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Posts tagged public defender
The Right to Counsel in Illinois: Evaluation of Adult Criminal Trial Level Indigent Defense Services

By Sixth Amendment Center and The Defender Initiative

In 1963, the U.S. Supreme Court declared in Gideon v. Wainwright that it is an “obvious truth” that anyone accused of a crime who cannot afford the cost of a lawyer “cannot be assured a fair trial unless counsel is provided for him.” In the intervening 58 years, the U.S. Supreme Court has clarified that the Sixth Amendment right to counsel means every person who is accused of a crime is entitled to have an attorney provided at government expense to defend him in all federal and state courts whenever that person is facing the potential loss of his liberty and is unable to afford his own attorney. Moreover, the appointed lawyer needs to be more than merely a warm body with a bar card. The attorney must also be effective, the U.S. Supreme Court said again in United States v. Cronic in 1984, subjecting the prosecution’s case to “the crucible of meaningful adversarial testing.” Under Gideon, the Sixth Amendment right to effective counsel is an obligation of the states under the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. The State of Illinois delegates to its county boards and circuit court judges most of its constitutional obligation to ensure the provision of effective assistance of counsel to indigent criminal defendants in the trial courts. Yet the state does not have any oversight structure by which to know whether each county’s indigent defense system has a sufficient number of attorneys with the necessary time, training, and resources to provide effective assistance of counsel at every critical stage of a criminal case for each and every indigent defendant. This is the first of three findings of this report. As explained in chapter I, this report is the result of a statewide evaluation of the provision of the right to counsel in adult criminal cases at the trial level, conducted at the request of the Illinois Supreme Court. Through data collection and analysis, interviews with criminal justice stakeholders, and courtroom observations, the evaluation assessed indigent defense services against national standards and Sixth Amendment caselaw that establish the hallmarks of a structurally sound indigent representation system, which include the early appointment of qualified and trained attorneys, who have sufficient time and resources to provide effective representation under independent supervision. The absence of any of these factors can show that a system is presumptively providing ineffective assistance of counsel. This evaluation focuses closely on the practices of nine counties – Champaign, Cook, DuPage, Gallatin, Hardin, LaSalle, Mercer, Schuyler, and Stephenson – which taken together illustrate the wide variations among Illinois county governments and courts in their efforts to fulfill the Sixth Amendment right to counsel. The State of Illinois delegates to its counties and trial court judges the responsibility for providing and overseeing attorneys to effectively represent indigent defendants, and it delegates to its counties nearly all of the responsibility for funding the right to counsel of indigent defendants. When a state chooses to delegate its federal constitutional responsibilities to its local governments and courts, the state must guarantee not only that these local bodies are capable of providing effective representation but also that they are in fact doing so. Yet Illinois is one of just seven states that do not have any state commission, state agency, or state officer with oversight of any aspect of trial-level indigent representation services in adult criminal cases. Chapter II details the framework that Illinois has established for its county-level criminal justice systems and how that framework has been implemented in the nine sample counties. The indigent defense systems in the nine representative counties of this evaluation vary greatly. With 102 counties in the state, it is likely that any or all of those counties present even greater variations in their indigent defense systems. Without oversight, the State of Illinois cannot accurately say how many people or cases, and of what case types, require appointed counsel nor by whom the representation is being provided, if at all, and the State of Illinois cannot know how much the provision of indigent representation should cost nor how to provide it effectively in all 102 counties. Instead, policy decisions about indigent defense systems are left to anecdote, speculation, and potentially even bias. Chapters III through VII comprise the substantive assessment, which relate the basis of our second and third findings: The state’s limited framework for how county boards and circuit court judges are to establish and implement the indigent defense system in each county institutionalizes political and judicial interference with the appointed attorneys’ independence to act in the stated legal interests of their indigent clients. This lack of independence causes systemic conflicts of interest that interfere with the provision of effective assistance of counsel. 3. The indigent defense systems established in Illinois’ counties lack oversight and accountability that can result in a constructive denial of the right to counsel to at least some indigent defendants, and in some instances can result in the actual denial of the right to counsel to at least some indigent defendants. An indigent defense system’s effectiveness must be measured by the representation it provides to its appointed clients. The U.S. Supreme Court explained in Cronic that “[t]he right to the effective assistance of counsel” means that the defense must put the prosecution’s case through the “crucible of meaningful adversarial testing.” For this to occur, U.S. Supreme Court case law provides that an indigent person must be represented by a qualified and trained attorney, who is appointed early in the case, and who has sufficient time and resources to provide effective representation under independent supervision.

Boston: Sixth Amendment Center, 2021. 181p.

The Public Voice of the Defender

By Russell M. Gold and Kay L. Levine

For decades police and prosecutors have controlled the public narrative about criminal law—littering the news landscape with salacious stories of violent crimes while ignoring the more mundane but far more prevalent minor cases that clog the court dockets. Defenders, faced with overwhelming caseloads and fear that speaking out may harm their clients, have largely ceded the opportunity to offer a counternarrative based on what they see every day. Defenders tell each other about overuse of pretrial detention, intensive pressure to plead guilty, overzealous prosecutors, cycles of violence, and rampant constitutional violations— all of which inflict severe harm on defendants and their loved ones. But defenders rarely show the public the world they inhabit.

That approach hasn’t stopped the carceral state from ballooning over the past fifty years; public defense budgets remain paltry, and clients suffer from too much law and too little justice in a system that disregards and dehumanizes them. This Article encourages defenders to go on the offensive, to seek transformative change toward a more just legal system. It builds on the social media literature to analyze how defenders can strategically use social networking sites to add their expertise to ongoing public debates about crime and criminal justice policy. As a few existing efforts suggest, social media enables defenders to widely share the routine injustices they observe and to engage with local grassroots organizations to build coalitions. Defenders’ strategic use of social media won’t change policies overnight, but we are hopeful that it will augment public support for defenders and their clients and build power to transform the criminal legal landscape over decades.

Gold, Russell M. and Levine, Kay L., The Public Voice of the Defender (July 14, 2023). 75 Alabama Law Review (Forthcoming), U of Alabama Legal Studies Research Paper #4416723, Emory Legal Studies Research Paper No. 23-4,

Expanded Criminal Defense Lawyering

By Ronald Wright and Jenny Roberts

This review collects and critiques the academic literature on criminal defense lawyering, with an emphasis on empirical work. Research on criminal defense attorneys in the United States has traditionally emphasized scarcity of resources: too many people facing criminal charges who are “too poor to pay” for counsel and not enough funding to pay for the constitutionally mandated lawyers. Scholars have focused on the capacity of different delivery systems, such as public defender offices, to change the ultimate outcomes in criminal cases within their tight budgetary constraints. Over the decades, however, theoretical understandings of the defense attorney’s work have expanded to include client interests outside the criminal courtroom, reaching the broader social conditions connected to the alleged criminal act. Researchers have responded by asking a broader range of questions about the effectiveness of defense counsel outside the courtroom and by using improved data to study the effectiveness of lawyers at discrete procedural stages.

Annu. Rev. Criminol. 2023. 6:241–64

Indigent Injustice? A Systematic Review and MetaAnalysis of Defendants’ Criminal Justice-Related Outcomes.

By SE Duhart Clarke

The right to an attorney in criminal cases is a constitutional right covered under the Sixth and Fourteenth Amendments of the United States Constitution and is considered fundamental to a fair trial. Over two-thirds of criminal court defendants in the United States are unable to afford their own counsel and thus have an attorney given to them by the court (i.e., indigent defendants). Many legal scholars have debated the effectiveness of indigent defense counsel compared to privately retained counsel. However, in the absence of synthesized data on outcomes for indigent defendants, legal scholars commonly cite the pragmatic and theoretical mechanisms for publicly funded defenders’ limitations or strengths to support their arguments about the effectiveness of indigent defense counsel. When empirical evidence on outcomes for indigent defendants is used to support an argument, the research cited is often limited to studies conducted in specific jurisdictions on a specific step in court case processing. Consequently, our overall understanding of outcomes experienced by indigent defendants is limited and disjointed, underscoring the need for a systematic evaluation of the current empirical literature. The goal of the study in this dissertation was to conduct a systematic literature review and meta-analysis on outcomes for defendants with public defenders, defendants with assigned counsel, and defendants with retained attorneys to better understand what (if any) discrepancies exist in criminal justice-related outcomes as a function of indigent defense status. Specifically, this study examined the current empirical literature on pretrial outcomes, case outcomes, sentencing outcomes, and post-case outcomes for indigent defendants compared to defendants with private/retained attorneys and/or public defenders compared to assigned counsel.

 Raleigh NC: North Carolina State University, 2021.112p.

The New Mexico Project: An Analysis of the New Mexico Public Defense System and Attorney Workload Standards

By The American Bar Association, Standing Committee on Legal Aid and Indigent Defense and Moss Adams LLP

The Standing Committee on Legal Aid and Indigent Defense (SCLAID) has jurisdiction over matters related to the creation, maintenance, and enhancement of effective civil legal aid and criminal indigent defense delivery systems and services, including by: (a) advocating for meaningful access to the justice system for all; (b) supporting viable and effective plans to increase funding for legal aid and indigent defense delivery systems and services; and (c) developing standards and policy, disseminating best practices, and providing training and technical assistance.

The American Bar Association Standing Committee on Legal Aid and Indigent Defense (ABA SCLAID) and Moss Adams LLP (Moss Adams) conducted this study on behalf of the Law Offices of the Public Defender of the State of New Mexico (LOPD) to analyze public defense historical caseloads for the State of New Mexico, to calculate the average amount of time attorneys should spend on specific case types to meet the minimum standards for representation, and then to compare the two to determine whether a deficiency of resources exists. This study is referred to as the New Mexico Project. The New Mexico Project consisted of two main phases: (1) an analysis of the New Mexico public defense system’s historical staffing and caseloads; and (2) the application of the Delphi method. The Delphi method is an iterative process used in this study to identify how much time an attorney should spend, on average, in providing representation in certain types of criminal cases. In determining the amount of time an attorney should spend to meet the minimum standards for representation we are guided by the legal standard set out in Strickland v. Washington: “reasonably effective assistance of counsel pursuant to prevailing professional norms.”1 The prevailing professional norms, which anchor the Delphi process, are the Rules of Professional Conduct, the ABA Criminal Justice Standards, and the applicable national and local attorney performance standards. The Delphi method’s structured and reliable technique incorporates the input, feedback, and opinions of highly informed professionals to develop consensus on a specific question. The New Mexico Project consisted of three different Delphi panels: Adult Criminal, Juvenile and Appeals. Participants in each panel were selected based on their substantive expertise and experience in these areas. Participants included public defenders, contract attorneys, and private defense practitioners, and they were approved by independent Selection Panels. Each Delphi area was sub-divided into Case Types and Case Tasks, and further divided by Resolution (e.g. plea/otherwise resolve v. go to trial). For each Case Task in each Case Type, participants are surveyed about the amount of time the task takes and the frequency with which it occurs. The Delphi process in New Mexico consisted of two rounds of online surveys, taken independently. The second-round survey was completed only by those who participated in the first round and included a summary of the responses from the first round for second round participants to consider. A third survey was then conducted in a live group setting only by those who had completed the first and second survey rounds. These participants met over a series of days to review the results of the second survey and developed a professional consensus regarding the appropriate amount of time an attorney should spend on a series of case tasks for each case type2 to provide reasonably effective assistance of counsel pursuant to prevailing professional norms in the State of New Mexico. The result of the Delphi process is the consensus of the expert panel on the Frequency and Time needed to complete each Case Task in compliance with applicable standards, as well as Resolution – the percentage of cases that should plead/otherwise resolve v. go to trial. These consensus decisions are then used to calculate the Delphi result, the time needed for a public defense attorney to provide reasonably effective assistance of counsel to a client in an average case of this Case Type. Applying the Delphi results to historical caseloads, we can determine the total number of hours of public defense attorney time needed in the jurisdiction. Further, we can compare the hours of attorney time currently available in the jurisdiction’s public defense system to the hours needed to determine if the current system has a deficiency or excess of attorney time and the amount of that deficiency or excess.

Chicago: American Bar Association, 2022. 88p.

National Public Defense Workload Study

by Nicholas M. Pace, Malia N. Brink, Cynthia G. Lee, Stephen F. Hanlon

Public defense attorneys with excessive caseloads cannot give appropriate time and attention to each client. Excessive caseloads violate ethics rules and inevitably cause harm. Overburdened attorneys are forced to choose cases or activities to focus on, such that many cases are resolved without appropriate diligence. A justice system burdened by triage risks unreliability, denying all people who rely on it — victims, witnesses, defendants, and their families and communities — efficient, equal, and accurate justice.

Ethics rules require lawyers to limit their workloads to ensure competent representation. But what should those limits be? Clear standards for public defense workloads are essential to policymakers' ability to fund and staff the defense function at appropriate levels, to public defense authorities' ability to conduct appropriate oversight, and to attorneys' ability to provide their clients with reasonably effective assistance of counsel pursuant to prevailing professional norms as guaranteed by the Sixth Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.

To create new national public defense workload standards, researchers conducted a comprehensive review and analysis of 17 state-level public defense workload studies conducted between 2005 and 2022 and then employed the Delphi method to facilitate the efforts of a panel of 33 expert criminal defense attorneys from across the country to come to a consensus on the average amount of time needed to provide constitutionally appropriate representation in an array of adult criminal cases.

Key Findings

Based on the consensus of an expert Delphi panel, the average time needed to represent an individual in an adult criminal case ranged from 286 hours to 13.5 hours, depending on case type

  • High-severity felony cases required the most time, on average: cases with a possible sentence of life without parole, 286 hours; murder cases, 248 hours; sex crimes cases, 167 hours; and other high-severity felony cases, 99 hours.

  • Mid- and low-severity felony cases required an average of 57 and 35 hours, respectively.

  • High- and low-severity cases for driving under the influence required 33 and 19 hours, respectively.

  • High- and low-severity misdemeanor cases required an average of 22.3 and 13.8 hours, respectively.

  • Probation or parole violation cases required an average of 13.5 hours.

Existing national public defense workload standards are outdated, not empirically based, and inadequate

  • The 1973 National Advisory Commission on Criminal Justice Standards and Goals (NAC) standards fail to differentiate among types of felonies, giving equal weight to a burglary, a sexual assault, and a homicide.

  • Using the 1973 NAC standards creates a risk of excessive workloads.

New national workload standards better reflect modern criminal defense practice and professional and ethical responsibilities

  • The new standards reflect expert attorneys' experiences with current criminal defense practice, including digital discovery and forensic evidence, as well as the expanded scope of a criminal defense lawyer's obligations, including advising clients on collateral consequences.

  • The new workload standards can be used to assist public defense agencies, policymakers, and other stakeholders in evaluating defender workloads.

Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2023. 186p.

Understanding and Improving Defendant Engagement

By Philip Mullen, Clare Collins, and Katy Savage

This research was commissioned by HM Courts and Tribunals Service (HMCTS) to identify the factors preventing defendants to engage in criminal courts processes. We interviewed 38 defendants with recent criminal cases and explored how they can better be supported in various stages of courts processes, especially around legal representation, from their own perspective.

The report details how the lack of user-friendly and timely information or support with signposting create additional barriers for defendants, and how early intervention is key to foster engagement.

London: Revolving Doors, 2022. 55p.

Bugmy Bar Book

By Bugmy Bar Book Committee

Launched in 2019, the Bugmy Bar Book is a free, evidence-based resource hosted on the website of the NSW Public Defenders.

The project publishes accessible summaries of key research on the impacts of the experience of disadvantage and strengths-based rehabilitation. It provides objective research across several areas of disadvantage, to support both the application and decision-making processes, when subjective information is unable to be obtained.

The project is directed by a Committee comprised of representatives of key stakeholders in the criminal justice system (including the NSW Public Defenders, NSW Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions, Aboriginal Legal Service (NSW/ACT) Limited and Legal Aid NSW), the judiciary (including the Supreme Court of NSW, District Court of NSW, Local Court of NSW, ACT Magistrates Court and NSW Judicial Commission), legal academics (including senior academics from UNSW, ANU and UTS) and members of the private legal profession. Although the project originated and is based in NSW, the resources are designed for use across all Australian jurisdictions and the committee engages with stakeholders Australia-wide.

Who is the Bugmy Bar Book For?

It aims to promote greater understanding of the impacts within the legal profession and judiciary, with the key function being to assist in the preparation and presentation of evidence to establish the application of the sentencing principles in Bugmy v The Queen (2013) 249 CLR 571.

The application of the materials in the Bugmy Bar Book can also be used in other contexts, including bail and mental health diversionary applications, various civil practice areas, coronial inquests and other inquisitorial jurisdictions.

The impact of defense counsel at bail hearings

By Shamena Anwar Shawn Bushway, John Engberg

Roughly half of U.S. counties do not provide defense counsel at bail hearings, and few studies have documented the potential impacts of legal representation at this stage. This paper presents the results from a field experiment in Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, that provided a public defender at a defendant’s initial bail hearing. The presence of a public defender decreased the use of monetary bail and pretrial detention without increasing failure to appear rates at the preliminary hearing. The intervention did, however, result in a short-term increase in rearrests on theft charges, although a theft incident would have to be at least 8.5 times as costly as a day in detention for jurisdictions to find this tradeoff undesirable.

Sci. Adv. 9, eade3909 (2023) 5 May 2023