By Tamara Ryan and Cole Anderson   

Upon release, formerly incarcerated people often have few resources to get by while they are seeking employment. They struggle to find work because of criminal stigma, low education levels, and work history gaps. Supporting formerly incarcerated individuals upon their re-entry helps ensure they can take part in the activities needed for employment, such as resume preparation and learning job search skills. One key to improving the likelihood of employment post-incarceration is to ensure returning citizens have adequate financial resources and support to address their immediate needs and allow a focus on gaining employment. Moving more formerly incarcerated people into the workforce presents a massive opportunity for the state. Not having these individuals in the workforce is a lost opportunity for both employers and the state and increases the likelihood they will return to prison or will be rearrested, adding to the cost burden for the state. Key Findings • Formerly incarcerated people are 24% less likely to return to prison when they have acquired new skills and maintained employment during incarceration. • An estimated 6,000 individuals are released from Colorado prisons annually, a number that is roughly equivalent to 20% of the new entrants that are added to the state workforce each year. This number is also 1.5 times larger than Cherry Creek High School, the largest high school in the Denver area. • Breakthrough, a Colorado nonprofit that works with formerly incarcerated individuals, has helped those citizens achieve a 94% employment rate after their release. If Breakthrough’s results could be replicated for all applicable individuals exiting prison, 2,400 more individuals would be employed among each annual prison release cohort. Together those 2,400 individuals would contribute to GDP growth totaling more than $1 billion and a $650 million increase in personal income.  • Colorado’s current 3-year recidivism rate is 28%. Reducing that rate to Breakthrough’s 6% rate would save the state an estimated $55 million annually in recidivism-related costs, realized after the three-year recidivism measurement period. • Inmates working in Colorado’s prisons earn just dollars per day.i Marginally increasing the income inmates can earn while working in prison and on work release programs could help reduce the financial burden to the state through decreased public benefit use and lower recidivism rates. • There is a strong connection between employment and lasting economic benefits for formerly incarcerated individuals. • Colorado currently lacks any data to capture the outcomes, particularly the employment and earnings outcomes, of former inmates. This deficit makes it difficult to gauge the success of post-release programs. • Over the 5-year period prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, more than half of those who recidivated went back to prison because of technical violations such as possessing a firearm or failing to report to a parole officer, not commission of new crimes.  Employment for Returning Citizens Employment is a critical component of successful re-entry into the community after release from incarceration. A study by the Institute of Politics at the John F. Kennedy School of Government found a lack of employment was one of the most significant risk factors affecting successful re-entry.ii Researchers also found community organizations that offer returning citizens assistance with employment were most successful when they provided a holistic approach that included both training and job placement and emphasized high quality jobs with upward mobility potential. Positive benefits of employment include decreased reliance on state assistance, increased self-esteem, a more positive sense of identity, and a life made more stable because of income. Employers also benefit from successful reentry. Hiring formerly incarcerated individuals expands hiring pools at a time when businesses report difficulty finding talent, provides evidence of nondiscriminatory hiring practices, and creates potential tax credit and free bonding service opportunities. Additionally, employers could reduce training costs by hiring individuals who received training while incarcerated. Unfortunately, research shows a felony conviction or incarceration makes individuals significantly less employable. After release, finding a job can take six months or more.iii Providing resources for released individuals to get and keep a job decreases the risk of recidivism because it ensures these citizens are meeting the requirements of parole, contributing to their households, paying off fines or making restitution, and forming the prosocial connections that discourage re-offending. National data shows more than 27% of formerly incarcerated people are unemployed, a number that is higher than the U.S. unemployment rate at any time in history, including the Great Depression. Unemployment is worse for women than men, particularly for formerly incarcerated black women, whose unemployment rate is 43.6%.iv There is a clear connection between unemployment and likelihood to engage in crime. One study found that, among unemployed men in their 30s, more than half had been arrested or convicted of a crime. Additionally, it is important to remember the unemployment rate only measures people who are actively looking for work and does not include discouraged workers who have stopped looking for jobs. When these individuals are included in the calculation, the jobless rate reaches closer to 60%.

Greenwood Village, CO: Common Sense Institute, 2025. 18p.

By Andrew Garin, Dmitri K. Koustas, Carl McPherson, Samuel Norris, Matthew Pecenco, Evan K. Rose, Yotam Shem-Tov, and Jeffrey Weaver.

We study the effect of incarceration on wages, self-employment, and taxes and transfers in North Carolina and Ohio using two quasi-experimental research designs: discontinuities in sentencing guidelines and random assignment to judges. Across both states, incarceration generates short-term drops in economic activity while individuals remain in prison. As a result, a year-long sentence decreases cumulative earnings over five years by 13%. Beyond five years, however, there is no evidence of lower employment, wage earnings, or self-employment in either state, as well as among defendants with no prior incarceration history. These results suggest that upstream factors, such as other types of criminal justice interactions or pre-existing labor market detachment, are more likely to be the cause of low earnings among the previously incarcerated, who we estimate would earn just $5,000 per year on average if spared a prison sentence.

Working Paper 32747, ”National Bureau of Economic Research”, July 2024. 77p.

By Marco Castillo, Sera Linardi, Ragan Petrie

Many previously incarcerated individuals are rearrested following release from prison. We investigate whether encouragement to use reentry support services reduces rearrest. Field experiment participants are offered a monetary incentive to complete different dosages of visits, either three or five, to a support service provider. The incentive groups increased visits, and one extra visit reduces rearrests three years after study enrollment by six percentage points. The results are driven by Black participants who are more likely to take up treatment and benefit the most from visits. The study speaks to the importance of considering first-stage heterogeneity and heterogeneous treatment effects.

Munich : Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo GmbH

Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo, 2024. 46p.

By Charlie Taylor

The rate of self-harm among women in prison has rocketed in the last 10 years and is now 8.5 times higher than in men’s jails.

Rather than specific health care interventions, this thematic focuses on what practical support officers and leaders can offer women to reduce the likelihood that they will resort to self-harm.

We found that the paucity of regimes, the difficulties in enabling visits, and the lack of training or support for officers all contributed to a failure to help women cope. Staff spent a lot of their time helping women suffering acute crises, leaving little time to provide less intensive yet vital support for other women, which was taking a toll on the mental health of both staff and the women in their care.

London: HM Inspector of Prisons, 2025. 47p.

By Samuel A. Torres

This report investigates the alignment of scores on the Criminogenic Risk and Behavioral Health Needs Framework (“risk-needs framework”) with recidivism likelihood as part of a broader evaluation of the Resource Reentry Center (RRC) and Justice and Mental Health Collaboration Program (JMHCP) in Bernalillo County. Recidivism is operationalized as a subsequent arrest beyond an initial booking into the Metropolitan Detention Center (MDC). The capacity of the risk-needs framework to predict new bookings is compared with that of the Proxy Risk to Recidivate Screener (“Proxy”), one of the screening tools used to construct risk-needs framework scores. Retrospective analysis of jail data over an eight-month period for over 6,000 inmates originally released between July and October 2019 indicates that risk-needs framework scores do not correspond to jail readmission rates or length of stay in a consistent manner. The Proxy scores align much more closely with subsequent bookings and length of stay. If the goal of the risk-needs framework is at least partly to predict recidivism risk, this report recommends the Proxy be used in lieu of the full framework to screen arrestees’ risk to reoffend.

Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research, Center for Applied Research and Analysis, 2021. 13p.  

By Elise M. Ferguson, Alise O’Connell 

 This report follows a cohort of more than 28,000 inmates released from the Metropolitan Detention Center in 2010 over a nine-year follow-up time period. Overall recidivism is described as well as recidivism by sex, race/ethnicity, and age at release. Also presented are cumulative recidivism rates and rates by year of first return to custody. 

 Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research, Center for Applied Research and Analysis, 2020. 80p

By E. Ferguson, H. De La Cerda, and P. Guerin 

This report reviews the impact of preventive detention motions on the Failure to Appear (FTA) and New Criminal Activity (NCA) rate for individuals in Bernalillo County charged with felony crimes and for which the Public Safety Assessment (PSA) was administered and used in the pretrial release decision making process from the Bernalillo County Metropolitan Detention Center (MDC). This report contains several sections. Following this introduction, we include a brief description of the sample of court cases used in this review. Next, we discuss PSA recommendations and crime types, the PSA and pretrial detention motions, pretrial detention motions and FTA and NCA rates, and NCA and charge levels. 

Highlights: • A Pre-Trial Detention motion was more likely to be granted for cases with more restrictive PSA recommendations. • Preventive Detention Motions were not associated with failure to appear to court or new criminal activity. • As PSA recommendation categories became more restrictive FTA rates and NCA rates increased. • The most serious charge for BCMC cases were violent (35%), property (30%), and drug (27%). • ROR release recommendations accounted for 32.7% of violent charges recommendations. RORs had an FTA rate of 8.5% and an NCA rate of 8.3%. • PSA recommendation categories were not evenly distributed between violent and non-violent charges. • Preventive detention motions have been filed for all PSA recommendation categories, including 18.7% with a ROR. • Higher FTA and NCA rates were associated with drug offenses, property offenses and public order offenses. • Overall, the new criminal activity rate was less than 20% and was primarily for charges of a lower or equivalent level as the assessed case. 

Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research , 2020. 16p.

By Megan Davey, Julia Yates & David McAlonan

The Electronic Monitoring (EM) as a Licence Variation (LV) project commenced as a pilot on 8 August 2022 in one probation region of England and Wales, which increased to five probation regions on 28 March 2023. The project allows probation practitioners in participating probation regions to vary a prison leaver’s licence by imposing electronically monitored conditions, where they believe that it would be beneficial to do so. This can take the form of Global Positioning System (GPS) location monitoring or Radio Frequency (RF) curfew monitoring. The EM as LV tool is intended for use on a discretionary basis by probation practitioners as a response to an escalation of risk or as an alternative to recall, as is the case with other licence variations, so as to support the successful completion of the licence period. Moreover, EM as LV should only be used as an alternative to recall when the recall threshold is met and the risk is assessed by probation as manageable in the community with additional licence conditions. The purpose of this process evaluation is to assess how the discretionary use of EM as LV has contributed to the management of people on probation in the community by HM Prisons and Probation Service (HMPPS) across the five participating probation regions. The evaluation is also intended to help identify any improvements that could be made as part of any future roll out of the intervention to further probation regions. This report summarises the findings of the process evaluation led by the Ministry of Justice (MoJ). It explores stakeholders’ views and experiences of the EM as LV project to understand how it has been operating, its perceived effects and its observed limitations. The process evaluation fieldwork was carried out during summer 2023. 1.1 Key findings  between go-live in early August 2022 and the end of December 2023. The EM as LV data were also matched to management information (MI) recorded by the Probation Service using unique identifiers so as to obtain estimates of a set of protected characteristics and other variables, which were subject to missing values and potential data input errors. Comparisons were provided with respect to all prison leavers released on an adult licence over the same time period, where relevant. The qualitative data regarding stakeholders’ perceptions were obtained using primarily interviews that were conducted among police officers, probation practitioners, EM service provider staff and people on probation who were enrolled in the EM as LV project. The main limitation was that the views expressed by respondents were only representative of those individuals who chose to participate. In particular, the number of people on probation who responded was small. 

Ministry of Justice Analytical Series: London: Ministry of Justice, 2025. 83p.  

By Brittany Michelle Friedman, Gabriela Kirk-Werner, and April D. Fernandes

This article examines the repeal of prison pay-to-stay policies in the United States. We process-trace reform efforts in Illinois drawing from novel data retrieved through multiple FOIA requests to state agencies and public records searches. Our analysis reveals how lawmakers who advocated for reforming the shadow carceral state in 2016 and 2019 through repealing prison pay-to-stay repurposed penal logics they had once used punitively in the 1980s and 1990s to enact the same policy—such as protecting taxpayers, fiscal efficiency, and rehabilitation. Our findings advance existing research by suggesting that penal logics are open to interpretation depending on the socioeconomic and historical moment. These contextual factors are also crucial to determining how lawmakers and institutions re-interpret long held penal logics when reforming the shadow carceral state. We argue the ways in which lawmakers strategically operationalize penal logics exemplifies their cultural durability as a resonant means to a political end.

Theoretical CriminologyVolume 28, Issue 4, November 2024, 22p.

By Susan McNeeley

Prior research shows employment is an important component of desistance, but there is mixed evidence regarding the effectiveness of prison-based education programs. Therefore, this study examines whether participation in vocational education programs while incarcerated improves recidivism and post-release employment outcomes. Observable selection bias was reduced by using propensity score matching to create similar treatment and comparison groups. Before matching, it appeared that people who completed vocational programs fared better on several measures of recidivism and post-release employment. However, after matching, there were no differences in any outcome between those who obtained vocational certificates and the matched comparison group. In addition, the study controls for the timing of release to examine whether recidivism and employment outcomes varied during the COVID-19 pandemic. The results showed lower rates of rearrest, supervised release revocation, and post-release employment during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is important for future research to control for release from prison during the COVID19 pandemic, as failure to do so may introduce a significant historical threat to validity. It is possible that rather than directly affecting recidivism or employment, vocational education programs may have helped motivated individuals who were already likely to succeed meet their career goals. The results demonstrate the importance of accounting for selection bias in evaluations of education and employment programs. It is recommended that career-focused educational programs incorporate the risk-needs-responsivity model and the continuum of care principle, build relationships with community employers, and assist with practical barriers to employment.

St. Paul: Minnesota Department of Corrections, 2023. 24p.

By CFE Research and Revolving Doors

Intensive Supervision Courts (ISCs) are a problem-solving approach that diverts offenders with complex needs away from short custodial sentences and into enhanced communitybased sentences which aim to address underlying issues linked to offending. The ISC pilot is testing a model of community sentence management between probation and the courts, for certain individuals who receive a high-end Community Order (CO), or Suspended Sentence Order (SSO). Orders managed under the ISC comprise both rehabilitative and punitive measures, are delivered by a multi-agency team and are overseen by a single judge who can apply incentives to reward engagement and sanction those who are non-compliant. Key partners include the judiciary, court staff, probation, treatment providers, police, local authority, and women’s services. The Ministry of Justice (MoJ) fund the pilot; most of the funding is allocated to dedicated ISC probation resource, the addition of a court co-ordinator role, and a dedicated “privilege and enabler” fund to support and recognise compliance. Privileges are intended to be flexible and creative in order to be individualised to the person on the ISC. The pilot currently comprises two substance misuse (SM) courts in Liverpool and Teesside Crown Courts, and a women’s ISC in Birmingham Magistrates’ Court, and is set to run between June 2023 and December 2024. A third SM court operating in Bristol Crown Court launched in June 2024 after this report was written. This is the interim report of an independent process evaluation of the pilot. It covers the implementation period of the pilot covering elements of best practice, challenges and early findings. It draws on evidence gathered through a survey of pilot staff and stakeholders, in-depth interviews with staff, stakeholders, and individuals on the ISC, observations of ISCs and related activities, and analysis of monitoring data. This report refers to ‘ISC orders’ and ‘individuals on the ISC’ for succinctness. These terms are used to describe those with COs or SSOs that are being managed through the ISC pilot model.

Ministry of Justice Analytical Series 2024

London: UK Ministry of Justice 2024. 90p.

By Cheryl Yates

In October 2019, the Iowa Department of Human Rights Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) was awarded Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) funding through the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA), to conduct a longitudinal evaluation of sex offenders serving special sentences in Iowa. The purpose was to evaluate the effectiveness of the special sentence policy and the extent to which it reduced recidivism long-term. The special sentence was enacted in 2005 to mandate extended monitoring of sex offenders in the community for a duration of 10 years or life, depending on the crime. An initial study was conducted by CJJP in 2014 for the former Sex Offender Research Council (SORC). The 2014 study compared recidivism rates of Iowa sex-offenders who were supervised on special sentence to a cohort of sex-offenders who were supervised before the special sentence was enacted. The results showed lower rates of new convictions for sex offenses among those on the special sentence within a three-year tracking period, but higher prison return rates for technical violations presumably a result of the increased monitoring in the community.1 The current study will use a longer, nine-year recidivism tracking period to track the same cohorts studied in 2014. The purpose is to examine whether the special sentence cohort continues to have lower sex offense recidivism rates and higher prison returns over a nine-year tracking. The evaluation questions investigated in this report include the following:  Is the low likelihood of sexual reoffending sustained longer-term?  Does special sentence monitoring continue to result in more technical violations and time incarcerated for sex offenders on the special sentence compared to the pre-special sentence cohort?  What are the estimated costs and what resources might be needed in the future to sustain this intensive supervision?  What is the expected forecasted growth of offenders serving a special sentence in the community and those who are in the prison population? As outlined in the SAC grant proposal, multiple indicators of recidivism will be examined, including any conviction, felony conviction only, sex conviction, felony sex conviction, and revocation (prison return due to technical violation or new conviction). The study will also examine the demographics of sex offenders, their convicting offense, risk levels, and treatment participation; the number of offenders on the special sentence and forecasted; and costs of the special sentence and alternatives.

Iowa Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) , 2021. 52p.

By Rosa Loureiro-Revilla

Overcrowding, limited resources, and systemic corruption hinder Peru’s ability to manage its prisons, where mobile phone smuggling thrives. Addressing these issues requires investment in modern technology, robust staff training, and better pay to reduce bribery risks. Comprehensive policies, including alternatives to incarceration for minor offences, can improve governance and curb illicit practices that undermine state control.

Bergen, Norway: U4 is part of the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), 2024. 18p.

By NACRO

The issues of prisoner healthcare are not new, but in publishing this report including the direct experiences of people who have been through the prison system, we hope to bring these concerns to the forefront of thinking, and engage in collaborative discussions about solutions.

In order to explore the issues with physical healthcare in prison, we carried out a survey of people who have been released from prison and have received support from Nacro with their resettlement journey. We asked people to complete the survey if they had been released from prison in the last five years, although it is important to acknowledge that their survey responses may relate to more historic experiences. 101 people completed the survey between May and October 2024.

This briefing examines:

the physical health of people in prison, and how this is generally worse than people in the community;

the impact of imprisonment on physical health, including the impact of overcrowding and unsanitary conditions, lack of purposeful activity and poor quality diets;

the problems and barriers to accessing healthcare services, including difficulties in accessing treatment and lengthy waiting lists, missed appointments, issues with medication, feeling ‘unseen’, and issues on transfer between prisons and on release.

Nacro Physical Healthcare Survey key findings:

Almost half (43%) said they did not get the treatment they needed from the medical professionals they saw

Three quarters of people (75%) said they were aware of people not able to get the medication they needed whilst in prison and 65% said that they saw people using other people’s medication. 64% said that they knew people who used illegal substances because they couldn’t get the medication they needed

60% said they had a longer period of pain and discomfort because they did not get the treatment they needed, and 12% said that because they did not get the treatment they needed they were then not able to work when they were released from prison

A third of people (34%) who reported they had appointments at a hospital outside prison during their sentence were not able to attend the appointment

One third of people (34%) were aware of people who had resorted to doing dentistry on themselves or others because they were unable to see a dentist

40% waited for a month or longer for a GP appointment, and a further 7% said they never got an appointment

More than one in three (38%) waited longer than three months for a dentist appointment, with a further 24% saying they never got an appointment

Over a third of people (35%) who needed to see an optician said they never got an appointment

Summary of our main recommendations

We set out recommendations at the end of this report which we believe will help people in the

justice system get the support they need with their health. These are grouped as follows:

Tackling the overuse of imprisonment: Policies that aim to reduce overcrowding and reduce our reliance on imprisonment by providing community alternatives must form part of the solution.

Limiting the impact on physical health: We set out recommendations that we believe will help to tackle the fundamentally unhealthy environment of prisons.

Overcoming the barriers to accessing healthcare services: We set out recommendations to address the issues that prevent people from getting the treatment and support they need.

The Better Futures Project Briefing 3

London: NACRO 30p.

By Elena Larrauri

This article deals with the right to make requests and complaints (RCs) inside Spanish prisons. It discusses the European Prison Rules and the principles set forward by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), examining how the Spanish system respects these. It then introduces the RCs system in Spain. Through research carried out in four prisons, interviews with the directors and with 21 inmates and taking as an example one prison, we were able to discover that the number of requests in one year is 55,000. This result reveals the formalised character of Spanish prisons and raises the question as to how to respond to RCs inside prison. The last part of the article draws on interviews with three Penitentiary Judges and discusses their role in reviewing RCs. In our analysis of 626 of the final decisions we found that 98.6% were denied. Finally, the article provides some explanations for this result and questions whether judges can be said to provide an effective remedy in such cases.

Howard J. Crim. Justice. 2025;64:107–122. 

By Pablo Marshall, Diego Rochow, Sergio Faúndez

This article analyses the enfranchisement process of the prison population in Chile. Although institutions were reluctant to grant the vote to this group for several years, in 2022, new policies allowed prisoners to suffrage for the first time. The Voto Preso movement, a set of organisations struggling for prisoners’ political participation, played a fundamental role in this transformation. However, incarcerated people's participation in constructing the movement's demands and strategies was scarce. Drawing on eleven interviews with key movement actors, the article sheds light on the main discourses by which it promoted the materialisation of Chilean prisoners’ voting rights. The article also critically scrutinises the consequences of prisoners’ limited inclusion in the Voto Preso movement. Finally, the article discusses how its analytical approach may open new avenues for studying prisoner dis/enfranchisement as a situated boundary issue.

Howard J. Crim. Justice. 2025;64:3–23 pages

Edited by Charles Richmond Henderson, Ph.D.

INTRODUCTORY IN this volume may be found an account by specialists of the institutions of correction through which the criminal law is enforced. The story is not boastful but critical; the weak places of our establishments are as faithfully disclosed as the high aims of the most enlightened administrators are set forth for apprecia­ tion. Of a national "system'' of prisons nothing is said, for none exists. Most of the book is devoted to reformatories and prisons in the northern states of the Union; one paper is devoted to a de­ scription, explanation and criticism of the agencies of punishment of the southern states, and to an acccount of the worthy and hopeful efforts of wise citizens of those districts to correct abuses and improve methods. The warm climate of the South, the predominance of agriculture, and the presence of millions of negroes are facts which must be considered in forming a judgment about these methods. It is manifest that the fundamental and universal principles of correctional methods must there take a very different direction from that which is most reasonable in the North.

Russell Sage Foundation, 1910, 345p.

By William Ash-Houchen, Avery Sorensen, Monica Benton, Kaysea Beck

The Improving People’s Access to Community-based Treatment, Supports and Services (IMPACTS) grant program was established in by the Oregon Legislature through Senate Bill (SB) 973 (2019) in recognition of the shortage of comprehensive community supports and services for individuals with mental health or substance use disorders that lead to their involvement with the criminal justice system, hospitalizations, and institutional placements.1 The Oregon Legislature has appropriated a total of $30 million to the IMPACTS grant program since its inception in 2019. This funding is available to Oregon’s counties and federally recognized tribal governments to increase the availability of community-based supports and services to a target population of individuals with a behavioral health condition and frequent criminal justice system and/or emergency services involvement. Grantees currently represent 11 counties across the state and five federally recognized tribal governments. The overall aim of each program is to reduce the frequency with which persons served by the program are involved with the criminal justice system and rely on emergency healthcare services. Per SB 973, this report will explore several outcomes that have emerged from grantee-reported data, ongoing evaluation efforts, and the potential state government costs avoided due to the high utilizer IMPACTS grant program. It will also briefly highlight the interplay between these high utilizer programs and the recent creation of the Oregon Behavioral Health Deflection Grant Program. Key findings: • Co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders were reported among 54 percent of IMPACTS clients. Participants with co-occurring disorders return for services more often than clients enrolled in IMPACTS without a mental health disorder. • More than one third of IMPACTS clients report one of the following mental health disorders: trauma and stressor related disorders, depression, and/or anxiety. • Among the 74 percent of clients with known substance use disorder, 61 percent reported use of methamphetamine, and 46 percent reported alcohol use. • Those releasing from prison engage in IMPACTS services at a higher rate than those without a recent prison stay history. • Importantly, five IMPACTS programs are operated by federally recognized tribal governments. 29 percent of IMPACTS clients identify as American Indian and Alaskan Native (AIAN). Reported data show that this population returns for services in subsequent months at a significantly higher rate than those who do not identify as AIAN. • Grantees are reporting unique overlap opportunities between IMPACTS and Oregon Behavioral Health Deflection programs, which both deliver services to distinct but related populations. • From July 2023 through June 2024, IMPACTS served a total of 839 people. At the end of June 2024, more than 550 humans were actively enrolled. • The IMPACTS grantees are funded through June 30, 2025, and will not be sustained without further investment from the legislature.

Salem: Oregon Criminal Justice Commission 2025. 42p.

By Patrick F. Hibbard, Michael R. McCart, Jason E. Chapman, & Ashli J. Sheidow

Introduction. This report describes results from a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of a short-term housing (STH) program for individuals released from prison who are on supervision and without an approved place of residence. Developed by Community Corrections leaders in Oregon, STH aims to provide a brief period of housing to individuals in need following exit from prison, with the goal of easing their reintegration back into the community and reducing their likelihood of recidivism. To control costs, STH emphasizes the provision of housing only and without the other services that are commonly included in more comprehensive reentry programs. STH consists of basic housing (i.e., a hotel room, shared room at a county’s office, or in a home owned by the county) not to exceed thirty (30) days. Housing can be provided to those with felony prison release, as well as those with local control release. STH is a one-time benefit. STH recipients also are provided a one-month voucher for public transportation. Excluded from STH are high-risk individuals (e.g., sex offenders), individuals whose needs would be better met in a recovery housing program (e.g., Oxford House), and those with an active threat to self or others. Recognizing the potential promise of STH, Oregon’s Criminal Justice Commission contracted with the authors of this report to evaluate the model’s impact in a multi-site RCT. The primary target outcome in the RCT was reduced recidivism, defined in accordance with SB 366 Section 1 (2015) (codified in Oregon Revised Statutes [ORS] 423.557). As used in that section, recidivism refers to any arrest, conviction, or incarceration for a new crime within three years of prison release. Study Design. Across three participating counties (“County A,” “County B,” “County C”) in the RCT, the study compared STH to usual community housing (UCH), with randomization at the participant level. Archival arrest, conviction, and incarceration records for approximately 3 years post-randomization were obtained from state databases for 114 RCT participants (County A n = 55; County B n = 8; County C n = 51). Participants were aged 21-65 years (M = 38.7), and 88.6% were male. Race/ethnicity was 84.9% White, 8.7% Latinx, 3.3% Black/African American, and 3.0% Native American. Secondary observational data were obtained for three additional counties (County “D,” County “E,” County “F”) who provided housing to individuals releasing from prison during the same timeframe as the RCT. After pre-processing data for comparability to STH, these data (County D n = 29; County E n = 1; County F n = 54) included individuals aged 18-82 years (M = 36.2), and 86.9% were male. Race/ethnicity for secondary observations was 82.1% White, 7.1% Latinx, 7.1% Black/African American, and 3.6% Native American. STH was expected to yield reduced arrest, conviction, and incarceration recidivism relative to UCH. Data Analysis. For all models, the primary analysis looked at data generated through the RCT. A small sample size, however, may not have produced sufficient power to detect small effect sizes. Thus, supplementary analysis included matched secondary observational data. Arrest, conviction, and incarceration recidivism are compared in 3 ways: The first model tested for a difference in the likelihood of each recidivism outcome. The second tested for a difference in the count of conviction and incarceration. The third tested for a difference in the time to arrest, since count was not available. Each model also included several control variables. Finally, the models included fixed effects for each participating county, as well as the month and year for each individual’s release from prison. When secondary data were added for supplementary analyses, a dichotomous covariate indicated if an observation was from secondary or RCT data sources. Results and Conclusion. STH does not appear to be an effective approach to lowering recidivism. The primary and supplementary analyses returned no evidence of an effect of STH on arrest, conviction, or incarceration recidivism. The failure of this approach might be due to its (a) strict 30-day housing limitation, (b) lack of other services, and/or (c) higher levels of supervision scrutiny. Nevertheless, we caution against concluding from this report that housing is not needed or useful for some individuals releasing from prison. Clearly, housing is a major challenge for a large number of parolees (HUD, 2022), and when counties have the resources to provide a shortterm stay at a hotel or other housing location, doing so seems both compassionate and logical. At the same time, 30 days of housing appears insufficient to meaningfully impact an individual’s reintegration trajectory. Instead, we recommend that Oregon provide its counties (particularly those in lower-resourced areas) with more funding to develop comprehensive reentry programming. Such programming would ideally have the capacity to address multiple reentry challenges (in addition to housing) for longer periods, and in a way that individual needs are addressed along customizable timelines. This recommendation is consistent with prior research showing that programs providing comprehensive services inclusive of housing to individuals releasing from prison tend to be effective at reducing recidivism when implemented with fidelity (Lutze et al., 2014; Miller & Ngugi, 2009).

Salem: Oregon Social Learning Center, 2024. 21p.

By Fouzia Awan, Jared Stahl, Alec Bukata, Bergen Sorby, Anna Newberry, Sarah Frahm

Pursuant to Section 133(20), Chapter 376, Laws of 2024, the Washington State Office of Financial Management (OFM) contracted with Western Washington University’s Center for Economic and Business Research (CEBR) to provide a comprehensive analysis of communication rates for incarcerated individuals across the United States. This report examines the costs associated with various communication methods — including voice calls, video conferencing, email, and text messaging — offered by contracted vendors in each state. Included in the report is an overview of the payments made by each state to their communication vendors, outlining the rate structures applicable to incarcerated individuals and their families over time. Additionally, it presents data on the total amounts paid by families to vendors each fiscal year. The report features a comparative analysis of rate structures over time, alongside historical communication fees. It also aims to forecast market trends from 2024 to 2030, providing insights into expected changes. Furthermore, the report identifies states that offer any form of communication — whether voice, video, email, or text — free of charge to both the initiating and receiving parties. It includes specific dates when these states began offering free communication services. Additionally, the report examines any access limitations for incarcerated individuals to these services once they are provided free of charge, as well as how communication policies have evolved in these states as a result.

Olympia, WA: Washington State Office of Financial Management (OFM) , 2024. 31p.