations for policymakers, experts and activists, building on the lessons that can be learnt from these case studies. 1. 2 OBJECTIVES AND METHODOLOGY This report reviews and analyses case studies of national developments which aimed to or had the effect of removing or restricting the use of the death penalty for drug offences. A primary purpose is to provide a comparative review of driving forces that practitioners and abolitionist activists can draw upon to develop strategies aimed at restricting use of the death penalty for drug offences in their own country. Attention is thus limited to (a) countries and territories with laws prescribing death as a punishment for drug offences at some point in their history; and (b) legal, policy, judicial or other developments which had at least the potential of restricting the use of this punishment; considering developments related to the death penalty for drug offences specifically, as well as developments related to the death penalty generally in countries where this punishment was prescribed for drug crimes. For these reasons, this report does not attempt to provide a comprehensive, exhaustive overview of all domestic developments in all relevant countries and territories which had the potential or effect to restrict recourse to the death penalty for drug offence. Rather, it only describes and reviews some relevant developments, selected based on their perceived relevance for practitioners and experts, as well as availability of sufficient information and access to informants. 

London: Harm Reduction International, 2024. 70

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Righting Wrongful Detention August 2025 Report on people wrongfully detained by the Department of Home Affairs 1 July 2023 – 30 June 2024

By The Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman

This report is part of the Ombudsman's ongoing own motion investigation into instances where the Department of Home Affairs (the Department) has detained people it suspects to be unlawful non-citizens, but later identifies they were not unlawful and releases them from detention. It covers 11 cases of wrongful detention the Department identified between 1 July 2023 and 30 June 2024, including the wrongful detention of an Australian citizen. In one case, the person was wrongfully detained for one year and six months. Under section 189 of the Migration Act 1958 (the Act) an officer must detain a person they 'know or reasonably suspect' to be an unlawful non-citizen. While a decision to detain a person may have been lawful because an officer held the required reasonable suspicion at the time, in each of the cases considered in this report, their detention was wrong because that suspicion was later found to be incorrect. Wrongfully depriving a person of their liberty is serious. We commend the Department’s commitment to continually improving its policies and procedures to mitigate the risk of wrongful detention. However, since we began monitoring the issue in 2005, we have observed the same types of errors are causing people to be wrongfully detained. In addition, the Department has not improved the way it addresses its mistakes with the individuals it has wrongfully detained. The Department does not offer people it has wrongfully detained any form of redress, formal apology, or financial compensation. Although the Department may identify and acknowledge the mistake to the individual, the onus is on the individual to navigate the complex and often costly process of lodging a civil claim to seek damages for unlawful detention through the judicial system. Furthermore, because affected individuals are only informed verbally (rather than in writing) that an error has occurred on their release, they may not be aware of their ability to make such a claim or have access to the information required to support it. Of the 11 individuals who were wrongfully detained in this reporting period, only one has made a civil claim for unlawful detention.  

 Canberra:  The Office of the Commonwealth Ombudsman, 2024. 35p.

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Punishment, Pupils, And School Rules

By John Tillson and Winston C. Thompson.

In this chapter we analyze general views on punishment in order to consider what behavioural requirements schools may establish for students and which (if any) they may enforce through punishment, during compulsory education. Punishment, as we use the word, is the intentional imposition of burdensome treatment on someone – usually on the rule breaker – for having broken a rule, partly because the treatment is burdensome. By carefully analyzing various aspects of punishment, we aim to identify principles that should guide and constrain which behaviours schools punish, and how and why they punish them. In brief, we develop the following principles regarding legitimate requirements that can be made of students and the ways punishment may be used to enforce them. Before children are autonomous, schools may establish both paternalistic, and other-regarding requirements, but not requirements imposed from within comprehensive conceptions of the good. 2 They may punish children in order to ensure a fair distribution of the burdens and benefits of social arrangements. Schools may punish children for paternalistic reasons, including developmental reasons, but not for reasons of general deterrence. When children become autonomous, compulsory schooling may establish only other-regarding requirements of student conduct. 3 They may punish to ensure a fair distribution of the burdens or benefits of social arrangements; this includes punishing for reasons of general deterrence, due to children’s responsible choices enhancing their liability, as well as for other-regarding developmental reasons.

Pedagogies of Punishment: The Ethics of Discipline in Education.. Bloomsbury Academic. 2023. pp. 35-62

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Promises and Punishment

By Martin Dufwenberg , Flora Li , and Alec Smith

We study the effect of communication on beliefs and behavior in a three-stage trust game with punishment. We propose a novel behavioral mechanism, frustrationdependent anger, that links unmet payoff expectations with the willingness to forgo material payoffs to punish others. We conjecture that communication works through this mechanism to raise expectations about the likelihood of belief-dependent costly punishment and to increase trust, cooperation, and efficiency. In an experiment we allow communication in the form of a single pre-play message. We measure beliefs and our design permits the observation of promises and deception. The results are consistent with the theory that costly punishment results from belief-dependent anger and frustration. Promises drive the effect of communication on beliefs and broken promises lead to higher rates of costly punishment.

Preliminary draft. September 13, 2018

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The Palace of Death

By H. M. Fogle. Intrdosction by Graeme Newman

At once a chronicle and a funeral dirge, The Palace of Death stands as a haunting testament to early twentieth-century American penal culture. Published in 1909 by an Ohio penitentiary official, H. M. Fogle's volume compiles 59 firsthand accounts of incarceration and execution—each rendered with chilling precision and accompanied by stark photographic documentation. The period covers the execution by hanging and the transition to the electric chair, all in considerable detail. These narratives propel the reader through the twilight of life, revealing how society confronts its most extreme judgments. Yet, behind the factual veneer lies a provocative tension: does Fogle intend to expose the tragedy of fallen humanity, or to feed a voyeuristic appetite for death? In this liminal space between documentation and spectacle, the work demands not only attention, but moral inventory.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.229.

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Paying for One’s Own Incarceration: National Landscape of “Pay-to-Stay” Fees

By Campaign Zero

This report examines the practice of pay-to-stay fees, which involves charging individuals—both adults and youths—in correctional facilities for costs relating to their incarceration. Pay-to-stay fees not only affect individuals during their time of incarceration but can also result in post-release debt. While the report considers the overarching issues with pay-to-stay fees broadly, it looks more specifically at the imposition of room and board and medical fees at the state level for incarcerated adults and youths serving a sentence. Based on an in-depth literature review, discussions with other researchers, and interviews with people directly impacted by pay-to-stay fees, we argue that these fees are highly problematic for several reasons. Specifically, pay-to-stay fees: Impose excessive financial burdens on incarcerated individuals and their families, many of whom are already economically strained before and during incarceration; Serve as significant barriers to accessing basic goods and services during incarceration, such as medical care; Hinder successful reentry after a person has served their sentence; and Are ineffective fiscal policies that fail to generate significant revenue or meaningfully impact states’ budgets. Despite the lasting harms that pay-to-stay fees pose, these policies are pervasive across the country. Based on our analysis of qualitatively coded state statutes and corrections department policies related to pay-to-stay fees between June 2022 and December 2023, we found that 48 states allow for the imposition of at least one category of pay-to-stay fees 26 states explicitly allow for both room & board and medical fees for both adults and youths who are incarcerated Only the states of California and Illinois have repealed fees for all categories in state correctional facilities Given the widespread prevalence of pay-to-stay fees, we conclude the report by urging correctional systems and state & local governments across the country to explicitly ban the imposition of these fees and work towards dismantling the broader web of legal fines and fees that trap individuals in cycles of incarceration and debt.

Campaign Zero, 2025, 33p.

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PAY-TO-STAY LAWS AND PRIVATE PRISONS

By BRITTANY L. DEITCH

Beginning in the 1970s, as incarceration rates rose rapidly, states began implementing policies aimed at alleviating the financial burdens of supporting the system of mass incarceration. This Essay takes a macro-level approach by identifying and beginning to grapple with issues arising from the combination of two of these policies. First, states began delegating their duties to private prisons with the hope that for-profit entities could perform those duties at a more modest cost to taxpayers. Second, states enacted pay-to-stay laws, which authorize the state or county to seek reimbursement for the costs of incarceration from the incarcerated person. In taking these steps to mitigate the difficulty of funding mass incarceration, states instead perpetuate the harms of incarceration and create new problems. Ultimately, I argue that there are structural issues with this necro-capitalist system that siphons funds from the incarcerated to enrich private corporations while enabling the state to recede into the background. Moreover, even setting aside the inherent structural problems, this combination of policies counterproductively perpetuates mass incarceration by promoting a cycle of poverty and recidivism

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA JOURNAL OF LAW AND SOCIAL CHANGE Volume 28, Number 1 2024.

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Time to care: what helps women cope in prison? A thematic review

By The HM Chief Inspector of Prisons

We undertook this thematic because of our concerns about the very high and increasing levels of self-harm in women’s prisons, the paucity of regimes, the difficulties in enabling visits, the lack of training or support for officers and a failure to help women cope. The focus of this report is on what practical support can be offered by officers and leaders, rather than specific health care interventions. The findings are deeply depressing, with individual jails and the prison service not doing enough to understand the needs of this population or take action to make sure that women receive appropriate support. Between 2013 and 2023, rates of self-harm in women’s jails rose from 1,545 to 5,624 per 1,000 prisoners, and this dramatic increase is indicative of the levels of distress among women in prison. In the surveys carried out during our inspections and the fieldwork for this report, women told us what would help them to cope better. Much of what they describe could be readily achieved with more imagination and determination from both governors and the prison service. In this report we describe a vicious cycle whereby officers are spending so much of their time helping women who are suffering acute crises, that they are unable to provide the less intensive support other prisoners need to prevent them from deteriorating. The staffing position in women’s jails is now much healthier than it has been in recent years and many officers we spoke to wanted to provide prisoners with the support they needed. However, they were unable to complete much of the day-to-day work that is essential to maintain safe, respectful and purposeful jails because they lacked the time or capability to do the job effectively. Many prison officers remain inexperienced and the lack of training they receive is a recurring theme in this report. They were doing their best in often very distressing environments, yet only those working in specialist units received clinical supervision. Officers described the toll it took on them, including feeling traumatised by and eventually desensitised to the shockingly high levels of selfharms and mental illness they witnessed. This report also show that there is a failure to offer opportunities for women to stay in contact with their families, particularly children, for whom many were the primary carers. Phone credit was often not available during women’s first, crucial days in prison, visits were too short, video calls were restricted and visitors themselves were given little support, despite having to travel often long distances with young children. Despite their importance, there was a lack of ambition or creativity in helping women maintain good family ties. We see far more impressive support in the best men’s prisons

London: HM Chief Inspector of Prisons, 2025. 47p.

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Update and Restart: Post-pandemic prison digitisation in England and Wales

By Prison Reform Trust

Most prisons now offer virtual methods for staying in touch with loved ones, along with expanded provision in self-service, health, wellbeing, and education. This report is based on conversations with prisoners, staff, leaders, service providers, and academic experts, as well as prison visits. It highlights the growing digital culture in prisons and the importance of user experience and human factors in shaping digitisation. Progress has been made in five key areas: family contact, self-services, health and wellbeing, education, and resettlement. While the rollout of technology since the Covid-19 pandemic has been positive, there is room for improvement, and the report provides practical recommendations for further development.

London: Prison Reform Trust, 2025. 36p.

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Barriers to Prosecutions and Convictions Under the Modern Slavery Act 2015

By Anna Skee

The Modern Slavery Act (MSA) 2015 was introduced to strengthen the UK’s response to human trafficking and modern slavery, providing comprehensive tools to identify offenders, secure convictions, and protect victims. However, while the number of victims identified and referred to the National Referral Mechanism2 has continued to increase, prosecution and conviction rates under the Act remain notably low, raising questions about barriers to its implementation. This report examines some of these barriers, drawing on insights from practitioners directly involved in modern slavery cases, as well as academic and grey literature on the subject. The original research informing this report aimed to explore how financial investigations could improve prosecution and conviction rates under the Modern Slavery Act. Fifteen in-depth interviews were conducted with specialists including seven police officers based in English forces, three lawyers, three financial experts, one international cyber-crime expert, and one NGO representative with lived experience of modern slavery. All interviews were anonymised, transcribed, and analysed thematically.

Oxford, UK: The Modern Slavery and Human Rights Policy and Evidence Centre, 2025. 41p.

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Individual- and Area-Level Incarceration and Mortality

By Utsha G. Khatri, Jahn K. Hakes,; David Buckler,; et al

IMPORTANCE The US has the highest incarceration rates in the developed world. The harms of incarceration have long-term health implications, including increased mortality. Existing studies of incarceration-related mortality are limited by data sources and design. OBJECTIVE To examine the associations between both individual- and area-level incarceration rates with all-cause and overdose mortality in the US. DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS This cohort study used data from the Mortality Disparities in American Communities (MDAC) study, linking over 3 million 2008 American Community Survey (ACS) respondents to National Death Index data from the respondents’ 2008 interview date through December 31, 2019, or their date of death, and county incarceration data from the Vera Institute of Justice. The sample included US adults 18 years or older, representing individuals in group quarters such as prisons and jails but excluding those in counties lacking jail incarceration rate data. Data were analyzed from July 5, 2023, to November 10, 2024. EXPOSURE Individual incarceration status at the time of the ACS survey and county jail incarceration rates. MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES The outcomes of interest were all-cause mortality and overdose mortality, assessed through time-to-event analyses. Cox proportional hazard models were used to estimate mortality risks, adjusting for individual- and county-level characteristics. ACS survey weights were applied so that the final sample represents the US adult population. RESULTS The study includes a total of 3 255 000 individuals (51.3% female), of whom 45 000 (0.93%) were incarcerated at the time of the 2008 ACS administration. The mean (SD) county jail incarceration rate was 372 (358) per 100 000 people. During the study period, 431 000 individuals (11.6%) died from any cause, and 5500 (0.2%) died from overdoses. Incarcerated individuals had a higher risk of all-cause mortality (hazard rate [HR], 1.39 [95% CI, 1.33-1.45]) and an increased risk of overdose mortality (HR, 3.08 [95% CI, 2.70-3.52]) compared with nonincarcerated individuals. A 10% increase in county jail incarceration rates was associated with 4.6 (95% CI, 3.8-5.5) additional all-cause deaths per 100 000 people. CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE In this cohort study of 3.26 million individuals in the US, results highlighted the dual burden of incarceration on health outcomes. Individuals who were incarcerated faced significantly higher risks of death, particularly from overdoses, and elevated county incarceration rates exacerbated individual-level mortality risks. These findings suggest the need for reforms in criminal justice and public health policies to address these elevated risks and their widespread implications.

JAMA Network Open | Vol. 8, No. 6.2025

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Resetting the approach to women’s imprisonment England and Wales

By Prison Reform Trust

The high level of multiple and often unmet need experienced by many women in the justice system is well documented.1 Many women in prison are victims of more serious crimes than those they are accused of committing.2 The past two decades have seen several key policy developments relating to women’s imprisonment (see Appendix 1). Each of these developments show a trend towards recognising the distinct and specific needs of women in the criminal justice system and call for a reduction in women’s imprisonment. However, the number of women in prison, especially on remand and on short sentences, has remained stubbornly high. Moving beyond this status quo requires bold and creative thinking alongside sustained development and implementation of pre-existing strategies. This briefing sets out key facts and figures relating to women in the criminal justice system and highlights progress to date in implementing an approach which recognises women’s distinct needs.

London: Prison Reform Trust, 2025. 10p.

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IMPROVING COURT ATTENDANCEL  The Essential Guide to Court Reminder Programs  

By Alissa Fishbane • Shannon McAuliffe • Yiping Li

  Introduction Anthony had every intention of appearing for his court date next month. Then, life got complicated. His sister got into a car accident and spent a few days in the ICU. Anthony had to navigate her stay with the insurance company, while also visiting her and arranging for a rehab facility. He fell behind on his work, sleep, laundry, mail. Although a month ago he could never have imagined forgetting his court date, when the time came, he did. Nationwide, millions of people miss their court date—despite their genuine intent to attend. This issue is so widespread that, in areas across the United States, more people are booked into jail for missing court than any other reason. Yet research shows that a primary driver of nonappearance is that people simply forget or struggle to plan properly for their court date—a problem that reminders solve. This report is a complete guide to setting up an effective court reminder program, thereby preventing missed appearances, reducing warrants, and unlocking massive savings—in both resources and dollars—year after year. The high cost of missed appearances Missed court dates create case backlogs, overburden dockets, waste financial and human resources, and lead to jail overcrowding. We conservatively estimate each missed court date costs the government $1,496 in staff time and other resources. This includes rescheduling hearings, issuing warrants, locating individuals, and possible jail time. Yet this figure likely underestimates the true financial impact on courts, attorneys, law enforcement, and jails, not to mention the burdens placed on those with outstanding warrants.i When this figure is multiplied by the millions of missed court dates each year, the expense to taxpayers comes into dramatic focus. Altogether, missed court dates likely cost local government millions of dollars annually—and tens of millions for many state governments. Recognizing this hefty price tag, courts are increasingly turning to reminders as a cost-effective, proactive solution, rather than relying solely on costly, reactive punitive measures like warrants. It’s a classic case of “an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure.” Why reminders work We are all human, and missing appointments happens to everyone. In fact, doctor appointments are missed at rates similar to, or even higher than, court dates. This is why reminders are accepted and widely used by businesses and governments—and increasingly by courts: they help bridge the gap between intention and action, and they work. They’re practical, effective, and inexpensive. Reminders work because they address the widespread, yet often overlooked, behavioral reasons people miss court. Sometimes people miss court for logistical reasons (no transportation, inflexible work schedules, childcare duties), but many miss for reasons related to poverty and its effect on mental bandwidth, simple forgetfulness when life gets overwhelming, and "present bias"—where people focus more on the immediate costs of attending court (like fear or missing work) than the larger, long-term consequences of missing court, such as warrants and arrest. Court reminders address these issues by helping people remember their court date, understand the consequences of missing court, proactively plan to attend, and reduce their fear or confusion. Moreover, the effectiveness of reminders is well-established and backed by extensive research. Rigorous evaluations consistently show that court reminders reduce nonappearance by 20 to 40%. Studies show they are even more effective for people who have previously missed court. A small initial investment in a reminder system, with minimal per-reminder costs thereafter, will significantly improve appearance rates. This, in turn, will lead to massive savings for governments and taxpayers, while also reducing the negative consequences for individuals who would otherwise miss court. About this guide We designed this resource for those seeking to use proven, cost-effective practices to create or improve a court reminder system, including court administrators, policymakers, IT teams, clerks, judges, legislators, public defenders, district attorneys, pretrial agencies, and others. The goal is to provide a clear roadmap for system stakeholders to understand and implement this low-cost, high-impact solution to increase court appearance rates and improve overall court efficiency. While we focus on the criminal court system (most studies are based on offenses with warrant consequences— felony, misdemeanor, and some traffic cases), the principles outlined here can also be applied in civil or family courts, helping courts achieve better outcomes in all case types. This guide is grounded in evidence, operational best practices, and the science of human behavior. It breaks down the fundamentals of building a successful reminder program into achievable steps and demystifies the process. We’ll show you proven strategies for content and timing, system options for creating and sending reminders, and technology platforms and their basic costs. Plus, we’ll explore crucial elements like collecting contact information and the importance of auto-enrollment for broad and impactful reach. By reading this report, you'll discover how simple changes can dramatically enhance the quality, efficiency, and impact of court operations in your jurisdiction. With these tools at your disposal, you can start boosting court appearances—benefiting the court, its partners and stakeholders, the people attending, and their communities.   

New York: Ideas 42: 2025. 59p.

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Rethinking Rehabilitation: New Imaginations and Narratives

By Noor Huda Ismail

The release of former Jemaah Islamiyah leader Para Wijayanto in May 2025 has reignited debate over radicalisation, reintegration, and the shifting nature of violent extremism in Indonesia. His transformation underscores not only a generational rift between old and new jihadists but also the underexplored role of masculinity in the radicalisation process. A gendered approach offers vital insights into both the pull of extremist ideologies and the possibilities for sustainable disengagement.

RSIS Commentary

S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), NTU , 2025. 6p.

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CONVICT LEASING IN AMERICA: Unearthing the Truth of the "Sugar Land 95"

By Hanna Kim with the guidance of Reginald Moore and the Convict Leasing and Labor Project.

Many Americans learn about the vicious resistance to African American freedom that followed the Civil War and Reconstruction era. Jim Crow laws, lynchings, and the Ku Klux Klan are some of the well-known chapters of racial terrorism in U.S. history. But another effort to reinstitute slavery immediately after the war remains little known—passed over, left unexplained, swept under the rug. As the Civil War devastated the South, the South’s nascent prison system became the testing ground for crafting one of the earliest reincarnations of slavery. Convict leasing, a system in which Southern states leased prisoners to private parties, essentially re-enslaved many African Americans—men, women, and even children—who had been deemed free and equal by the Constitution’s 13th and 14th Amendments. Everyone involved in running this lucrative system profited from exploiting these prisoners, forcing them to work under inhumane conditions for almost no pay. Some people at the time even claimed that the convict leasing system was worse than slavery. Convict leasing helped revitalize the war-ravaged South and turn it into an industrialized stronghold with international reach. This report tells the story about convict leasing in a new way. It visually explains antiquated concepts and complex details, in order to help you understand precisely how convict leasing took advantage of and discriminated against its victims. It provides historical context, diving deep into convict leasing's mechanisms, brutality, and legacy. Ultimately, it seeks to awaken our common humanity and motivate all of us—regardless of race, ethnicity, age, gender, political alliances, or life experiences—to challenge the systemic racism that blinds us, silences us, imprisons us, kills us, forgets us, haunts us. History is not frozen in time, nor is it ever complete or perfect. It is messy, multifaceted, and always changing in relation to who is writing it. History depends on what we decide to remember, together. A local historian and activist named Reginald Moore will introduce you to the discovery of the “Sugar Land 95”—the remains of 95 African Americans who are believed to have labored under the convict leasing system in Sugar Land, Texas. The history of Sugar Land is not only sweet; it is also bitter.

Convict Leasing and Labor Project: 2020. 40p.

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A Multi-Site Qualitative Evaluation of the Accredited Thinking Skills Programme (TSP)

By Nicholas Blagden, Luke Vinter, Eve Penford, Jade Mason & Polly Delliere-Moor

The evidence for offending behaviour programmes has expanded over several decades, with a large body of reviews producing well replicated findings attesting to the positive effects of cognitive-behavioural approaches in reducing general reoffending. These approaches aim to help participants recognise patterns of thought and action, while providing alternative perspectives and cognitive skills to help change thinking and behaviour. Related research also indicates that following Risk-Need-Responsivity (RNR) principles yields the best outcomes. In brief, RNR principles suggest that the intensity of rehabilitation services should be matched to a person’s propensity to reoffend (risk), targeted at psychological characteristics associated with reoffending (need); and, based on a cognitive-behavioural approach, tailored to individual styles of learning (responsivity). In line with such principles, His Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service (HMPPS) in England and Wales has invested in cognitive-behavioural programmes since the 1990s. Central to this offer since 2008 has been the Thinking Skills Programme (TSP), which is aimed at adult men and women who are assessed as medium and above risk of reoffending. TSP comprises 19 sessions (15 group sessions and 4 individual sessions). It is designed to support reductions in reoffending in four ways as set out below. 1. Developing thinking skills (such as problem solving, flexible thinking, consequential thinking, critical reasoning). 2. Applying these skills to managing personal risk factors. 3. Applying thinking skills to developing personally relevant protective factors. 4. Applying thinking skills to setting pro-social goals that support relapse prevention. This report qualitatively evaluates TSP, focusing on participants’ experiences of the programme and the perceived impact of the prison environment on its effectiveness.

London: Ministry of Justice 2025. 79p.

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COUNTDOWN TO CLOSING RIKERS: POLICY BRIEF

By Campaign to Close Rikers

The jails on Rikers Island are legally required to close within three years. But closing Rikers is not simply a legal obligation - it is a moral one. “Torture Island,” as it is commonly known by those who’ve survived it, has robbed generations of primarily Black and Brown people of their freedom and their human rights. The deadly conditions at Rikers have claimed far too many lives, including 32 people since Mayor Adams took office. Fortunately, there is a plan in place to close Rikers that was envisioned and fought for by formerly incarcerated people and their family members, with the support of faith leaders, service providers, community organizations, and other allies. This plan was approved and passed by the Mayor and City Council in October 2019, after extensive community input. Now is the time to accelerate this plan, and to maximize every possible strategy to reduce the jail population and limit the number of people exposed to the harm and abuses of Rikers. The Mayor and city agencies must take the lead in urgently executing this plan, and every elected official must leverage their power to support its implementation. Here we outline steps the Mayor, along with the City Council, must take to deliver on the commitment to closing Rikers, from decarceration, to defending the rights of incarcerated people, to divestment & redistribution.

New York: The Campaign, 2024. 14p.

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Growing Gideon: Improving Indigent Defense in Juab County

By The HE UTAH INDIGENT DEFENSE COMMISSION

The focus of this report is the structural improvements made to indigent defense services in Juab County as a result of the partnership between state and local stakeholders. These stakeholders include the Utah Indigent Defense Commission (IDC), Juab County Commission and Attorney’s Office, and the Utah County Public Defender’s Office (UTCPD), and local attorneys. The Utah Legislature created the IDC in 2016 to provide meaningful state oversight and ensure Utah’s indigent defense services are constitutionally effective. The IDC collaborates with the state, local governments, indigent defense providers, and other stakeholders to:  provide guidance and standards for systems to ensure and oversee local defense services;  gather and report information about local indigent defense services;  award state funding to local governments to improve local indigent defense services; and  encourage and aid in the regionalization of indigent defense services throughout the state. For calendar year 2017, Juab County was the first recipient of an IDC grant award of $111,800. Actual IDC spending totaled $95,924, allowing the IDC to more accurately budget for a three-year grant renewal with Juab County in 2018. Additionally, identifying this amount helped to set the precedent for the startup and recurring costs of indigent defense improvements for future grant models throughout the state. The data in this report make use of those efforts to measure improvements in a local indigent defense system as a result of state funding from the IDC. The data are compiled from many sources, including narratives submitted by Juab County, as a requirement of the IDC grant award. Additional data come from the Administrative Office of the Courts (AOC) on appointed case and case-specific information, and Sorenson Impact Center Data Science Team for providing quantitative metrics related to indigent defense statewide.

Salt Lake City, UK: The Commission, 2019. 29p.

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The Link Between Race-Ethnicity and a Pre-Sentence Prison Recommendation

By The Utah Commission on Criminal & Juvenile Justice

Decades of research have demonstrated a systemic and nation-wide presence of racial and ethnic disparities in the United States’ criminal justice system. Here we analyze 9,788 felony Pre-Sentence Investigation reports in Utah between 2015 and 2017. By examining the relationship between race-ethnicity and the severity of the pre-sentence recommendation, we find that Hispanics have an increased likelihood of receiving the most severe sentence recommendation in comparison to Whites. Policy implications around findings are discussed which has the potential to reduce current disparities as they occur at the Pre-Sentence Investigation level. The generational costs associated with the system’s inequalities merits policy action on this salient issue.

Salt Lake City, UT: The Commission, 2019. 17p.

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