By Jennifer J. Carroll

Against the backdrop of a post-Soviet state set aflame by geopolitical conflict and violent revolution, Narkomania considers whether substance use disorders are everywhere the same and whether our responses to drug use presuppose what kind of people those who use drugs really are. Jennifer J. Carroll's ethnography is a story about public health and international efforts to quell the spread of HIV. Carroll focuses on Ukraine where the prevalence of HIV among people who use drugs is higher than in parts of sub-Saharan Africa and unpacks the arguments and myths surrounding medication-assisted treatment (MAT) in Ukraine. What she presents in Narkomania forces us to question drug policy, its uses, and its effects on "normal" citizens. Carroll uses her findings to explore what people who use drugs can teach us about the contemporary societies emerging in post-Soviet space. With examples of how MAT has been politicized, how drug use has been tied to ideas of "good" citizenship, and how vigilantism towards people who use drugs has occurred, Narkomania details the cultural and historical backstory of the situation in Ukraine. Carroll reveals how global efforts supporting MAT in Ukraine allow the ideas surrounding MAT, drug use, and HIV to resonate more broadly into international politics and echo into the heart of the Ukrainian public.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2019. 251p.

By Janice M. Irvine

Marginal People in Deviant Places revisits early- to mid-twentieth-century ethnographic studies, arguing that their focus on marginal subcultures—ranging from American hobos, to men who have sex with other men in St. Louis bathrooms, to hippies, to taxi dancers in Chicago, to elderly Jews in Venice, California—helped produce new ways of thinking about social difference more broadly in the United States. Irvine demonstrates how the social scientists who told the stories of these marginalized groups represented an early challenge to then-dominant narratives of scientific racism, prefiguring the academic fields of gender, ethnic, sexuality, and queer studies in key ways. In recounting the social histories of certain American outsiders, Irvine identifies an American paradox by which social differences are both despised and desired, and she describes the rise of an outsider capitalism that integrates difference into American society by marketing it.

Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2022. 349p.

Edited by Felice Blake Paula Ioanide and Alison  Reed

"Antiracism Inc. traces the ways people along the political spectrum appropriate, incorporate, and neutralize antiracist discourses to perpetuate injustice. It also examines the ways organizers continue to struggle for racial justice in the context of such appropriations. Antiracism Inc. reveals how antiracist claims can be used to propagate racism, and what we can do about it. While related to colorblind, multicultural, and diversity discourses, the appropriation of antiracist rhetoric as a strategy for advancing neoliberal and neoconservative agendas is a unique phenomenon that requires careful interrogation and analysis. Those who co-opt antiracist language and practice do not necessarily deny racial difference, biases, or inequalities. Instead, by performing themselves conservatively as non-racists or liberally as ‘authentic’ antiracists, they purport to be aligned with racial justice even while advancing the logics and practices of systemic racism. Antiracism Inc. therefore considers new ways of struggling toward racial justice in a world that constantly steals and misuses radical ideas and practices. The collection focuses on people and methods that do not seek inclusion in the hierarchical order of gendered racial capitalism. Rather, the collection focuses on aggrieved peoples who have always had to negotiate state violence and cultural erasure, but who work to build the worlds they envision. These collectivities seek to transform social structures and establish a new social warrant guided by what W.E.B. Du Bois called “abolition democracy,” a way of being and thinking that privileges people, mutual interdependence, and ecological harmony over individualist self-aggrandizement and profits. These aggrieved collectivities reshape social relations away from the violence and alienation inherent to gendered racial capitalism, and towards the well-being of the commons. Antiracism Inc. articulates methodologies that strive toward freedom dreams without imposing monolithic or authoritative definitions of resistance. Because power seeks to neutralize revolutionary action through incorporation as much as elimination, these freedom dreams, as well as the language used to articulate them, are constantly transformed through the critical and creative interventions stemming from the active engagement in liberation struggles."

Brooklyn, NY: Punctum Books, 2019. 382p.

Edited by Maik Fielitz and Nick Thurston

How have digital tools and networks transformed the far rights strategies and transnational prospects? This volume presents a unique critical survey of the online and offline tactics, symbols and platforms that are strategically remixed by contemporary far-right groups in Europe and the US. It features thirteen accessible essays by an international range of expert scholars, policy advisors and activists who offer informed answers to a number of urgent practical and theoretical questions: How and why has the internet emboldened extreme nationalisms? What counter-cultural approaches should civil societies develop in response?How have digital tools and networks transformed the far rights strategies and transnational prospects? This volume presents a unique critical survey of the online and offline tactics, symbols and platforms that are strategically remixed by contemporary far-right groups in Europe and the US. It features thirteen accessible essays by an international range of expert scholars, policy advisors and activists who offer informed answers to a number of urgent practical and theoretical questions: How and why has the internet emboldened extreme nationalisms? What counter-cultural approaches should civil societies develop in response?How have digital tools and networks transformed the far rights strategies and transnational prospects? This volume presents a unique critical survey of the online and offline tactics, symbols and platforms that are strategically remixed by contemporary far-right groups in Europe and the US. It features thirteen accessible essays by an international range of expert scholars, policy advisors and activists who offer informed answers to a number of urgent practical and theoretical questions: How and why has the internet emboldened extreme nationalisms? What counter-cultural approaches should civil societies develop in response?

Bielefeld, Germany:  transcript Verlag, 2019. 210p.

 Edited by Joanna Sondel-Cedarmas and Francesco Berti

The Right-Wing Critique of Europe analyses the opposition to the European Union from a variety of right-wing organisations in Western, Central and Eastern Europe. In recent years, opposition to the processes of globalisation and the programme of closer European integration, understood as a threat to the sovereignty of individual member states, has led to an intensification of Eurosceptic sentiments on the Old Continent. The results of the European parliamentary elections in 2014 and 2019, the Brexit referendum and electoral results in different European countries are all testament to the considerable growth of radical populist-nationalist and conservative-sovereignist movements and parties. The common idea that binds these groups, both in Western Europe and in Central and Eastern Europe, is a hostile attitude towards the idea of (an ever-more integrated) united Europe. These parties reject not only the project of building a European federation, but also the current model of the European Union and the values underlying its attitudes. They are united by their criticism of EU policies, in particular those concerning security, emigration, multiculturalism, gender equality and the rights of minorities, as well as economic liberalism and the common currency. However, this criticism manifests itself with varying degrees of intensity, and not all parties fit the classic definition of Euroscepticism but instead represent its mild form, Eurorealism. The authors bring together reflections on the organic and complex critique of the European Union, its policies and cultural and ideological character. The book provides a comparative analysis of this criticism at the transnational level. This book will be of interest to researchers of European politics, the radical right and Euroscepticism.

London; New York: Routledge, 2022. 290p.

By Samuel P. Huntington

From the Preface: “In the summer of 1993 the journal Foreign Affairs published an article of mine titled “The Clash of Civilizations?”. That article, according to the Foreign Affairs editors, stirred up more discussion in three years than any other article they had published since the 1940s. It certainly stirred up more debate in three years than anything else I have written. The responses and comments on it have come from every continent and scores of countries. People were variously impressed, intrigued, outraged, frightened, and perplexed by my argument that the central and most dangerous dimension of the emerging global politics would be conflict between groups from differing civilizations. Whatever else it did, the article struck a nerve in people of every civilization.

Given the interest in, misrepresentation of, and controversy over the article, it seemed desirable for me to explore further the issues it raised. One construc­tive way of posing a question is to state an hypothesis. The article, which had a generally ignored question mark in its title, was an effort to do that. This book is intended to provide a fuller, deeper, and more thoroughly documented answer to the articles question…”

NY. Touchstone. 1996. 350p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Carl Miller, David Weir, Shaun Ring, Oliver Marsh, Chris Inskip, Nestor Prieto Chavana

New research from CASM Technology and ISD has found a major and sustained spike in antisemitic posts on Twitter since the company’s takeover by Elon Musk on October 27, 2022.

Powered by the award-winning digital analysis technology Beam – and based on a powerful hate speech detection methodology combining over twenty leading machine-learning models – researchers found that the volume of English-language antisemitic Tweets more than doubled in the period following Musk’s takeover.

In total, analysts detected 325,739 English-language antisemitic Tweets in the 9 months from June 2022 to February 2023, with the weekly average number of antisemitic Tweets increasing by 106% (from 6,204 to 12,762), when comparing the period before and after Musk’s acquisition.

Amman | Berlin | London | Paris | Washington DC: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2023. 32p.

By Cécile Simmons and Zoé Fourel

Online abuse has a profound impact on the health of democratic societies, threatening progress on diversity and representation in politics. Research has shown that abuse can deter women and individuals from minority groups from pursuing careers in politics, and drive those already engaged to step down from political life. The 2022 midterm elections in the US saw a growing number of candidates from minority backgrounds running for office. Faced with growing public pressure, social media companies took steps to amend their policies and community standards to address illegal and harmful content and behavior on their platforms. Evidence has shown, however, that abusive image and video-based content can fall through the cracks of content moderation, pointing to a lack of adequate response from social media platforms. In the run-up to the November 2022 midterm elections, ISD investigated abusive content on Instagram and TikTok targeting prominent women in US politics. Researchers analyzed hashtag recommendations served to users on both platforms when searching for content related to several key women in US politics in the days before the election. This report finds that platforms recommend abusive hashtags when people search for the names of these female political figures, and also promote abusive content that violate their own terms of service, showing that harmful and abusive content targeting women running for, and in-, office remains in plain sight of the platforms.

Amman | Berlin | London | Paris | Washington DC: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2022. 36p.

By Daniel Hickey, Matheus Schmitz, Daniel Fessler, Paul E. Smaldino, Goran Muric, Keith Burghardt

On October 27th, 2022, Elon Musk purchased Twitter, becoming its new CEO and firing many top executives in the process. Musk listed fewer restrictions on content moderation and removal of spam bots among his goals for the platform. Given findings of prior research on moderation and hate speech in online communities, the promise of less strict content moderation poses the concern that hate will rise on Twitter. We examine the levels of hate speech and prevalence of bots before and after Musk’s acquisition of the platform. We find that hate speech rose dramatically upon Musk purchasing Twitter and the prevalence of most types of bots increased, while the prevalence of astroturf bots decreased.

Pre-publication: 2023. 6p.

By The Center for Countering Digital Hate; Anti-Defamation League

  Press TV, a broadcasting brand founded by Iran’s state-controlled media corporation, is a platform used to promote the Iranian state’s hateful views of Jewish people, Holocaust denial, and LGBTQ+ and women’s rights to the rest of the world. Founded in 2007, the network’s self-professed aim was to break “the global media stranglehold of Western outlets”. Press TV uses social media to promote ‘Palestine Declassified’, a video series which focuses its hatred towards British Jews, but spreads hateful narratives and lies about Jewish people as a whole. We argue this constitutes a ‘foreign state hate operation’, that is, a foreign influence campaign by one state designed to sow division among audiences abroad, this time with an overt strategy that uses the enormous audiences and algorithmic biases towards contentious material on social media to maximize visibility. Palestine Declassified’s hosts, British ‘useful idiots’ who have previously faced allegations of antisemitism, perpetuate what the Anti-Defamation League has called the antisemitic myths of “power” and “antiZionism” to their followers. The project’s episodes, promoted through social media channels operated by Press TV, target Jewish people with antisemitic tropes and attack charities, schools, journalists, academics, and individuals by promoting the conspiracy that they are part of a coordinated “Zionist movement” – one of a number of phrases used indiscriminately with the aim to homogenize and flatten an otherwise ideologically nuanced and diverse set of people, groups, and communities. Half of the programme’s episodes promote antisemitic narratives – purporting antisemitic myths that “Zionists’’ control world events, “groom” young people in schools and universities, and the well-worn conspiracy that “Zionists” exercise a network of control in the world, specifically in the UK. Its comment section is rife with antisemitism, ranging from abuse to inciting violence against Jews. Banned by regulators from television networks, its .com domain seized by US authorities, and removed from YouTube, Press TV relies on the indifference of social media executives to the spread of hate on their platforms, to funnel traffic to its website. This research clearly demonstrates that social media platforms are providing the Iranian state with the infrastructure to spread its propaganda to millions globally. While platforms claim to have rules against antisemitism, time and time again Big Tech have proven that they will only enforce their rules when convenient. In 2021, CCDH found that major social media platforms failed to remove 84% of antisemitic content reported using platforms’ own tools – ranging from Holocaust denial to conspiracies fueled by anti-Jewish hatred. Thanks to social media platforms, Press TV’s vitriol has gained new ground in the West: the US, the UK, Canada, France and Australia make up 51% of Press TV’s total web traffic, according to data from Similarweb. Palestine Declassified has leveraged social media audiences to disseminate dangerous hate to up to 11.5 million followers, the majority on Twitter and Facebook. Social media companies allow it – and profit from its popularity.  

 New York: The Center for Countering Digital Hate; Anti-Defamation League, 2023. 49p. 

By Anti-Defamation League

From the document: "The Antisemitism Worldwide Report for 2022 informs of both increases and decreases, some more meaningful than others, in the number of antisemitic incidents in different countries. The United States, where the largest Jewish minority in the world lives, saw a particularly alarming rise in anti-Jewish violence and slander. These data are not encouraging. The record-levels of 2021 were attributed in part to the exceptional social tensions created by the Covid-19 epidemic and the political tensions created by the Guardian of the Walls operation in Gaza. The data for 2022 suggest that the motivations for present-day antisemitism are not transient as some may have hoped. Despite the investment of substantial legal, educational, and political efforts, thousands of antisemitic incidents took place across the globe in 2022, including hundreds of physical assaults. Everyone who cares about human dignity and justice must recognize the need to prevent this reality from becoming normalized."

Tel-Aviv. University. Kantor Center For The Study Of Contemporary European Jewry; 2023. 86p.

By Alan Moorehead

London. Penguin. 1966. 289p.

Moorehead argues that the arrival of Europeans had a catastrophic impact on the indigenous peoples of the South Pacific, leading to the destruction of traditional cultures, the loss of land and resources, and widespread disease and violence. He examines the motivations of the European explorers and colonizers, as well as the impact of their actions on the people and societies they encountered.

The book begins with the arrival of the British navigator Samuel Wallis in Tahiti in 1767, and follows the subsequent voyages of other explorers, including James Cook, Jean-Francois de La Perouse, and William Bligh. Moorehead describes how these explorers brought with them new technologies, ideas, and diseases, and how they often saw the indigenous peoples they encountered as primitive and inferior.

Moorehead also explores the impact of European colonization on the South Pacific, focusing on the experiences of the Maori people in New Zealand and the Aborigines in Australia. He describes how these peoples were forced to adapt to a new way of life, and how they often suffered from violence, disease, and displacement as a result of European settlement.

By Geoffrey Blainey

Australia. Sun Books. 1966. 206p.

Blainey argues that the tyranny of distance has been a defining characteristic of Australian history, impacting everything from exploration and settlement to politics and economics. He notes that Australia is the most isolated continent on earth, and that its distance from other major world powers has both insulated it from external threats and limited its opportunities for growth and development.

The book traces the history of Australia from its earliest days as a British penal colony to its emergence as a modern, prosperous nation. Blainey examines the challenges that early settlers faced in adapting to a harsh and unfamiliar landscape, as well as the role that transportation and communication technologies played in bridging the vast distances between Australia and the rest of the world.

Blainey also explores how distance has shaped Australian identity and culture, arguing that it has fostered a sense of self-reliance and resilience in the face of adversity. He notes that Australians have often had to rely on their own ingenuity and resourcefulness to overcome the challenges posed by their isolation, and that this has helped to forge a distinct national character.

Overall, "The Tyranny of Distance" is a thought-provoking and insightful exploration of how geography has influenced the course of Australian history. It offers a unique perspective on the challenges and opportunities that come with living in a remote and isolated part of the world, and sheds light on the ways in which these factors have shaped Australian society and culture over time.

Edited by Muhammad, Khalil Gibran, Bruce Western, Yamrot Negussie, and Emily Backes, eds.

Reducing Racial Inequality in Crime and Justice: Science, Practice, and Policy synthesizes the evidence on community-based solutions, noncriminal policy interventions, and criminal justice reforms, charting a path toward the reduction of racial inequalities by minimizing harm in ways that also improve community safety. Reversing the effects of structural racism and severing the close connections between racial inequality, criminal harms such as violence, and criminal justice involvement will involve fostering local innovation and evaluation, and coordinating local initiatives with state and federal leadership. This report also highlights the challenge of creating an accurate, national picture of racial inequality in crime and justice: there is a lack of consistent, reliable data, as well as data transparency and accountability. While the available data points toward trends that Black, Latino, and Native American individuals are overrepresented in the criminal justice system and given more severe punishments compared to White individuals, opportunities for improving research should be explored to better inform decision-making.

Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2022.

By R.R. Dunlea, Besiki Luka Kutateladze. Melba Pearson. Don Stemen and Lin Liu (Prosecutorial Performance Indicators)

This report measures the scope and magnitude of racial and ethnic disparities in prosecutorial outcomes in the Broward State Attorney’s Office, Florida, during 2021. The data suggest that, compared to Hispanic and White defendants, Black defendants are: • Least likely to have their case filed for prosecution, especially for felony charges; • Most likely to have their top charge reduced in severity at filing, as well as increased in severity; • Most likely to have their case dismissed, whether charged with a felony or a misdemeanor; • Least likely to have their felony charge reduced after filing; and • Most likely to receive custodial and time-served-only sentences upon conviction, as compared to non-custodial sentences. • Especially more likely to receive custodial sentences than White defendants in negotiated pleas, as compared to open pleas. Compared to similarly situated Black and White defendants, Hispanic defendants are: • Least likely to experience charge changes at filing; • Most likely to have their case pursued for prosecution; • Most likely to have their felony charges reduced at disposition; and • Least likely to receive jail and prison sentences upon conviction.

Miami: Florida International University, 2022. 27p.

By JustLeadership USA and the Association of Prosecuting Attorneys (APA)

JustLeadership USA and the Association of Prosecuting Attorneys (APA) released a new report, Building the Table: Advancing Race Equity in the Criminal Legal System, which provides a historic roadmap of strategies to advance race equity in the criminal legal system.

The report’s findings are the result of an unprecedented convening between representatives from all components of the justice system alongside community members, in particular those with lived experience, their families, and survivors of crime. This collaboration builds a foundation for policies that will successfully advance race equity, improve our approach to justice, and promote community safety and well-being.

“As people who are directly impacted and hurt by the criminal legal system, it is extremely important that our voices and leadership are a core part of any transformation that impacts our lives and those of our communities,” said DeAnna Hoskins, president and CEO of JustLeadershipUSA. “True authentic engagement is more than seeking our support at the end of systematic redesign, it occurs when the concepts of reimagining are led by those most affected, because our experience is our expertise. Our leadership as we ‘Build the Table’ is critical to advancing race equity and improving the system’s capacity to administer justice and promote community safety and well-being.”

This report and initiative were made possible through the support of the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the efforts of those who volunteered their time and insights to produce this document.

“As we strive to advance racial and ethnic equity in the criminal justice system, it is critical that we elevate the leadership role of people with lived experience to ensure that their first-hand perspectives shape the creation of effective and meaningful solutions,” said Laurie Garduque, director of criminal justice at the MacArthur Foundation. “This report offers a framework for communities looking to advance community safety and wellbeing, and it starts with authentic community engagement and acknowledging the expertise of people with lived experience.”

This report is intended to equip federal, state and local legal system stakeholders to pursue new approaches to building stronger relationships with communities and the broader legal system. This consensus contains a unified statement of principles, policies and practical guidance to advance race equity in the criminal legal system, as well as recent real-world examples of policies and practices implemented by a variety of system stakeholders and community organizations throughout the country.

Washington, DC: Association of Prosecuting Attorneys, 2023. 27p.

By Mari McGilton and Sabrina Rizk

Pressure to identify and reduce disparities through policy has risen in recent years, but these priorities are neither new nor easily achieved. Most studies of these disparities are siloed from each other and are limited to a single outcome measure, comparison group, and/or comparison time point, meaning policymakers end up relying on incomplete information to make critical decisions. This is especially true for federal and state sentencing decision-makers, who are bound by policies made across multiple agencies. Federal sentencing decision-makers specifically are driven by US attorney general directives, legislative policies, Supreme Court rulings, and amendments to the US federal sentencing guidelines. These policies affect several decision-makers at different stages in the federal sentencing process (e.g., attorneys’ application of mandatory minimum statutes, federal probation officers’ determination of final offense level, federal judges’ sentencing decisions). Most studies on disparities at the federal sentencing stage of the criminal legal system investigate only racial disparities in sentencing decisions, such as in/out decisions (i.e., prison/no prison), and/or sentence lengths, and evaluate changes in these disparities based on predetermined points in time from predetermined policies assumed to have impacted those changes. Although these studies provide critical information on disparities in federal sentencing, we could expand our knowledge and the methods used. Funded by the National Institute of Justice, we sought to answer three key research questions: 1. Do racial disparities vary across three stages of federal sentencing and over time? If so, how? 2. During which years do the measured racial disparities have a statistically significant decrease? 3. Which policies likely impacted these decreases the most? What are the commonalities between them?

Washington DC: Urban Institute, 2023. 53p.

By Alexandra Cox

There are stark racial and ethnic disparities which exist at all levels of the English and Welsh criminal justice systems (Lammy, 2017, Sveinsson, 2012, Chada, 2020). These disparities exist at the front end of the system in terms of the racially and ethnically disproportionate impact of stop and search; the racialised placement of individuals on police databases such as the Metropolitan Police’s Gangs Matrix; decision-making by magistrates and judges; and the barriers that people of colour face in accessing the legal profession, and, in particular, the judiciary (Williams and Clarke, 2016, Fatsis, 2019, Densley and Pyrooz, 2019, Centre for Justice Innovation, 2017, Gibbs and Kirby, 2014, The Law Society, 2020b).1 Defence practitioners can offer vital insights about criminal justice system practices as they are court ‘insiders’, with unprecedented access to legal procedures, negotiations, and practices, as well as access to legal cultures and cultural codes which are inherently racialised. They also have valuable knowledge about their clients’ lives and experiences in the system. However, this knowledge is rarely harnessed, despite the ways that it can be brought to bear in support of better outcomes for clients. Frontline legal practitioners also offer perspectives on the legitimacy of the justice system, both as individuals who have their own experiences of injustice, but also through an understanding of their clients’ experiences. There has been very little research on defence practitioners’ perceptions of the fairness of the criminal justice system landscape in England and Wales. Much of the research on defence practitioners has focused on the relationships that are established between practitioners and their clients and the role of trust in those relationships, and has been almost exclusively conducted in the United States (Flemming, 1986, Boccaccini et al., 2004, Sandys and Pruss, 2017, Campbell et al., 2015, Clair, 2020). There is anecdotal evidence to suggest that the experiences of lawyers of colour in the justice system in England and Wales are shaped by the dynamics of race, class and gender (Wilson, 2020, Johnson, 2020), and that their perspectives provide valuable insights into the working practices of the courts, but there is very little research evidence about these perspectives.

London: Howard League for Penal Reform, 2023. 11p.

By Eric Kaufmann

Recent data show racist attitudes and behaviors in the U.S. are on the decline; so why do Americans believe that our country is becoming progressively more racist? By analyzing a wide variety of scholarship and data sources—including original surveys of his own—Manhattan Institute’s (MI) adjunct fellow,  Eric Kaufmann, suggests that an important part of the reported experience of racism is ideologically malleable. But ideology, though arguably the largest factor, is only partially at fault for spreading the false narrative of growing racism. Partisanship, social media, and education have also inclined Americans to “see” more bigotry and racial prejudice than they previously did.  

In his new report, “The Social Construction of Racism in the United States,” Kaufmann finds that the solution to the public’s misinformed perception is to recognize first, that racism has been amplified by ideological and media construction; and second, that it is partly in the eye of the beholder.  

Across a range of surveys Kaufmann finds that:  

Ideology—and, to a lesser degree, social media exposure and university education—has heightened people’s perceptions of racism.

Depression and anxiety are linked to perceiving more racism.

The level of racism in society reported by whites appears to be driven more by political leaning than the level reported by blacks.

Liberal whites are more supportive of punitive Critical Race Theory (CRT) postulates than blacks, who aspire to agency and resilience.

CRT appears to have a detrimental effect on African-Americans’ feeling of being in control of their lives.

As much as half of reported racism may be ideologically or psychologically conditioned, and the rise in the proportion of Americans claiming racism to be an important problem is largely socially constructed. 

None of this means that racism has been eradicated, but the policy approaches that Kaufmann suggests diverge from those based on the narrative of “systemic” racism that is increasingly prevalent in professional settings. Rather than use shaming or punitive and virtue-signaling measures like CRT, Kaufmann suggests using race-neutral, less contentious initiatives like mentoring, nudges such as name=-blind CVs, and randomized control trials to ascertain which interventions work. 

As Kaufmann discusses, the dangers in overstating the presence of racism go well beyond majority resentment and polarization. A media-generated narrative about systemic racism distorts people’s perceptions of reality and may even damage African-Americans’ sense of control over their lives. While it is difficult to totally rid our society of racism, a change in our perception of it would benefit both our local communities and national social fabric. 

New York: The Manhattan Institute, 2021. 32p.

Paula A. Braveman, Elaine Arkin, Dwayne Proctor, Tina Kauh, and Nicole Holm

Racism is not always conscious, explicit, or readily visible— often it is systemic and structural. Systemic and structural racism are forms of racism that are pervasively and deeply embedded in systems, laws, written or unwritten policies, and entrenched practices and beliefs that produce, condone, and perpetuate widespread unfair treatment and oppression of people of color, with adverse health consequences. Examples include residential segregation, unfair lending practices and other barriers to home ownership and accumulating wealth, schools’ dependence on local property taxes, environmental injustice, biased policing and sentencing of men and boys of color, and voter suppression policies. This article defines systemic and structural racism, using examples; explains how they damage health through many causal pathways; and suggests approaches to dismantling them. Because systemic and structural racism permeate all sectors and areas, addressing them will require mutually reinforcing actions in multiple sectors and places; acknowledging their existence is a crucial first step.

February 2022 41:2 Health Affairs