By M. H. Cochran (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Michael H. Cochran’s Germany Not Guilty in 1914, published in 1931, stands as a provocative and revisionist challenge to the dominant narrative of German culpability for the outbreak of World War I. Written in response to Bernadotte Schmitt’s influential The Coming of the War, Cochran’s book offers a meticulous critique of the “war guilt” thesis enshrined in the Treaty of Versailles, which placed sole responsibility for the war on Germany. With a foreword by Harry Elmer Barnes and later commentary by Henry Adams, the book is deeply embedded in the interwar historiographical debates that questioned the moral and political foundations of postwar peace settlements.

Published during a period of growing disillusionment with the Versailles Treaty and rising revisionist sentiment in the United States and Europe, Cochran’s work was part of a broader intellectual movement that sought to rehabilitate Germany’s image and challenge the punitive postwar order. While not universally accepted, the book found an audience among scholars and political thinkers who viewed the war guilt clause as unjust and historically flawed. Its reception was mixed—praised for its rigor and boldness, but criticized for its perceived apologetics and selective use of evidence.

In 2025, Germany Not Guilty in 1914 remains relevant not only as a historical artifact but as a lens through which to examine the politics of blame, the construction of historical narratives, and the enduring consequences of diplomatic failure. The evolution from “guilt” to “responsibility” reflects broader changes in how societies understand conflict, justice, and reconciliation. As international law and historical memory continue to intersect—especially in debates over reparations, war crimes, and collective trauma—Cochran’s challenge to the Versailles narrative invites reflection on how history is written, who writes it, and to what ends.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.166.

By Munroe Smith. Introduction by Colin Heston.

When Munroe Smith, the American jurist and scholar of comparative constitutional law, published Militarism and Statecraft in the early twentieth century, the world stood at a threshold. The balance of power in Europe was faltering, national ambitions clashed violently with the ideals of peace and progress, and the question of whether nations could master the destructive temptations of militarism was no longer abstract. It was a pressing reality. Smith’s concern was not simply with armies and weapons, but with the deeper political psychology that drives nations toward war. He sought to expose how the logic of militarism—discipline, hierarchy, and force—could infiltrate civil government, undermining the very statecraft that was supposed to serve reason, justice, and stability.

At the time of its writing, Smith was addressing the dangers of an era when Prussian militarism, the rivalries of empires, and the failure of diplomacy threatened the international order. His work can be read as both analysis and warning: a sober reflection on how the pursuit of military superiority can distort the priorities of states, drawing them away from long-term peace toward short-term domination. For Smith, the central challenge was not only to prepare adequately for defense but also to ensure that the military ethos did not overwhelm civil society and political judgment.

The value of these reflections is not confined to Smith’s age. In 2025, more than a century later, the tension between militarism and statecraft persists, albeit in new forms. The end of the Cold War did not usher in an era of lasting peace, but rather revealed the fragility of international institutions and the persistence of rival nationalisms. Today, the global order is marked by renewed great-power competition, particularly between the United States and China, alongside Russia’s continuing assertiveness in Europe. The conflicts in Ukraine, the South China Sea, and the Middle East remind us that the balance of deterrence and diplomacy remains unstable.

Moreover, the rise of advanced technologies—autonomous weapons systems, cyberwarfare, artificial intelligence in military planning, and the militarization of outer space—has created new arenas where Smith’s questions echo with urgency. If he warned against the creeping influence of military logic on the political state, how much more should we be concerned when the logic of algorithms and machine efficiency begins to shape the most consequential decisions of war and peace? The issue is no longer only about armies marching across borders but about invisible lines of code and satellites in orbit—yet the fundamental danger is the same: that the tools of defense become ends in themselves, driving state policy rather than serving it.

Smith also recognized that militarism poses a danger to the vitality of democratic institutions. In times of insecurity, citizens may surrender too readily to centralized authority, trading liberties for promises of safety. In 2025, as societies grapple with disinformation campaigns, rising authoritarianism, and deep political polarization, Smith’s warning acquires a renewed resonance. The militarization of politics—whether through expanded security states, the rhetoric of perpetual conflict, or the invocation of national emergency—remains a challenge to civic freedom.

What Smith offers, therefore, is not a simple rejection of military power but a call for balance. Statecraft requires prudence, restraint, and a recognition of the limits of force. True security, he suggests, cannot rest on militarism alone, for unchecked military logic corrodes the very foundations of peace. In 2025, as nations navigate the double-edged sword of military innovation and the uncertainty of a multipolar world, his insights invite us to reflect on the perennial dilemma: how can we cultivate security without letting the instruments of war dominate our political imagination?

To read Militarism and Statecraft today is to encounter a voice from another century that speaks to our own. It reminds us that the dilemmas of power, security, and diplomacy are not new, even as the technologies and actors change. Smith’s work urges us to see beyond immediate crises and to measure the costs of militarism not only in battles fought, but in the subtle ways it reshapes our societies, our freedoms, and our possibilities for peace. If the twenty-first century is to avoid the mistakes of the twentieth, it will be by heeding the balance that Smith demanded: a statecraft that governs militarism, rather than a militarism that governs the state.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 151p.

By H. G. Wells. Introduction by Colin Heston

In the wake of the Great War, H.G. Wells’s What Is Coming? A European Forecast emerges not merely as a speculative treatise but as a profound intellectual reckoning with the forces that have shaped—and will continue to shape—the modern world. Written in 1916, at a time when the outcome of the war remained uncertain and its consequences unfathomable, Wells offers a sweeping analysis of the social, political, and economic transformations that the conflict has set in motion. His introduction to the future is not a prophecy in the mystical sense, but a reasoned extrapolation grounded in scientific thinking, historical precedent, and a deep understanding of human nature. Wells does not seek to predict events with precision; rather, he aims to illuminate the trajectories of thought, governance, and collective behavior that will define the post-war era.

In What Is Coming?, Wells does not offer comfort or certainty. He offers clarity, urgency, and a challenge. The future, he insists, will not be shaped by treaties or conferences alone, but by the moral and intellectual evolution of individuals and societies. The war has torn away the veils of tradition and exposed the raw materials of a new world. Whether that world will be built with wisdom or squandered in renewed conflict depends on the choices made in its aftermath. Wells invites his readers to think boldly, act generously, and prepare not just for peace, but for the responsibilities that peace entails.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 177p.

By Albert Kales (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Albert M. Kales’s Unpopular Government in the United States, published in 1914, is a searching and often unsettling examination of the American democratic system at a time when the country was undergoing profound political and social transformation. Kales, a legal scholar and reform advocate, wrote during the Progressive Era—a period marked by widespread concern over corruption, inefficiency, and the growing disconnect between the ideals of democracy and the realities of governance. His book is not a polemic but a carefully reasoned argument that seeks to understand why a government founded on popular sovereignty could become so alienated from the people it purports to serve. An important aspect of Kales’s reform agenda is his emphasis on civic education. He believes that a more informed electorate is essential to the health of democracy and calls for greater efforts to educate citizens about the workings of government and the responsibilities of citizenship. He also supports mechanisms such as the initiative and referendum, which allow citizens to bypass legislatures and enact laws directly, though he cautions that these tools must be used judiciously to avoid further complicating the political process.

Although Kales’s book did not become a staple of political science curricula, it has been periodically rediscovered by scholars interested in the history of democratic theory, administrative reform, and the Progressive movement. His insights into voter disengagement and the structural barriers to meaningful democratic participation have gained renewed relevance in contemporary discussions about democratic backsliding, political polarization, and the role of technocracy in modern governance. However, many of Kales’s core ideas continue to resonate in modern political systems, particularly in debates about democratic participation, judicial independence, and the role of expertise in governance.

By August Bebel (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

August Bebel’s Woman and Socialism is one of the most influential and enduring works in the history of socialist and feminist thought. First published in 1879 as Die Frau und der Sozialismus, the book represents a groundbreaking synthesis of Marxist theory and the struggle for women’s emancipation. Bebel, a co-founder of the German Social Democratic Party and a leading figure in the international socialist movement, sought to demonstrate that the liberation of women was not only compatible with socialism but essential to its realization. His work remains a foundational text for understanding the intersection of class and gender oppression, and it continues to resonate in contemporary debates about equality, labor, and social justice.

Woman and Socialism is not merely a critique; it is also a vision of transformation. Bebel outlines how a socialist society would fundamentally alter the conditions of women’s lives. In such a society, he argues, the means of production would be collectively owned, and both men and women would participate equally in productive labor. The state would assume responsibility for many of the functions traditionally relegated to women—such as childcare, education, and elder care—thus freeing women from the confines of domestic servitude. Marriage would become a voluntary and egalitarian union, based on mutual affection rather than economic necessity.

Bebel’s work is notable for its breadth and depth. He addresses a wide range of issues, including education, reproductive rights, prostitution, and the role of women in political movements. He also engages with contemporary debates within the socialist movement, challenging those who viewed the “woman question” as secondary or divisive. For Bebel, the emancipation of women is not a peripheral concern but a central pillar of socialist theory and practice. He argues that a society cannot be truly free or just if half its population remains oppressed. Bebel explores a wide range of themes that connect the struggle for women’s emancipation with the broader goals of socialism.

Bebel’s introduction itself serves as both a historical overview and a political manifesto. It invites readers to reconsider the roots of gender inequality and to imagine a future in which social and economic structures support, rather than hinder, human flourishing. Bebel’s synthesis of feminism and socialism was ahead of its time, and his insistence on the inseparability of class and gender struggles remains a powerful and relevant message. His work continues to inspire activists, scholars, and readers committed to building a more equitable world.

There are a number of editions and translations each edition slightly different. For example, sometime the title is written as Woman Under Socialism. The extensive use of tables of statistics also varies form one edition to another. This edition has been reformatted, designed, abridged and annotated with an Introduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston to remove errors and other distracting content that occurred in the original edition, making the book more accessible for the present day reader.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 359p.

By William English Walling (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

William English Walling’s The Socialists and the War: A Documentary Statement of the Position of the Socialists of All Countries; With Special Reference to Their Peace Policy is a powerful and timely compilation that captures the ideological and political turmoil that gripped the international socialist movement during the First World War. Published in 1915, at the height of the global conflict, the book serves as both a historical record and a moral inquiry into how socialist parties and leaders across nations responded to the unprecedented crisis of global warfare. Walling, a prominent American socialist and journalist, undertakes the ambitious task of documenting the fractured responses of socialist organizations to the war, revealing both the strength and the fragility of international solidarity in the face of nationalism and militarism.
The introduction to this volume sets the tone for a work that is as much about disillusionment as it is about documentation. Walling begins by acknowledging the deep betrayal felt by many socialists when the war broke out and major socialist parties—particularly in Germany, France, and Britain—chose to support their respective national war efforts. This decision, in many cases, ran counter to the long-standing commitments of the Second International, which had pledged to oppose imperialist wars and to promote working-class unity across national borders. Walling does not shy away from the painful truth: that the war exposed the limits of internationalism and revealed the powerful grip of nationalism even within movements that had long claimed to transcend it.
A central theme of the book is the tension between socialist ideals and national loyalties. Walling presents a wide array of primary documents—speeches, party resolutions, manifestos, and editorials—that illustrate how socialist leaders justified their support for or opposition to the war. Some, like the German Social Democrats, argued that they were defending their nation against aggression; others, like the Russian Bolsheviks and a minority of Western European socialists, condemned the war as a capitalist enterprise and called for revolutionary opposition. Walling’s editorial voice is present throughout, guiding the reader through these conflicting positions and offering critical commentary on their implications.
Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 523p.

By CM Fombad

This is the fourth volume in a series which is based on the Stellenbosch Annual Seminar on Constitutional Law in Africa (SASCA). The aim is to focus on an issue of critical constitutional importance to Africa in its ongoing development of governance founded on constitutionalism and democracy. And that issue is indeed critical. There can be little doubt that the endemic corruption that has spread into every aspect of social, economic, and political life is at the heart of the crisis of constitutionalism in Africa. The only surprise is that it is not until recently that the severity of the problem has attracted the attention it warrants. Most anti-corruption measures over the years have been inadequate, serving merely as symbolic gestures. The African Union’s declaration of 2018 as the ‘African anti-corruption year’, albeit belated, is an open recognition by African governments of the impact corruption will have on the continent unless urgent steps are taken. The key objective of this book is to draw attention to the problem of corruption and the need for remedial action. The complexity of the situation, with all its multi-faceted dimensions, cannot fully be explored in a single work. Nevertheless, the intention to put this matter on the agenda when it was discussed at the 2017 SASCA seminar seems to have worked in that, as noted, the African Union not only declared 2018 a year to combat corruption but also set aside 11 July of every year as an ‘Africa anti-corruption day’.

Oxford, UK; New York: Oxford University Press, 2020. 563p.

Edited by Alexander Klein

I could condemn it as an improbable fiction.------William Shakespeare There is a short period of infancy when, psychologists tell us, every human being feels himself omnipotent and unlimited. During this halcyon time the infant does not distinguish between himself and other objects: they are all himself, he is the whole universe. But, in due time, each infant makes the painful discovery that he is a limited being, dependent on others whose wishes do not always coincide with his own, imprisoned within his own skin, fated to live within the circumscribed orbit of his own experience. This loss of omnipotence is balanced, however, by the rise of the faculty of imagination, of dreaming and by the consequent creation of illusion and myth. A man is only as limited as his imagination.

J. B. LIPPINCOTT COMPANY, 1955, 378p.

By Mary E. Richmond

“The Long View” serves both as a historical document and as a critique of the limitations and challenges facing social work in the early 20th century. The title itself suggests her forward-thinking approach, urging practitioners to consider the long-term effects of their interventions rather than focusing solely on immediate relief. In this sense, the book represents a call for a more holistic and preventive approach to social work rather than a reactive or crisis-driven model. A key strength of her work is Richmond’s insistence on the importance of professionalization in social work. She argues for a rigorous, research-informed approach to casework, emphasizing the need for training, standardization, and ethical responsibility. This argument anticipates later debates in the field about the tension between bureaucratic efficiency and personalized, client-centered care. Richmond’s work in this book also highlights her concern with the social and structural determinants of poverty, distinguishing her from social workers who focus primarily on individual moral failings.

Originally published 1930 Russell Sage Fdn. Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 411p.

CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION, US. Department of Justice

• Tulsa Race Massacre: Violent attack on Black community of Greenwood, Oklahoma, May 31-June 1, 1921.
• Massive Destruction: 10,000 white Tulsans destroyed homes, businesses; hundreds of Black residents killed.
• Law Enforcement’s Role: Deputized white residents participated in violence, looting, and arson.
• Failure of Justice: Authorities failed to help survivors; legal attempts for reparations were unsuccessful.
• Historical Reckoning: DOJ review acknowledges massacre’s impact, despite expired statutes of limitations.
• Legal Analysis: Modern laws could have prosecuted hate crimes, but were unavailable in 1921.
• Insurance Denials: Black residents denied compensation due to “riot clause” in policies.
• Federal Investigation: DOJ’s Cold Case Unit reviewed the events under the Emmett Till Act.
• Government’s Role: White officials obstructed rebuilding efforts, imposed restrictive fire codes.
• Survivors’ Plight: Left without resources, faced systemic racism and state-sanctioned brutality.
• Historical Documentation: Review includes survivor accounts, primary materials, and past investigations.
• Confrontation Trigger: Arrest of Dick Rowland and sensationalized newspaper article incited violence.
• Continued Efforts: Work to ensure future generations understand the massacre’s magnitude continues.

CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION, US. Department of Justice. 2025. 126p

by A. G. R U S S E L.L

● Focus on Race and Colour: The document explores the social and economic implications of racial differentiation, particularly within the British Colonial Empire, emphasizing the practical importance of these issues over physical differences.

● Historical Context: It discusses the historical development of racial issues, including the impact of European expansion and the Industrial Revolution on race relations.

● Colonial Exploitation: The text highlights the economic exploitation of colonies, particularly in Africa, and the profits made by European companies at the expense of native labor.

● Educational Challenges: The document addresses the educational disparities faced by colonized peoples and critiques the Western educational system for its failure to adequately serve these populations.

London. Gollancz. 1944. 273p.

By W.D. Weatherford,

Addresses the complex issue of racial adjustment and is introduced by James H. Dillard. It explores the history and progress of Black people from Africa to America, highlighting the struggles and achievements in the face of adversity. The author emphasizes the importance of mutual understanding and trust between races to overcome racial antipathy and achieve social justice. Historical Context: The book provides a detailed account of the African background, the impact of slavery, and the ongoing challenges faced by Black people in America.

NEGRO UNIVERSITIES PRESS. NEW YORK. 1924. 483p.

By Willard Price

THE BLACK GIRDLE. If an inhabitant of Mars could see the Earth according to the color of its peoples, he could observe a broad black sash about the World's waist. The belt of black, within which most of the 140,000,000 black people of the globe live, follows the equator and spreads about twenty degrees to the north and the same distance south. It is not quite broad enough to take in the United States ith its 11,000,000 Negroesbut all the other important groupings of blacks in the world are within this tropical belt. It includes the 11,000,000 Negroes of Central and South America and the 10,000,000 of the West Indies. Most of the 100,000,000 Negroes of Africa are found within these limits….

NY. George H. Doran Co. 1925. 69p.

By Olive Anderson

Historical Context: The book explores the history of suicide in Victorian and Edwardian England, focusing on statistical data, personal experiences, societal attitudes, and prevention efforts.

Statistical Analysis: It examines the processes behind official suicide statistics, highlighting the variability in data collection and the challenges in interpreting these statistics accurately.

Personal Experiences: The book delves into individual case histories,particularly through coroners' records, to understand the personal andsocial contexts of suicide during this period.

Societal Attitudes and Prevention: It discusses the societal attitudes towards suicide and the various efforts made by authorities and individuals to prevent it, including legal, medical, and philanthropic interventions.

Clarendon Press, 1987, 475 pages

By William Johnston

Abe Sada's Story: The book explores the life of Abe Sada, a woman who transitioned from being a geisha to a prostitute and later committed a notorious murder in 1936, which made her an infamous figure in Japan.

Cultural Context: It delves into the cultural, social, and historical context of Japan during the early 20th century, highlighting the intersection of traditional and modern sexual values.

Gender and Sexuality: The narrative examines the boundaries of sexualmorality, gender roles, and the changing perceptions of love andsexuality in modern Japan.

Primary Sources: The book includes translations of Abe Sada's police interrogations and investigation reports, providing a detailed account of her life and the crime she committed.

Columbia University Press, 2005, 245 pages

By Jack Seward

Definition and Significance:Seppuku (orhara-kiri) is a form of Japanese ritual suicide, historically significant in the samurai code of honor, Bushido.

Historical Context: The practice evolved from ancient customs and became institutionalized during thefeudal era.

Ceremonial Procedures: The document details the rituals and formalities involved in seppuku, including the roles of participants and the symbolic elements.

Cultural Impact: Seppuku reflects the philosophical and cultural values of Japan, particularly the emphasis on honor, loyalty, and discipline

C. E. Tuttle Company, 1967, 116 pages

By Abby Chin

At the Olympic Games Rio de Janeiro 2016, world champion and Russian swimmer Yulia Efimova walked into the Olympics Aquatics Stadium not to cheers, but to the sound of boos.2 The crowd, and many athletes, condemned Efimova as a drug-using outcast who should not be allowed to compete in the Games. At the Rio Olympic Games, Efimova was one of seven swimmers from the Russian Federation who were formerly banned from the competition due to previously failed drug tests and the “World Anti-Doping Agency’s investigation into state-sponsored doping.”3 However, after an intense arbitration process, Efimova and her teammates were approved for competition. Efimova’s doping dispute began in 2013 when she received her first positive drug test and served a sixteen-month suspension.4 Next, in 2016, she tested positive for meldonium—the substance at issue for the alleged Russian state-sponsored doping.5 However, because meldonium did not officially become a banned substance until January 2016, many athletes claimed that, although they were no longer actively taking it, they were still testing positive because traces of meldonium were left in their system.6 This left a question about who would decide an athlete’s future competition eligibility after a positive test. While many different agencies were involved, Efimova’s positive drug test came from the World Anti Doping Agency (WADA). A positive test usually leads to a suspension, which athletes can appeal through the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS). However, because the positive test results occurred in an Olympic year—and with the was scrutiny of the entire Russian Olympic Federation—the International Olympic Committee (IOC) would also influence the outcome of the doping investigation.7 In its press release, the IOC stated athletes who had served prior suspensions unrelated to meldonium would be banned.8 If meldonium was the athlete’s first offense, it was up to the individual federations governing each sport to decide the fate of each individual athlete.9 However, the IOC decision conflicted with CAS precedent, which allowed athletes to return to competition with a clean slate after serving their entire suspension for a positive drug test.10 As a result, there was confusion and uncertainty as to whether these Olympic athletes could compete.11 Efimova appealed to the CAS, requesting to be reinstated to compete as she had already served her suspension. The CAS, believing it was inappropriate to ban athletes like Efimova for having already served suspension, granted the appeal.12 Efimova was able to compete in Rio despite the backlash of many other competitors and nations.13 Whether Efimova deserved the backlash, it became clear there was a significant problem with the uncertainty and lack of knowledge as to the appropriate process for punishing athletes who tested positive. Through the different rulings of the three major governing bodies involved, Efimova was placed under rigid scrutiny, in part because people did not understand the disciplinary process, her right to an appeal, and her right to receive relief from her sanction. This Note will examine the effect of the governing bodies, specifically during an Olympic year, on athletes involved in doping disputes and suggest a more streamlined arbitration process for the governing bodies to use when determining the eligibility of athletes in doping disputes. Currently, the arbitration process lacks transparency and efficiency because of the arbitrator selection process, the costs associated with bringing a dispute in front of an appeals panel, and the mandatory nature of arbitration in international sports. Hence, to create more just dispute outcomes, the arbitration process should become more informal, and athletes should be given the option for a final appeal. Section II of this Note discusses the different governing bodies and their processes for dealing with doping disputes. Section III demonstrates how the different governing bodies work around each other when handling disputes. This section also analyzes the positive and negative impacts of the way in which governing bodies work together. Section IV explores Efimova’s doping dispute in depth to provide an example of the arbitration process. Section V specifically describes the current concerns with the CAS arbitration process and ultimately offers a possible solution for a better-streamlined dispute process, such as modifying the current arbitration and arbitrator selection proceedings or allowing for an appeal from a CAS arbitrator decision.

OHIO STATE JOURNAL ON DISPUTE RESOLUTION [Vol. 33:3 2018]

By Pamela Scully

The document provides a comprehensive examination of the social history ofAfrica, focusing on the impact of British slave emancipation in the ruralWestern Cape, South Africa, between 1823-1853. Here are the key insights:

Family and Slavery: It explores how familial relationships andboundaries were shaped and constrained under Cape slavery.

Apprenticeship Struggles: The document discusses the apprenticeshipperiod post-slavery, highlighting the conflicts over child labor and familyautonomy.

Post-Emancipation Dynamics: It analyzes the changes in family, labor,and gender relations following emancipation.

Racial and Gender Identities: The text delves into the complexities ofrace, gender, and sexual politics in colonial identities during thepost-emancipation era.These insights reflect the intricate interplay between social structures andindividual experiences during a transformative period in South African history.

Boydell & Brewer, Limited, 1997, 210 pages

edited by Kacper Rekawek, Thomas Renard and Bàrbara Molas

Russia’s influence over far-right/ racially or ethnically motivated violent extremist (REMVE) milieus in Europe is multi-faceted and complex. It involves direct activities, such as financing or political support, as well as indirect activities, such as disinformation campaigns. In some cases, Russia was associated, albeit remotely, with some far-right violent incidents in Europe, including the alleged coup attempt by the sovereign movement Reichsburger, in Germany. Recognising the increasingly confrontational policy of Russia vis-à-vis Europe, and the growing threat from far-right extremism in Europe, this book thoroughly and systematically reviews Russia’s relationship with diverse far-right actors in ten European countries over the past decade. The countries covered in this book include Austria, The Czech Republic, France, Germany, Hungary, Italy, Poland, Serbia, Slovakia, and Sweden. The chapters are authored by some of the world’s most authoritative experts on extremism and Russian influence.

Overall, this edited volume is the first such comprehensive attempt at mapping the scope and depth of Russian influence over far-right extremism in Europe, resulting in the identification of key patterns of influence and offering some possible recommendations to counter it. This book is both a leading scholarly work, as well as a wake-up call and guide for action for European policy-makers.

by Jennifer Tilton

How do you tell the difference between a “good kid” and a “potential thug”? In Dangerous or Endangered?, Jennifer Tilton considers the ways in which children are increasingly viewed as dangerous and yet, simultaneously, as endangered and in need of protection by the state.
Tilton draws on three years of ethnographic research in Oakland, California, one of the nation’s most racially diverse cities, to examine how debates over the nature and needs of young people have fundamentally reshaped politics, transforming ideas of citizenship and the state in contemporary America. As parents and neighborhood activists have worked to save and discipline young people, they have often inadvertently reinforced privatized models of childhood and urban space, clearing the streets of children, who are encouraged to stay at home or in supervised after-school programs. Youth activists protest these attempts, demanding a right to the city and expanded rights of citizenship.
Dangerous or Endangered? pays careful attention to the intricate connections between fears of other people’s kids and fears for our own kids in order to explore the complex racial, class, and gender divides in contemporary American cities.

New York; London: NYU Press, 2010; 203p.