By The Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP)

This report examines the Choices Program, a national education initiative for K-12 social studies curriculum housed at Brown University that combines licensed curriculum units, free online content, and professional education workshops to provide a range of resources for secondary school classrooms.17 The program, used by 8,000 schools in all fifty states, reaches over one million students. Our investigation reveals significant concerns regarding the program’s ambiguous structure, lack of transparency, ideological content shifts, and external influences. Organizational structure and transparency issues The report starts by documenting the structure of the Choices Program. Our investigation has uncovered troubling discrepancies in how the Choices Program presents itself: • While operating under Brown University’s umbrella and reputation, the program describes itself both as “a self-funded organization affiliated with Brown University” and as a separate “non-profit organization” based at Brown University. • Brown University enters into contracts “on behalf of” the Choices Program, suggesting a distinct legal structure with actors that are unknown to the schools that purchase the curriculum with no clear understanding of the true organizational structure. • The program’s financial structure and revenue streams remain opaque, with significant discrepancies between reported budgets and apparent revenue. Systematic content changes and ideological shifts that are reinforced by schools’ lack of oversight or content control The report next examines the Choices Program’s shift in narrative with respect to Israel and the fact that its structure impedes meaningful oversight and review of the curriculum. In particular, we demonstrate that the Choices Program has over many years become increasingly anti-Israel and anti-democratic in its approach, reflecting a particular pedagogical change in strategy and application that either went unnoticed by the schools purchasing the curriculum or was not disclosed by Brown University. Analysis of program materials, particularly those concerning the Middle East, reveals concerning patterns: • progressive delegitimization of Israel through content changes across editions; • elimination of key historical context and balanced perspectives; • downplaying of significant diplomatic achievements like the Abraham Accords; • introduction of increasingly partisan theoretical frameworks; • systematic changes in terminology and map presentations. This content and ideological shift has been bolstered by the proprietary system put in place by the Choices Program, which raises additional concerns: • schools lose the ability to track or review content changes; • schools receive no notification clarifying curriculum modifications; • restricted access prevents oversight by school boards and parents; • the limited transparency of the program’s privacy policies and third-party data sharing arrangements raises concerns about conflicts of interest and the potential exposure of students or teachers to external sources not approved by schools. External influence and misrepresentation Our investigation identified significant discrepancies between Brown University’s public statements and documented evidence regarding external influence over the Choices Program, including: • the understated relationship with QFI; • the misrepresentation of the nature and extent of QFI’s involvement in workshop content, teacher engagement, and curriculum distribution; • the lack of transparency concerning donor influence on content development Key implications This report raises serious concerns about: 1. potential violations of educational transparency requirements; 2. oversight failures by educational institutions adopting the curriculum; 3. compromised academic integrity through undisclosed external influences; 4. impact on student learning and perspective formation; 5. broader implications for K-12 educational content oversight. These findings suggest an urgent need for increased transparency, improved oversight mechanisms, and clearer guidelines for foreign influence in K-12 educational materials. The report concludes with specific policy recommendations to address these systemic issues.

Miami Beach; New York: The Institute for the Study of Global Antisemitism and Policy (ISGAP) 2025. 41p.

By Neumann, Neomi

From the document: "As Palestinians and Israelis mark the thirtieth anniversary of the Oslo Accords, it is worth pausing to examine what remains of the original promise contained in the agreement (hint: something does remain). More than that, it is worth examining whether those remnants can survive the many challenges facing the Palestinian Authority, especially those likely to emerge 'the day after' President Mahmoud Abbas exits the stage. [...] In the three decades since Oslo, a litany of crises has eroded public trust in the very idea of conducting political dialogue in the spirit of those accords, including two Palestinian intifadas, the fallout from Israel's 2005 Gaza disengagement, and even the 2006 Lebanon war. A real window opened during Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's tenure in 2006-08, but it eventually closed as well, whether because of Israeli politics or Abbas's hesitation. Today, the PA has survived to carry out its work in the civilian, economic, and political spheres. But its inherent weaknesses have grown starker, and the West Bank governance system is eroding both ideologically and functionally as a result of political dormancy, distrust from the Palestinian street, and the crowding of the resistance space. This year has already been the most violent under Abbas's tenure--as noted above, 181 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces in the West Bank since January, while 30 Israelis and foreigners have been killed by Palestinian attackers from that territory and East Jerusalem. The dysfunction and violence have raised questions about the PA's ability to navigate future crises, including the day after Abbas leaves the scene."

Washington Institute For Near East Policy . 2023.. 8p.