By Otis K. Rice

"The Hatfields & the McCoys" by Otis K. Rice explores one of the most famous feuds in American history. This book delves into the riveting tale of two Appalachian families locked in a deadly and long-standing conflict. Through meticulous research and vivid storytelling, Rice provides a comprehensive account of the factors that fueled this bitter rivalry, shedding light on the social, economic, and cultural dynamics at play. A gripping narrative that unveils the complexities behind a legendary feud, "The Hatfields & the McCoys" is a compelling read for anyone interested in the darker side of American folklore.

University Press of Kentucky, 1978, 152 pages

By Jack Seward

Definition and Significance:Seppuku (orhara-kiri) is a form of Japanese ritual suicide, historically significant in the samurai code of honor, Bushido.

Historical Context: The practice evolved from ancient customs and became institutionalized during thefeudal era.

Ceremonial Procedures: The document details the rituals and formalities involved in seppuku, including the roles of participants and the symbolic elements.

Cultural Impact: Seppuku reflects the philosophical and cultural values of Japan, particularly the emphasis on honor, loyalty, and discipline

C. E. Tuttle Company, 1967, 116 pages

By Virgil Carrington Jones

Historical Context: The Hatfield-McCoy feud took place along the Kentucky-West Virginia border during the late 19th century, involving two families in a violent conflict.

Origins of the Feud: The feud's origins are unclear, but it was fueled by various incidents, including a disputed hog and romantic entanglements.

Key Figures: Prominent figures included Devil Anse Hatfield and Randolph McCoy, along with their families and allies.

Impact and Legacy: The feud escalated to involve state governments and even reached the U.S. Supreme Court, leaving a lasting legacy in American history

University of North Carolina Press, 1948, 295 pages

By Anton Blok

Main Themes: The book explores the relationship between honor and violence, particularly in contexts where central control over violence is weak or absent

Case Studies: It includes studies on Sicilian mafia, rural banditry in theDutch Republic, and various cultural practices related to honor and violence.

Anthropological Approach: The author emphasizes the importance of understanding social action as paradoxical and influenced by unintended consequences.

References: The document contains numerous references to other works and studies, highlighting its academic rigor.

Wiley, Feb 8, 2001, 358 pages

By Andrew Graham-Yooll

Survivor Narratives: The book explores how women navigate domestic violence and its aftermath, emphasizing their resilience and the complexities of their experiences

Therapeutic Movement: It discusses the development of therapeutic approaches within the domestic violence movement, including the integration of trauma theories.

Institutional Challenges: The text highlights the difficulties survivors face with institutions like courts and social services, which can sometimes perpetuate their trauma.

Gaslighting: The book delves into the psychological manipulation known as gaslighting, showing how it affects survivors' perceptions of reality and their credibility.

Junction Books, 1981, 128 pages

By Jeffrey Rosen

Virtue and Happiness: The book explores how classical writers onvirtue, such as Cicero, inspired the Founding Fathers of America andshaped their understanding of happiness.

Founders' Virtues: It discusses the virtues that key figures like BenjaminFranklin, Thomas Jefferson, and John Adams valued and practiced, suchas temperance, humility, and industry.

Historical Influence: The text highlights how ancient wisdom and philosophical works influenced the development of American political thought and the pursuit of happiness.

References: The document contains numerous references to classical and Enlightenment philosophers, as well as historical texts that shaped the Founders' ideas.

Simon and Schuster, Feb 13, 2024, 355 pages

 By Hannah Rose and Paula-Charlotte Matlach

As news of the 7 October Hamas attack reached social media, online hate began to surge before official accounts could provide clear details. This report identifies and analyses both antisemitic and anti-Muslim narratives about the conflict, using automated hate speech detection software to track trends over time in YouTube comments. This analysis identifies the themes and sub-themes which comprised and drove the surge of antisemitism and anti-Muslim hate between October and December 2023. It aims to both evidence the targeting of communities on mainstream platforms, and inform countermeasures, ranging from government and law enforcement strategies to civil society interventions.   

Amman Berlin London Paris Washington DC Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD), 2024. 18p.

By Mary Catherine Roper and Solomon Furious Worlds

The purpose of this policy paper is to document how the city of Philadelphia has evolved its policies regarding the use of stop-and-frisk by city police since the 2011 settlement agreement in Bailey v. City of Philadelphia. Stop-and-frisk (also known as a Terry stop) is a tactic used by police with the stated intention of finding dangerous weapons and preventing violent crime. According to Fourth Amendment law, if an officer has reasonable suspicion to believe that a particular person might have committed a crime or is about to commit a crime, the officer can “stop” them. Similarly, if an officer has reasonable suspicion that that particular person has a weapon after they are stopped, the officer can “frisk” them or conduct a pat-down search on the outside of their clothes without having to obtain a warrant from a judge. In 2010, the ACLU of Pennsylvania, a professor from Penn Law School, and Kairys, Rudovsky, Messing, Feinberg & Lin, LLP, a civil rights law firm, filed a federal class action lawsuit on behalf of Plaintiffs (a number of Black and Latine Philadelphians) against the city for Philadelphia Police Department’s (“PPD”) officers’ illegal and racially disproportionate use of stop-and-frisk. Less than a year later, the city and the Plaintiffs reached a settlement agreement. Under that agreement, the city and PPD agreed to reduce the number of unlawful stops and frisks to, eventually, comply with the standard set by Fourth Amendment law. The city and PPD also agreed that they would not allow officers to target people on the basis of race with stop-and-frisk and would, eventually, comply with the Fourteenth Amendment’s mandate for equal treatment under the law. The fact that the court is still monitoring the Consent Decree means that the city, PPD, and their officers are still using stop-and-frisk without having reasonable suspicion of criminal activity or that the person is armed and dangerous, and it means that PPD’s officers are still stopping Black and Latino people at disproportionately high rates that cannot be explained by factors other than race. In reality, stop-and-frisk very rarely leads to the discovery of a weapon. At the height of PPD’s use of stop-and-frisk, in the first half of 2011, guns were recovered in less than 0.1 percent of the stops. Additionally, in the same time period, more than half of stops and more than half of frisks conducted were illegal, meaning police did not have reasonable suspicion to support their stops or frisks. With the policy and training changes required by the consent decree, the percentage of illegal stops and frisks dropped dramatically to 12.8% and 17.8%, respectively, by 2023. Still, the rate at which PPD recovered guns remained low with only about 6% of stops and 8.6% of frisks resulting in officers finding guns (and both percentages include illegal stops and frisks). In addition to being ineffective, stop-and-frisk was spawned from the same racist history as our criminal legal system and so it is plagued by the same race-related issues. Black and Latine people are stopped at a much higher rate than white people. This can lead to unnecessary and dangerous interactions with police that have the potential to quickly spiral into a violent confrontation. By 2020, the overall number of stops recorded by police had dropped significantly; however, the racial disparities remained nearly unchanged. In the tenth year of litigation, data showed that Black people were over 50% more likely to be stopped without reasonable suspicion and over 40% more likely to be frisked without reasonable suspicion than white people. This led the city to finally acknowledge that these disparities could not be explained other than as racial targeting. This admission led the court to order the city to consider remedies to address the racial disparities. The city’s own expert conceded that race was the most significant factor to determine whether someone is likely to be stopped. Because of this, the court ordered the city to implement something bold: the Quality of Life Pilot Program (“program”). Under this new program, PPD officers are supposed to instruct someone engaged in a number of minor offenses (called “quality of life offenses”) to stop doing the illegal activity without formally using stop-and-frisk. The program started in one police district but is now city-wide. That means PPD officers are supposed to verbally warn someone to stop doing whatever the minor offense1 is before using stop-and-frisk. The hope was that by reducing officers’ use of stop-and frisk on people engaged in non-violent, low-level unlawful conduct, officers would reduce the number of illegal uses of stop-and-frisk and lessen the racial disparity in their use of stop-and-frisk. As PPD officers have reduced the overall number of stops as a result of the program, the percentage of illegal stops has dropped and the percentage of stops that uncover a dangerous weapon has increased. This is a success both in cutting down on unnecessary police interactions with the public and in improving the impact that legal stops have had on increasing public safety. It is clear that reducing the instances of police using stop-and-frisk for minor offenses allows 1 Those minor “quality of life” offenses include: sounds from residential properties, sounds created on public right of way, spitting, al coholic beverages (open containers), public urination or defecation, aggressive conduct on sidewalk (panhandling), gambling, disorder ly conduct, obstructing the highway or other passageway, defiant trespass, litter in public places, litter in parks, smoking marijuana in a public space, sound production devices (loud music from cars), and prostitution. officers to focus on more serious crime and significantly increases the percentage of stops that recover dangerous weapons. More stops decreases the impact that police have on improving public safety. In 2024, with the inauguration of Mayor Cherelle Parker and a change of leadership at PPD, there has been a clear shift in the rhetoric city leadership uses when talking about the use of stop-and-frisk. To them, it seems more stops-and frisks means more effective policing. But research and Philadelphia-specific experience shows that is not true. Of course, PPD under the Parker Administration could increase the use of stop-and frisk without violating Bailey court orders. But doing so would be a mistake. Increasing even legal stops goes against the clear lessons learned from the changes made to stop-and-frisk in recent years and will make Philadelphia less safe, and policing in Philadelphia more racist. This policy paper will serve as a starting point for a renewed conversation with the Parker Administration and PPD leadership about stop-and-frisk.. The program that reduced the use of stop-and-frisk for minor offenses improves public safety while continuing to reduce unjustified stops. Critically, it also monitors and seeks to address the persistent racial disparities in pedestrian stops and frisks. 

Philadelphia: ACLU Pennsylvania, 2024. 22p.

By Logan Seacrest

Over the past two decades, community violence intervention (CVI) has emerged as an important violence prevention strategy. CVI programs rely on credible messengers to mediate disputes, conduct focused deterrence, provide service referral, and, most importantly, build genuine relationships with individuals at risk of experiencing violence. By treating violence as a public health problem, CVI programs represent a paradigm shift in protecting vulnerable communities. They remove law enforcement from the equation entirely, going beyond the familiar “limited government solution” framework to one that could be more accurately described as a “no government solution.” Policymakers and community leaders across the country need the latest information on this promising, non-law enforcement approach to youth violence. Fortunately, in the past five years, a new generation of youth-focused pilot programs has added to the growing body of evidence demonstrating that CVI programs can help juveniles as well as adults. This paper presents evidence covering CVI’s history, theoretical framework, operating models, program evaluations, challenges, and policy implications and concludes with recommendations. 

 R  Street Policy Study No. 305  

Washington, DC: R Street, 2024. 17p.

By Paula Harriott, Soruche Saajedi, Femi Laryea-Adekimi, Marc Conway, Daniel Francis,  Lucy Wainwright

While race and ethnicity have long been a feature within criminal justice debate, the Black Lives Matter protests and the reaction that followed, sharpened the focus on dignity, fairness, respect and decency for those from ethnic minorities living (and working) in the criminal justice system. Prisoner Policy Network members have often raised the issue of race and ethnicity in discussion groups and correspondences. Their interest in the subject – and concerns they have expressed in responses to previous consultations – led us to engage the Prisoner Policy Network (PPN) more fully and methodically in the conversation. In this national consultation, we sought to capture the perspectives of current serving prisoners and former prisoners and their families on race and ethnicity, to understand how their own ethnicity had impacted on their time in prison, and to explore any further views on racial equality or discrimination in the system. We also discussed the topic with a small number of prison staff. Our intention with this report was to seek to influence Ministry of Justice and His Majesty’s Prison and Probation Service policy teams working on Diversity and Inclusion planning, with a specific focus on race and ethnicity and to stimulate positive action in responding to this consultation report. 

London: Prison Reform Trust, 2024. 31p.

By Don Weatherburn, Michael Doyle, Tegan Weatherall, Joanna Wang

The Australian Indigenous imprisonment rate is currently 16.7 times the non-Indigenous imprisonment rate. The leading proximate cause of this over-representation is a high rate of Indigenous arrest.

In this report, the authors develop and test a model of Indigenous arrest in which the primary drivers of risk are substance use, stress and trauma, adverse social environment, exposure to arrest, human/economic/social capital, and state/territory of residence. They test the model using data from the 2014–15 National Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Social Survey. The strongest risk factors are alcohol and other drug use and having a high or very high level of psychological distress. The strongest protective factors are completing school, having an income in the top four deciles, and having a permanent home.

AIC Research Report 32

Canberra: 

Australian Institute of Criminology    2024. 50p.

By Don Weatherburn, Michael Doyle, Teagan Weatherall and Joanna Wang

This study examines the correlates of First Nations contact with the criminal justice system. Key risk factors include membership of the stolen generation, psychological distress, and having used illicit drugs and alcohol over the preceding 12 months. The latter increases the marginal risk of arrest by 14 percentage points. The strongest protective factors are completing school, having an income in the top four deciles, having a permanent home, being aged 51 or over and living in a remote area. Completing school is the strongest protective factor, reducing the risk of arrest by eight percentage points. Further research using a longitudinal dataset specifically designed to identify causal effects is required.

Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 694.

 Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. 2024. 22p.

By  DeFacto Consultancy

This report has been prepared with two primary objectives. The first is to examine how the media in Montenegro report on gender-based violence (GBV) through the analysis of a sample of 2,661 media reports and to what extent they adhere to the principles of journalistic professionalism and ethical reporting. The second objective is to employ an innovative experimental method to assess the extent and nature of the influence that media reporting on this subject exerts on citizens’ attitudes, opinions, and subsequent behaviour.


 Vienna: 

Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

  OSCE, 2023. 68p.

By Jedidiah L. Knode, Scott E. Wolfe, Travis M. Carter

The veil of darkness (VOD) is a practical and rigorous methodology for examining racial disparities in police traffic stop behavior. Past research, however, has been littered with methodological inconsistencies inhibiting cross-study comparison and decisions regarding policy. Accordingly, we clarify four aspects of its implementation: 1) coding daylight, our treatment condition; 2) constructing an intertwilight period; 3) accounting for seasonal differences in driving or patrol patterns; and 4) modeling VOD multivariable regression equations. We discuss the theoretical and practical implications of methodological decisions as they pertain to the method's functionality as a natural experiment. Furthermore, we propose a novel weighting procedure to account for seasonal driving population differences. We examined more than 50,000 traffic stops conducted by Michigan State Police during 2021 to demonstrate our suggested framework for future analyses.

Criminology, early view,  May 2024.

By John Briere, Marsha Runtz, Keara Rodd

n contrast to adults, there is considerably less research on childhood or adolescent exposure to sexual harassment (CAESH), its lasting psychological correlates, and whether such experiences should be included in definitions of childhood sexual abuse. The current study examined the prevalence and symptomatic sequels of unwanted flirting, being “checked out” sexually, unwanted sexual attention, sexual comments, propositions, and related noncontact behaviors that occurred before age 18, as well as the multivariate relationship between CAESH and contact child sexual abuse (C-CSA) in a diverse online sample of 528 individuals. CAESH was very common, with over 95% of women and 64% of men reporting at least one experience of noncontact sexual harassment before age 18. When childhood sexual abuse was operationalized as the presence of either C-CSA or a total CAESH score of 18 or higher (corresponding to an average score of “3–5 times” prior to age 18), the prevalence was 67% for women and 26% for men, more than three times higher than C-CSA alone. This expanded definition was associated with significantly more anxiety, depression, and posttraumatic stress relative to C-CSA alone. These results suggest that CAESH is a significant source of symptoms in adults and support the emerging perspective that childhood sexual abuse may be best understood as including both contact and noncontact events.

By  Rebecca L. Crookes, Carlo Tramontano, […], and Hayley Wright, et al.

 A new report from the FairChecks campaign compares what appears on criminal record checks in England and Wales and five US states: California, Connecticut, Utah, New Jersey, and Oklahoma. The information listed on criminal record checks depends on the type of offence someone has committed and the type of check a job is eligible for. Therefore, to get a clear and comparable view of each system, researchers explored the criminal record implications of five specific scenarios in each jurisdiction.

Sexual Abuse, Volume 34, Issue 3, April 2022, Pages 341-371

By Eric.S. Janus

  How can it be that in the era in which almost one million Americans are on sex offender registries—most of whom are publicly stigmatized on websites,

banished from their homes, shunned from their jobs, prevented from uniting with their families and traveling internationally, forced into homelessness, all of which increases their risk for suicide, and shames their spouses and children, even if their offenses occurred long in the past—that the #MeToo movement would explode, revealing widespread sexual misconduct against women, by powerful men, protected by iconic institutions? How can we have had three decades of the most aggressive, “spare-no-expense” laws ostensibly designed to prevent sexual violence and, at the same time, observe the widespread failure of law enforcement agencies to take the simple step of analyzing sexual assault kits, as a first step in the investigation of allegations of sexual abuse? How can these phenomena co-exist? This Article argues that this incongruity is not an ironic coincidence, but rather a flaw that goes to the heart of our contemporary approach to sexual violence prevention. This flaw has, at its core, an almost obsessive focus on recidivistic sexual violence. Understanding this central characteristic will illuminate a framework for an alternative approach to our public policy on sexual violence, one in which the prevention of recidivism plays but a small role in a more comprehensive approach to sexual violence and its place in our culture.    

  103 Marq. L. Rev. 819 (2020). 

By Johan Lidberg, Sofia Berne, Ann Frisén

The aim of this study was to explore how resilience is manifested in the experiences of emerging adults who were subjected to bullying victimization in school and have high levels of psychological functioning in emerging adulthood.

Methods

Fifteen Swedish emerging adults (Mage = 29.13, SD = 0.52) who, despite experiences of bullying victimization at age 10, had high levels of psychological functioning as emerging adults were interviewed. The interviews focused on experiences of bullying victimization and the long-term outcomes of these experiences. Qualitative methods were used in the analysis, with a specific focus on resilience.

Results/Conclusion

The findings illustrate how long-term outcomes of bullying victimization in school, in relation to resilience, comprise a dynamic process between personal agency and social resources in the environmental context.

Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 2024DOI: 10.1111/sjop.12999

By The Center for Countering Digital Hate

   Social media platforms have changed the way we communicate, build and maintain relationships, set social standards, and negotiate and assert our society’s values. In the process, they have become safe spaces for the spread of hate, conspiracy theories and disinformation. Social media companies erode basic human rights and civil liberties by enabling the spread of online hate and disinformation. At CCDH, we have developed a deep understanding of the online harm landscape, showing how easily hate actors and disinformation spreaders exploit the digital platforms and search engines that promote and profit from their content. We are fighting for better online spaces that promote truth, democracy, and are safe for all. Our goal is to increase the economic and reputational costs for the platforms that facilitate the spread of hate and disinformation.

   Since the appalling Hamas terrorist atrocity in Israel on October 7th, there has been a corollary surge in antisemitism across all social media platforms, and in our communities. Antisemites have always flourished online, but in recent months there has been marked growth in content ranging from subtle dog whistles to explicit and unequivocal hate speech and incitement. One arena where bad actors have endeavored to advance their antisemitic agenda has been within online groups, camouflaging their antisemitism by cynically adopting pro-Palestinian or human rights language and themes to inculcate hatred against Jewish people. This new study from CCDH started by examining the ways nefarious individuals have cynically embedded themselves in leadership positions in Facebook Groups that serve as meeting places for well-meaning people to express their solidarity with the Palestinian cause. We found that most content in these Groups primarily entailed political criticisms of the Israeli government and solidarity with Palestinian people. However, Facebook’s negligent design has made it easy for these groups to be run by antisemites who drip-feed lies and exhortations to hate and discrimination against Jews, while the platform itself fails to take responsibility for content moderation. 99% of the time, when we reported hate found in groups to Meta using the “safety tools” it loves to boast about to lawmakers, no action was taken. In its total indifference to its moral responsibility to combat hate speech, Meta has effectively handed all content moderation powers to these Group admins. Those moderators, we found, were similarly poor at acting against hate in the groups they control. Furthermore, we found evidence of coordinated activity among Group admins. When our researchers reported antisemitic posts to the admins and moderators in one Group, they were not only banned from that Group, but also from several other affiliated Facebook Groups who shared admins. This shows the emptiness of the claim that this is all about free speech and counter-speech. If those expressing opposition to antisemitism are banned, but the moderators themselves revel in spreading and tolerating antisemitism, there is no debate. It is simply a free-for-all of increasing radicalization and normalization of ever-more-dangerous lies and prejudice against Jewish people. Meta’s moderation practices are crucial information for regulators in the United Kingdom and European Union, where online safety legislation is largely dependent on social media platforms’ enforcing their  community standards and reporting on their moderation actions. This report shows that Meta is delegating content moderation duties to volunteer admins who fail to uphold the company’s terms and conditions, and by extension fail in their duties to regulators. Policymakers need to ensure independent oversight of moderation by empowering researchers through statutory data access pathways that are broadly available to civil society organizations set up to counter hate, and providing means for holding platforms accountable and economically responsible when they fail to uphold their policies and thereby impinge on the fundamental human rights to life, liberty and prosperity for our Jewish neighbors and friends.  

London; Washington, DC: The Center, 2024. 43p.

By Jennifer S. Wong, Chelsey Lee, Natalie Beck

Background

High rates of youth re-offending indicate that young custody-leavers face challenges when reintegrating into their communities. Aftercare and resettlement programs can occur pre-, during, and post-release and generally provide multiple forms of support services to address youths' transitional needs.

Objectives

The present review examines (1) the impact of youth aftercare/resettlement programs on crime-related outcomes, (2) how treatment effect is moderated by participant, program, and study characteristics, (3) whether some types of interventions are more effective than others, (4) barriers/facilitators to effective program implementation, (5) the theory of change underlying resettlement interventions, and (6) available research on intervention cost.

Search Methods

A comprehensive set of keywords and synonyms was combined in a Boolean search across 26 electronic databases. Multiple gray literature sources were also searched, including 23 journals, 4 meeting archives, 11 organization websites, 3 open access journal websites, and the CVs of 8 well-known researchers in the field. The search was completed in January 2023.

Selection Criteria

For objectives 1–3, studies were included if they utilized a randomized controlled design or quasi-experimental comparison group design in which participants were matched on at least some baseline variables and included at least one quantitative individual-measure of crime. For objective 4, included studies presented process evaluations of aftercare/reentry programs, clearly stated their research goals, and used qualitative methods in an appropriate way to answer the stated research question. For objectives 5 and 6, no specific methods were required; any study meeting the criteria for objectives 1–4 which presented findings on theory of change or cost data were included. For all outcomes, only studies conducted in a westernized country, and published after 1991 in English, French, or German were considered.

Data Collection and Analysis

Two coders conducted primary data extraction for the included studies. Data were entered into a Microsoft Excel database. After data extraction, the two coders validated the coding by cross-checking the database with each research report. Discrepancies between coders were discussed until consensus was reached. Where consensus could not be reached, a third coder was consulted. Study risk of bias was addressed using the ROBINS-I (Sterne et al., 2016), ROB-2 (Higgins et al., 2019), and the critical appraisal skills programme (CASP, 2018). Objectives 1–3 were addressed by synthesizing quantitative outcomes from rigorous impact evaluations of aftercare interventions using random effects models and meta-regression. Thematic and narrative analysis was conducted to address objectives 4–6.

Results

The search resulted in 15 impact studies, representing 4,718 participants across 21 program sites, and 35 effect sizes. The 21 impact evaluations were rated as having either low/moderate bias (k = 11) or serious bias (k = 10). The synthesis of 15 impact studies found no significant effects for arrest (k = 14; OR = 1.044, 95% prediction interval [0.527, 2.075], t = 0.335) or incarceration (k = 8, OR = 0.806, 95% prediction interval [2.203, 1.433], t = −1.674). A significant pooled effect was found for conviction (k = 13, OR = 1.209, 95% prediction interval [1.000, 1.462], t = 2.256), but results were highly sensitive to the inclusion of specific studies. No meaningful pattern of results emerged in moderator analyses with respect to study, sample, program component, or program delivery characteristics. The 19 process studies were rated as either high quality (k = 12) or moderate quality (k = 7). Thematic synthesis of the process evaluations revealed 15 themes related to the strengths/challenges of program implementation. The assessment of program cost (k = 7) determined a lack of data within the literature, preventing any summative analysis.

Authors' Conclusions

Current evidence is promising with respect to conviction outcomes but overall does not find that aftercare/resettlement interventions have a reliably positive impact on crime-related outcomes for young people who have offended. High variability across outcomes and reported data resulted in small sample sizes per outcome and limited moderator analyses. Multiple challenges for program implementation exist; additional rigorous research is sorely needed to further investigate the nuances of the program effects

Campbell Systematic Reviews
Volume 20, Issue 2

June 2024