By The Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH) and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR)

The conflict in Tigray, Ethiopia started in November 2020 between the government of Ethiopia and the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), with involvement from Eritrean military forces who were called into to support Ethiopian armed forces, and numerous ethno-regional militia groups notably from the Amhara and Afar regions of Ethiopia. The conflict was marked by widespread and severe forms of conflict-related sexual and reproductive violence as well as other human rights violations by all parties, some of which amount to crimes under international law.1

Following the signature of the Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) in November 2022 by the government of Ethiopia and the TPLF, violence continued, including widespread and severe sexual and reproductive violence along ethnic-political lines across regions by military actors.2 As the conflict unfolded, both the United Nations (U.N.) and the African Union (AU) established independent investigative mechanisms to document atrocities and preserve evidence for future justice and accountability processes.3 However, both mechanisms were prematurely shuttered, without investigators even being allowed into the country, after successful lobbying by the Ethiopian government to defer to national mechanisms, including the transitional justice process outlined in the CoHA.4 The decision to shut down these investigative bodies, and with their termination, the end of any impartial investigation into violation of international law, occurred despite the assessment by the U.N. and other actors. These assessments found that the consultative process undertaken in developing the transitional justice process, as well as the implementation, does not align with AU or international transitional justice standards.5 Notably, the process also lacks a survivor-centered approach, meaningful engagement with affected communities, or mechanisms to hold all perpetrator groups accountable, in violation of key international and regional standards on credible transitional justice processes.6 More recently the lack of openness of the transitional justice process to those seeking genuine accountability has been demonstrated by the Ethiopian government’s suspension of five human rights groups.7The lack of timely and meaningful justice for crimes committed in Tigray raised the alarm that instability and further atrocities would be perpetrated in other regions of Ethiopia.

Washington, DC:  The Organization for Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH) and Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) 2025. 88p,

By Ashley Currier and Rashida A. Manuel

Marshalling research about male rape and unwanted sex in contemporary African contexts, this article explores how cultural definitions of sex and sexuality affect African sexual minority men’s perceptions of rape, non-consensual sex and unwanted sex in Malawi, a country in which same-sex sexual practices are stigmatised and punished. We analyze two divergent accounts of unwanted sex offered by two gay Malawian men the first author 10 interviewed in 2012. Feminist and queer theoretical insights about representing the agency of African gender and sexual minorities guide our inquiry. Our analysis shows how activist socialisation can intervene in and reshape how African sexual minority men perceive and name unwanted and/or coercive sex.

Routledge 10th September 2014, 17p.

By DIANE BELL

Synopsis-Here I revisit three contentious issues: intraracial rape, feminist theorising around race and gender, and the problematics of cross-cultural collaboration (see Bell & Nelson, 1989). I begin by examining the modes of analysis of abuse of Aboriginal women as revealed in recent reports, and offer comparative case material from North America. With particular reference to the shifting bases of my relationship to Topsy Napurrula Nelson, I trace a personal, partial, and hidden history of an idea, that is, a more empowering feminist future may be envisaged by grounding our theorising on questions of gender, race and violence in the possibility of relationality. I suggest that the propensity to engage in social construct boundary maintenance is obscuring the fact that it is women who are being brutalised. With reference to the handling of violence against women by the courts and by “communities,” I argue cross-cultural collaborations and enunciation of women’s law can empower women. Forging a sustainable vision of a meaningful future in the current crisis requires that the needs of woman be addressed; that in pursuit of the politics of difference we not lose sight of questions of power; that the politics of law, the nation state, the academy, and Aboriginal liberation struggles that shape the “master narratives,” are interrogated from within and from “elsewhere.”

Pergamon Press, 1999, 28p.

By The Human Rights Watch

This 85-page report highlights the barriers faced by girls who are survivors of sexual violence in accessing health care, education, social security, and justice in Guatemala.

Human Rights Watch, February 18, 2025, 85p.

By Human Rights Watch

  Over the last year, over half a million people have crossed the Darién Gap, a swampy jungle between Colombia and Panama, on their journey north, often to the United States. Venezuelans, Haitians, and Ecuadorians, but also people from other regions like Asia and Africa, risk their lives in this difficult terrain. “This Hell Was My Only Option”: Abuses Against Migrants and Asylum Seekers Pushed to Cross the Darién Gap, the first in a series of Human Rights Watch reports on migration via the Darién Gap, documents how a lack of safe and legal pathways has pushed migrants and asylum seekers fleeing human rights crises in Latin America to cross the Darién Gap. Data analyzed in the report suggests restrictions on movement to Mexico and Central America, often promoted by the US government, have contributed to sharp increases in the number of people crossing the Darién Gap, exposing them to abuses, including rape, and empowering organized crime in the area. Whether seeking international protection or economic opportunities, asylum seekers and migrants deserve safe, orderly, and dignified paths to make their claims or to offer their skills. In all cases, they are entitled to safety and respect for their human rights during their journey.   

New York: Human Rights Watch, 2023. 68p.

By Amnesty International

Based on 112 interviews – including with 51 children – Amnesty International examined the impact of gang violence on children in Haiti. Abuses and violations documented in eight communes of the West Department included: recruitment and use of children, rape and other forms of sexual violence, and killings and injuries. The impact of the violence on children with disabilities was also documented. The report shows how gangs exploit children in desperate conditions including to run deliveries, gather information, and do domestic chores. Girls as young as 14 spoke of how multiple gang members raped them during attacks on neighbourhoods or after abductions. Researchers documented cases of children who lost limbs and sustained other catastrophic injuries due to stray bullets or from being targeted. Child protection actors said they need significantly more resources to address the situation. The Haitian government must immediately step up efforts to address this assault on childhood, including through mobilizing international assistance. Donors and the humanitarian community must ensure that funding and technical expertise are made available to support Haitian authorities, including in developing a comprehensive child protection plan. Community-based initiatives are needed to start an effective reintegration process for children associated with the gangs. Crucial services such as education and psycho-social support are at the heart of ensuring rehabilitation for the victims  

London: Amnesty International, 2025. 68p.

By Physicians for Human Rights

Survivor-centered, trauma-informed, and rigorous medico-legal documentation is essential to offer survivors a pathway to justice, with standardized forensic medical evaluations playing a key role in documenting and corroborating accounts of sexual violence and torture. To support Ukrainian government officials, civil society, and international partners in building systems to support survivors, Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) assessed the medico-legal documentation pathway in Ukraine to identify opportunities to strengthen systems to center survivors’ well-being, autonomy, and access to remedies.

Physicians for Human Rights assessed the medico-legal documentation pathway in Ukraine to identify opportunities to strengthen systems to center survivors’ well-being, autonomy, and access to remedies.

Building on the numerous efforts by Ukrainian authorities and their partners to address challenges to medico-legal documentation, this policy brief outlines current obstacles that impede justice and healing for survivors and sets forth actionable opportunities for the Ukrainian government and other stakeholders for reform. The recommendations put forward in the brief emphasize the need to expand the pool of qualified professionals authorized to conduct forensic medical evaluations in cases of conflict-related sexual violence and torture. They also call for legislative reforms to empower survivors in the justice process, the development of standardized medico-legal documentation tools, and the implementation of capacity-building initiatives to ensure trauma-informed, survivor-centered approaches. Together, these efforts can transform the experience of survivors as they seek remedy and reparation and ultimately facilitate greater accountability and healing.

New York: Physicians for Human Rights, 2024. 10p.

By Mohammad Musfequs Salehin

This open-access book investigates the gendered violence and vulnerabilities experienced by Rohingya men and women, drawing on qualitative data from refugee camps in Bangladesh. It shows that in Myanmar, men suffered torture and sexual violence, while women experienced physical, mental, and sexual violence, legitimized by patriarchal norms. Sexual violence was wielded as a weapon to coerce their exodus from Myanmar and to disrupt the essential facets of Rohingya femininity, motherhood, and reproductive capabilities. Structural, cultural, and symbolic violence affected the Rohingya differently across gender lines. A gendered threat narrative and othering cast women as ‘ugly’ and reproductive threats while men are framed as potential threats to national security and Buddhist nationalism. In Bangladesh, gendered othering continued, with Rohingya men seen as security threats and women as vulnerable victims. This book contributes to peace and conflict studies, gender studies, and migration and refugee studies, by analyzing gendered violence.

Cham: Springer Nature, 2024.