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Posts tagged UK policy
Preventing criminal exploitation: evidence summary

By The Scottish Government, Social Research

This paper is part of a series of rapid evidence summaries which aim to explore current understanding of prevention strategies and interventions in relation to human trafficking and exploitation in the UK. These include an overarching paper on prevention approaches, and three smaller, more focused reviews on preventing criminal exploitation, sexual exploitation and labour exploitation. This paper focuses on the prevention of criminal exploitation of adults and children, with a focus on the latter, reflecting the evidence base. It was undertaken to inform the Scottish Government’s refresh of its Trafficking and Exploitation Strategy. Whilst evidence is lacking on ‘what works’ to prevent criminal exploitation, the available information hopefully provides some useful insight into the challenges and opportunities for prevention. The research findings and views summarised in this report do not necessarily reflect the views or policies of the Scottish Government or Scottish Ministers.

Key findings

Robust evidence on public health approaches to preventing criminal exploitation is lacking, and in particular evidence on primary and secondary prevention interventions. There is therefore a lack of robust ‘what works’ evidence on how to prevent and respond to criminal exploitation.

That said, a number of common themes for preventing criminal exploitation arose in the literature reviewed. These included the need for more effective multi-agency working and information sharing; better evidence and data; and calls for a statutory definition of criminal exploitation.

Other ‘promising practices’, mostly relating to child exploitation, were methods for engaging with children and young people at risk of exploitation (e.g. mentors); specialist education and therapeutic support in schools (e.g. restorative justice); and, effective training and awareness raising for those in contact with children, young people and/or families.

Though early intervention (secondary prevention) is considered essential to prevent and respond to child criminal exploitation, the literature reviewed for this paper raises concerns about a lack of a contextual safeguarding approach - which assesses risks outside the family/home environment, including online.

Much of the literature focuses on the criminal justice response (tertiary prevention). A common theme concerning child exploitation was the prioritisation of prosecution over safeguarding.

Also in relation to tertiary prevention, the literature reviewed raises a number of concerns about service responses. Access to tailored, specialist support for criminal exploitation is reported to be limited in the UK. Moreover, a lack of suitable accommodation and appropriate mental health support were flagged as key barriers to preventing child re-exploitation.

Edinburgh: The Scottish Government, 2025. 17p.

MORE THAN WORDS: how definitions impact on the UK’s response to child trafficking and exploitation MORE THAN WORDS: how definitions impact on the UK’s response to child trafficking and exploitation

By Laura Durán and Leah Davison

Definitions matter. They shape how problems are understood, which responses are triggered, and who is recognised as needing protection. In the context of the exploitation of children, however, definitions are far from settled. The legal and policy landscape surrounding child trafficking and exploitation is shaped by a complex interplay between international, regional, and domestic standards. Definitions serve multiple purposes: they not only establish the legal parameters needed to prosecute offences but also function as tools for identifying victims and determining their eligibility for support and protection.

Whilst the terms “human trafficking”, “slavery,” and “forced labour” are defined in international law and have been incorporated into UK legislation, other key terms such as “modern slavery”, “labour exploitation” and “criminal exploitation” remain undefined in law, leading to inconsistent interpretations.

These inconsistencies are not just technical or academic, they have real world consequences. They influence not only how a child is viewed, but also what support they receive by determining their access to entitlements, the services triggered, and which system is involved. Definitional instability also undermines efforts to collect reliable data and assess prevalence. Without a shared conceptual foundation, prevalence estimates vary, interventions may be misdirected, and child victims risk being misidentified or overlooked. Language choices are shaped by institutional mandates and political priorities, not just descriptive accuracy.

Formal identification as a “victim of human trafficking” should trigger specific support under international law such as protection, counselling, legal advice, safe accommodation, interpretation services, health care, special measures in court, access to education, compensation, presumption of age, provide for the possibility of not imposing penalties on victims for their involvement in unlawful activities, residence permit and a legal guardian for unaccompanied child victims.

This report explores how definitional inconsistencies across legal, policy, and practice frameworks in the UK shape the identification and protection of children who are subject to child trafficking. 

Key findings

  1. Inconsistent definitions, gaps and overlaps in terminology, and varying thresholds for recognition, are undermining the identification and protection of children, leading to fractured responses and silos.

  2. Preconceptions about exploitation along race, nationality and gender lines affects both identification and the determination of child NRM referrals. The proportion of child referrals refused on the basis of not meeting the definition has remained consistently high, with significant disparities by nationality.

  3. An emphasis on movement in the definition of trafficking in domestic legislation in England and Wales and Northern Ireland overlooks other elements in the act of child trafficking such as recruitment and harbouring and continues to shape professional understandings of when a case constitutes child trafficking in both identification and prosecutions, particularly affecting children exploited locally to where they live, or those exploited online.

  4. Age is a factor which determines the application of terminology, and perceived maturity is often interpreted as a proxy for consent, responsibility and perceived agency, affecting identification and criminalisation.

  5. Child trafficking is primarily understood as abuse occurring outside of the family, obscuring the complexities of harm and affecting identification.

Key recommendations

  1. Develop a Cross-Government UK wide Child Exploitation Strategy – the UK Government, Welsh Government, Scottish Government and Northern Ireland Executive should develop and implement a cross-government child exploitation strategy that recognises and responds to the overlapping nature of exploitation types. This strategy should be underpinned by integrated policy and operational frameworks across relevant departments to promote consistency in identification, protection, and support for children. Responsibility should be shared across key departments, including but not limited to the Home Office, Department for Education, and devolved administrations.

  2. Align legal definitions with international standards – the UK Government and Northern Ireland Executive should reform primary legislation language in England, Wales, and Northern Ireland to reflect the international definition of child trafficking, removing the over-emphasis on movement and recognising actions such as recruitment and harbouring.

  3. Establish a statutory definition of child exploitation – the Home Office should introduce a statutory definition of child exploitation that encompasses all exploitation types, allowing sufficient elasticity to evolve with emerging forms whilst clarifying current definitional inconsistencies to ensure child exploitation is always identified. This definition should be developed through meaningful engagement with children and young people, including those with lived experience, to ensure it reflects the realities of exploitation and supports effective identification and response.

  4. Clarify the ‘Means’ element for children – the Home Office should review the Slavery and Human Trafficking (Definition of Victim) Regulations 2022 and the Modern Slavery Statutory Guidance to identify and amend language which indicates a means element for children is necessary such as coercion, deception, force or other terms which requires consideration of informed consent.

  5. Independent review mechanisms to scrutinise NRM decision-making – the Home Office should introduce independent review mechanisms to scrutinise NRM decision-making where significant disparities exist in definition-based refusals by nationality, to assess whether children from certain nationalities are being systematically refused and to guard against unconscious bias.

Oxford, UK: Modern Slavery and Human Rights Policy and Evidence Centre (PEC) at the University of Oxford, 2025. 165p.

Deportation, Removal, and Voluntary Departure from the UK

By Peter William Walsh and Mihnea Cuibus

This briefing examines the deportation, removal, and voluntary departure of people without the right to be in the UK. It presents statistics on the numbers and characteristics of people who are removed from the UK or who leave voluntarily.

Key Points Returns from the UK remained low compared to historical levels but returned to pre-pandemic levels in 2023 Enforced returns have declined sharply over the long run Voluntary returns increased significantly after the pandemic, following several years of decline Around 41% of those who submitted an asylum application between 2010 and 2020, and were refused, had been returned from the UK by June 2022 Around 1.3% of people who arrived by small boat from 2018 to June 2023 were returned from the UK during that period In the year ending 30 September 2023, the top nationalities among returnees were Albanian (20%), Indian (15%), and Brazilian (12%) In the year ending 30 September 2023, 16% of all people removed from the UK were foreign national offenders, and 53% of returned FNOs were EU citizens EU citizens made up a majority of people refused entry at the UK border after 2021 \

Oxford, UK: The Migration Observatory

COMPAS (Centre on Migration, Policy and Society)

University of Oxford2024. 15p.