Open Access Publisher and Free Library
CRIME+CRIMINOLOGY.jpeg

CRIME

Violent-Non-Violent-Cyber-Global-Organized-Environmental-Policing-Crime Prevention-Victimization

Regulation of prostitution in the European Union Laws and policies in selected EU Member States

By Piotr Bąkowski and Martina Prpic

Drawing on diverse underlying rationales, policies on prostitution – in the EU and elsewhere – vary both in their objectives and in their strategies for achieving those objectives. These distinctions manifest in the terminology used, with 'prostitution' typically favoured by stakeholders aiming to curb or eradicate the practice, and the term 'sex work' embraced by those who view prostitution as a legitimate form of employment. Formulating policies on prostitution presents numerous challenges, including a lack of comprehensive statistical data. However, these policies often lack emphasis on the importance of evidence-based approaches – shaped instead by ideological beliefs and moral perspectives. While discussions on prostitution transcend feminism, feminist ideologies have had a particularly strong impact on policy formulation. Academic classification of prostitution policies into national models or regimes is subject to ongoing debate, with criticism directed towards the 'model approach' for oversimplifying the complexities of these policies and failing to capture regional and local variations. Traditionally, policies have been categorised into overarching ideological approaches: 'prohibitionism', which seeks to outlaw all aspects of prostitution; and 'abolitionism', which focuses on criminalising the facilitation and purchase, but not the sale of sexual services. However, there is a growing tendency towards classifying policies as falling under criminalisation (of purchase or sale), legalisation (regulation) or decriminalisation. Given the EU's lack of explicit authority to regulate prostitution, which falls within the exclusive competence of individual Member States, stakeholders both within and outside EU institutions advocate framing prostitution as a problem linked to areas where the EU does have competence; these include gender equality, violence against women, human trafficking, and the free movement of services. With the European Commission and the Council largely silent on the issue, debates predominantly occur within the European Parliament, and are marked by strong disagreements between Members subscribing to opposing approaches. Prostitution is subject to varying regulations across the EU, leading to a diverse array of national legislative and policy frameworks. Member States differ as to how they address the sale or purchase of sex, as well as the exploitation of prostitution. This variety is due not only to EU Member States' different historical and cultural backgrounds, but also to the current local state of affairs, especially as regards the situation in the field, and the priorities of the governments in power. In some Member States, there is a strong concern that prostitution constitutes violence against women. Those States usually tend to penalise buyers of sexual services. By contrast, some other Member States recognise that 'sex work' is a voluntary choice for some and tailor their legal frameworks accordingly.

Brussels: European Parliamentary Research Service, 2024. 39p.

Measuring illicit cigarette trade in Colombia

By Norman Maldonado, Blanca Amalia Llorente, Roberto Magno Iglesias, Diego Escobar

By 2016, tobacco industry provided the only illicit trade estimates in Colombia and used these to discourage tax increases since the 1990s. To establish the viability of a threefold hike in the excise tax, policy makers needed unbiased estimates of the illicit cigarette. , Roberto Magno Iglesias, cigarette smoking in urban areasi equal to 12.95% in 20134 and a decreasing trend from 17.06% when compared with 2008.5 In 2016, the median price of a 20- stick cigarette pack in supermarkets was COP$ 3128, approximately $2.5 international dollars (supplementary figure 1). Following a rapid adjustment in 2010 after a moderate tax increase, prices increased slightly above the inflation rate until December 2016. Colombia displayed until that year the second lowest price in the Americas.6 Objective To estimate the size of illicit cigarette trade in five Colombian cities (63% of the market), analyse characteristics of smokers of illicit cigarettes and compare market share results with one industry- funded survey. Methods Street cross- sectional survey with smokers’ self- report on consumption pattern, last purchase information and direct observation of smoker’s packs. Sampling frame: smokers, men and women, 12 years old or older, all income levels, resident in five Colombian cities (Bogotá, Medellín, Cali, Cartagena and Cúcuta) with 1 733 316 smokers in 2013. Sample size 1697, simple random sample by city, sampling weights based on age groups and cities. Confidence level 95%, margin of error 3.5% for Bogotá and Medellín and 5% for the other three cities. Data collection period: 24 August–14 September 2016. results Illicit cigarettes represent 3.5% of consumption in the five cities, a much lower estimate than the industry data. There are significant differences across cities, with Bogotá at the bottom (1.5%) and Cúcuta at the top (22.8%). Conclusion The low overall penetration of illicit cigarettes in Colombia indicates that the industry’s warnings against tax increases are not justified. The limited importance of tax levels as determinant of consumption of illicit cigarettes is also suggested by the differences across cities, all of them with the same tax regime

Tob Control, 2020

The Relevance of Targets’ Sexual Knowledge in theProgression of Online Sexual Grooming Events: Findingsfrom an Online Field Experiment

By: Eden Kamar, David Maimon, David Weisburd and Dekel Shabat

Although the typical end goal of an online grooming event is to lure a minor into performing sexual activity (either online or offline), no previous study has examined the relevance of targets’ sexual knowledge on the progression of these events. To address this gap, we deployed two honeypot chatbots which simulated young female users in a sample of twenty-three online chatrooms, over a period of three months. The first chatbot simulated a sexually knowledgeable target while the second chatbot simulated a sexually naïve target. Findings from 319 online grooming events indicate that an online grooming event is more likely to progress in the presence of a sexually knowledgeable target. Moreover, we find that online grooming events with sexually knowledgeable targets lasted longer than online grooming events with sexually naïve targets. Finally, we found that sexually knowledgeable targets were more likely to be solicited for offline encounters than sexually naïve targets.

Justice Quarterly, 41(3), 452–473. 2023 https://doi.org/10.1080/07418825.2023.2241540

Sexual Abuse and Education in Japan: In the (Inter)National Shadows

By O’Mochain, Robert and Ueno, Yuki

Bringing together two voices, practice and theory, in a collaboration that emerges from lived experience and structured reflection upon that experience, O’Mochain and Ueno show how entrenched discursive forces exert immense influence in Japanese society and how they might be most effectively challenged. With a psychosocial framework that draws insights from feminism, sociology, international studies, and political psychology, the authors pinpoint the motivations of the nativist right and reflect on the change of conditions that is necessary to end cultures of impunity for perpetrators of sexual abuse in Japan. Evaluating the value of the #MeToo model of activism, the authors offer insights that will encourage victims to come out of the shadows, pursue justice, and help transform Japan’s sense of identity both at home and abroad. Ueno, a female Japanese educator and O’Mochain, a non-Japanese male academic, examine the nature of sexual abuse problems both in educational contexts and in society at large through the use of surveys, interviews, and engagement with an eclectic range of academic literature. They identify the groups within society who offer the least support for women who pursue justice against perpetrators of sexual abuse. They also ask if far-right ideological extremists are fixated with proving that so called “comfort women” are higaisha-buru or “fake victims.” Japan would have much to gain on the international stage were it to fully acknowledge historical crimes of sexual violence, yet it continues to refuse to do so. O’Mochain and Ueno shed light on this puzzling refusal through recourse to the concepts of ‘international status anxiety’ and ‘male hysteria.’ An insightful read for scholars of Japanese society, especially those concerned about its treatment of women.

London; New York: Routledge, 2023. 

Criminal Justice Systems in the UK: Governance, Inspection, Complaints and Accountability

By Richard Garside and Roger Grimshaw

A unique overview of the main criminal justice institutions across the three UK jurisdictions of Scotland, Northern Ireland, and the combined jurisdiction of England and Wales.

  • How are the main UK criminal justice institutions organised?

  • How did they develop over time into their current form?

  • How are they held to account?

  • How can ordinary citizens challenge them and influence their work?

These are the main questions covered in Criminal justice systems in the UK.

No gold standard

Across the UK, there is no single, UK-wide criminal justice model; no ‘gold standard’ arrangement. Three criminal justice jurisdictions, with different histories, structures and operations, cover the United Kingdom: the combined jurisdiction of England and Wales, and the separate jurisdictions of Scotland, and Northern Ireland.

The diverse UK criminal justice arrangements, the result of distinctive histories, cultures and politics, offer a variety of operational and reform options.

Criminal justice systems in the UK takes the varieties of criminal justice across the UK as its starting point, drawing out similarities, and identifying contrasting arrangements across the UK's nations and regions.

Criminal justice systems are under constant scrutiny. Calls for improvement and change are never far away. This report outlines a number of key mechanisms currently available in the different jurisdictions of the United Kingdom to hold these institutions to account and to press for change and reform.

Report structure

Criminal justice systems in the UK is divided into four main chapters, covering the police, prosecution, courts and prisons. Each chapter examines the main mechanisms for accountability and change:

  • Governance

  • Inspection

  • Complaints

  • Citizen accountability

Each chapter examines how these four main mechanisms operate across the three UK jurisdictions of England and Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland.

London: Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2022. 56p.

Perpetrators of gender-based workplace violence amongst nurses and physicians–A scoping review of the literature

By: Basnama Ayaz, Graham Dozois, Andrea L. Baumann, Adam Fuseini, and Sioban Nelson

In healthcare settings worldwide, workplace violence (WPV) has been extensively studied. However, significantly less is known about gender-based WPV and the characteristics of perpetrators. We conducted a comprehensive scoping review on Type II (directed by consumers) and Type III (perpetuated by healthcare workers) gender based-WPV among nurses and physicians globally. For the review, we followed the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic and Meta Analyses extension for Scoping Review (PRISMA-ScR). The protocol for the comprehensive review was registered on the Open Science Framework on January 14, 2022, at https://osf.io/t4pfb/. A systematic search in five health and social science databases yielded 178 relevant studies that indicated types of perpetrators, with only 34 providing descriptive data for perpetrators’ gender. Across both types of WPV, men (65.1%) were more frequently responsible for perpetuating WPV compared to women (28.2%) and both genders (6.7%). Type II WPV, demonstrated a higher incidence of violence against women; linked to the gendered roles, stereotypes, and societal expectations that allocate specific responsibilities based on gender. Type III WPV was further categorized into Type III-A (horizontal) and Type III-B (vertical). With Type III WPV, gendered power structures and stereotypes contributed to a permissive environment for violence by men and women that victimized more women. These revelations emphasize the pressing need for gender-sensitive strategies for addressing WPV within the healthcare sector. Policymakers must prioritize the security of healthcare workers, especially women, through reforms and zero-tolerance policies. Promoting gender equality and empowerment within the workforce and leadership is pivotal. Additionally, creating a culture of inclusivity, support, and respect, led by senior leadership, acknowledging WPV as a structural issue and enabling an open dialogue across all levels are essential for combating this pervasive problem.

PLOS Global Public Health, Sept. 2024.

PARADISE LOST? FIREARMS TRAFFICKING AND VIOLENCE IN ECUADOR

By Carla Álvarez

Ecuador is experiencing an unusual growth in violence and criminality. In addition to being among the 10 countries with the greatest incidence of criminality in the world,1 it currently has the highest rate of violent deaths in Latin America, 47.25 for every 100 000 residents,2 eight times higher than in 2016, the year Ecuador recorded its lowest rate since 1980.3 In less than a decade, it has gone from being the second safest country in South America (after Chile)4 to becoming the most violent. Firearms play a central role in this security crisis. According to the 2023 Global Organized Crime Index,5 arms trafficking is one of the largest-growing criminal markets in the country. Firearms have become an instrument for strengthening the capacity of criminal organizations dedicated to drug trafficking and illegal mining, as well as a way to assert territorial control. In 2023, firearms were involved in nine out of every 10 violent deaths in the country.6 As shown in Figures 1 and 2, since 2020 the number of homicides has virtually doubled year after year, as well as the recurrence of the use of firearms. These figures exceed the regional and worldwide averages of violence committed with these devices.7 In addition, while young men have accounted for the majority of the violent deaths recorded, the assassinations of women have also grown significantly in recent years. In the case of the femicides recorded in 2023, a total of 321 violent deaths of women were gender-related, 37% of which were committed using firearms.8 The centrality of firearms in the dynamics of violence in Ecuador is the result of the loosening of internal regulations that permit the import, manufacture, commerce and carrying of weapons. Despite the growth in armed violence, on 1 April 2023 the Ecuadorian government relaxed several measures that expanded the legal market for firearms. These decisions were adopted despite the institutional inability of the state to exercise effective control over the permits to carry and possess weapons;9 the growing corruption in security-related institutions;10 and the harsh criticism by some sectors of civil society of the government for having fostered the adoption of measures on self-protection and the privatization of security instead of promoting a public security policy.

This change has facilitated the proliferation of arms amid a process of expansion of criminal activities in the country, which has in turn led to the growth of an active and concerning market for arms. Without a doubt, the increase in violence is related to the increase in arms trafficking, which, in addition to being lucrative, facilitates other crimes, such as drug trafficking, extortion, illegal mining, contract killings and kidnappings.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime., 2024. 31p.

The Domestic Market and its Relationship to the Worst Forms of Child Labour in Bangladesh’s Leather Industry

By A.K.M. Maksud, Sayma Sayed and Khandaker Reaz Hossain

The Child Labour: Action-Research-Innovation in South and South-Eastern Asia (CLARISSA) project in Bangladesh focused on the worst forms of child labour in the leather industry.1 From early in the project, it was clear that most of the children were working in small informal enterprises. As our interactions with enterprises evolved through interviews, workshops, and Action Research meetings, we learned that many of the enterprises hiring children in the worst forms of child labour were serving domestic markets. The CLARISSA team felt it was important to comprehensively test this new understanding with a survey of small enterprises in Hazaribagh, Hemayetpur, and Bhairab. Hazaribagh city is the traditional centre of leather production, with a large number of enterprises working in the informal economy; Hemayetpur is where the government relocated the tanneries, which were located in Hazaribagh until 2016; and Bhairab is a large hub for shoe manufacturers. These three locations have been central to the work of CLARISSA. 1 Each one is an important, but quite different, component of the leather industry, which contributes 4 per cent of Bangladesh’s total exports (0.5 per cent of the country’s total gross domestic product). A target has been set to increase export earnings from the sector to 425bn taka (US$5bn) by 2024, which would contribute 1 per cent to the total gross domestic product. In 2016, Bangladesh ranked eighth in the world for footwear production. More than 76 per cent of the total processed leather produced in 220 tanneries in Bangladesh was exported (Ministry of Industries 2019). Yet, the working assumption underpinning this survey was that while a significant proportion of the children will be working in informal enterprises that supply formally registered businesses, which in turn supply foreign markets, an even higher proportion will be in small enterprises serving domestic markets.

CLARISSA Research and Evidence Paper 15, Brighton: Institute of Development Studies 2024 34p.

Decriminalization or Police Mission Creep? Critical Appraisal of Law Enforcement Involvement in British Columbia, Canada's Decriminalization Framework

By Liam Michaud, Jenn McDermid, Aaron Bailey, Tyson Singh Kelsall 

The unregulated drug toxicity crisis in British Columbia (BC), Canada, has claimed over 14,000 lives since 2016. The crisis is shaped by prohibitionist policies that has led to the contamination of the unregulated drug supply, resulting in a surge of fatal and non-fatal overdose events. The criminalization of drug users exacerbates this situation, pushing individuals into carceral systems for the possession of and/or social practices related to drug use. This commentary examines the involvement of policing in the development, and throughout the first 15 months of its implementation, of BC's decriminalization framework. We highlight concerns regarding police discretion, the expansion of scope, and the interweaving of carceral logics into policies that purport to be public health-oriented.

International Journal of Drug Policy, Volume 129, July 2024, 104478

The Impact of Precursor Regulations on Illicit Drug Markets: An Analysis of Cunningham et al.ʼs Studies

By Luca Giommoni

This review examines a series of twelve studies led by James K. Cunningham and his team, focusing on the effects of precursor regulation on illicit drug markets. Their research shows that the regulation of chemicals essential for the production of drugs such as heroin, cocaine, and methamphetamine is associated with several positive outcomes. These include a decrease in drug purity, a reduction in seizures, lower demand for treatment and hospitalization, and an increase in drug prices. According to the research, this decrease in harmful outcomes results from a combination of diminished overall consumption and a reduction in harm per dose. However, this review identifies some inconsistencies within their studies. These inconsistencies include premature assumptions about the timing of intervention impacts, uneven influences of similar interventions, variations in the implementation of these interventions, and the disregard of alternate explanations for sudden shifts in drug markets. Cunningham's work can be considered one of the most substantial contributions in this field. However, to secure the full confidence of the drug policy community in the authenticity of their findings, they must effectively address the issues identified in this review.

International Journal of Drug Policy 17 June 2024, 104498

Reported Non–Substance-Related Mental Health Disorders Among Persons Who Died of Drug Overdose — United States, 2022

By Amanda T. Dinwiddie, MPH1; Stephanie Gupta, MPH1; Christine L. Mattson, PhD1; Julie O’Donnell, PhD1; Puja Seth, PhD1 

What is already known about this topic?: During 2022, nearly 108,000 persons died of drug overdose in the United States. Persons with substance use disorders and non–substance-related mental health disorders, which frequently co-occur, are at increased risk for overdose.

What is added by this report?: In 2022, 22% of persons who died of drug overdose had a non–substance-related mental health disorder. The most common disorders were depressive (13%) and anxiety (9%). Approximately one quarter of decedents with a non–substance-related mental health disorder had at least one recent potential opportunity for intervention (e.g., current treatment for substance use disorders or recent emergency department visit).

What are the implications for public health practice?: Implementing evidence-based screening for substance use and mental health disorders during potential intervention opportunities and expanding efforts to integrate care for these disorders could improve mental health and reduce overdoses.

Drug overdose deaths remain a public health crisis in the United States; nearly 107,000 and nearly 108,000 deaths occurred in 2021 and 2022, respectively. Persons with mental health conditions are at increased risk for overdose. In addition, substance use disorders and non–substance-related mental health disorders (MHDs) frequently co-occur. Using data from CDC’s State Unintentional Drug Overdose Reporting System, this report describes characteristics of persons in 43 states and the District of Columbia who died of unintentional or undetermined intent drug overdose and had any MHD. In 2022, 21.9% of persons who died of drug overdose had a reported MHD. Using the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition criteria, the most frequently reported MHDs were depressive (12.9%), anxiety (9.4%), and bipolar (5.9%) disorders. Overall, approximately 80% of overdose deaths involved opioids, primarily illegally manufactured fentanyls. Higher proportions of deaths among decedents with an MHD involved antidepressants (9.7%) and benzodiazepines (15.3%) compared with those without an MHD (3.3% and 8.5%, respectively). Nearly one quarter of decedents with an MHD had at least one recent potential opportunity for intervention (e.g., approximately one in 10 decedents were undergoing substance use disorder treatment, and one in 10 visited an emergency department or urgent care facility within 1 month of death). Expanding efforts to identify and address co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders (e.g., integrated screening and treatment) and strengthen treatment retention and harm reduction services could save lives.

Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report Weekly / August 29, 2024 / 73(34);747–753

Linkage Facilitation for Opioid Use Disorder in Criminal Legal System Contexts: a Primer for Researchers, Clinicians, and Legal Practitioners

By Milan F. Satcher, Steven Belenko, Anthony Coetzer-Liversage, Khirsten J. Wilson, Michael R. McCart, Tess K. Drazdowski, Amanda Fallin-Bennett, Nickolas Zaller, Alysse M. Schultheis, Aaron Hogue, Noel Vest, Ashli J. Sheidow, Brandon del Pozo, Dennis P. Watson, Patrick F. Hibbard, Randy Stevens & L. A. R. Stein 

At the intersection of drug policy, the opioid crisis, and fragmented care systems, persons with opioid use disorder (OUD) in the United States are significantly vulnerable to contact with the criminal legal system (CLS). In CLS settings, provision of evidence-based treatment for OUD is variable and often secondary to punitive approaches. Linkage facilitation at every touch point along the CLS Sequential Intercept Model has potential to redirect persons with OUD into recovery-oriented systems of care, increase evidence-based OUD treatment connections, and therefore reduce CLS re-exposure risk. Research in this area is still nascent. Thus, this narrative review explores the state of the science on linkage facilitation across the varied CLS contexts, including general barriers, facilitators, and opportunities for using linkage facilitation for OUD treatment and related services. Following the CLS Sequential Intercept Model, the specific CLS contexts examined include community services, police encounters, the courts (pre- and post-disposition), incarceration (pre-trial detention, jail, and prison), reentry (from jails, prisons, and unified systems), and community supervision (probation and parole). Examples of innovative linkage facilitation interventions are drawn from the Justice Community Opioid Innovation Network (JCOIN). Areas for future research and policy change are highlighted to advance the science of linkage facilitation for OUD services in the CLS.

l. Health & Justice (2024) 12:36

Interventions to Reduce Harms Related to Drug Use Among People Who Experience Incarceration: Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis 

By Christel Macdonald, Georgina Macpherson, Oscar Leppan, Lucy Thi Tran, Evan B Cunningham, Behzad Hajarizadeh, Jason Grebely, Michael Farrell, Frederick L Altice, Louisa Degenhardt

Mortality, suicide, self-harm, and substance use are elevated among people who are incarcerated. There is a wide range of heterogeneous interventions aimed at reducing these harms in this population. Previous reviews have focused on specific interventions or limited their findings to drug use and recidivism and have not explored interventions delivered after release from prison. Our aim is to examine the effect of interventions delivered to people who use drugs during incarceration or after release from incarceration, on a wide range of outcomes. Methods In this systematic review and meta-analysis, we searched Embase, MEDLINE, and PsycINFO databases up until Sept 12, 2023 for studies published from Jan 1, 1980 onwards. All studies evaluating the effectiveness of any intervention on drug use, recidivism outcomes, sexual or injecting risk behaviours, or mortality among people who use psychoactive drugs and who were currently or recently incarcerated were included. Studies without a comparator or measuring only alcohol use were excluded. Data extracted from each study included demographic characteristics, interventions, and comparisons. Pooled odds ratios and risk ratios were calculated using random-effects meta-analyses. Findings We identified 126 eligible studies (47 randomised controlled trials and 79 observational studies) encompassing 18 interventions; receiving opioid-agonist treatment (OAT) in prison reduced the risk of death in prison (one study; hazard ratio 0·25; 95% CI 0·13–0·48), whereas receiving OAT in the first 4 weeks following release reduced risk of death in the community (two studies; relative risk 0·24; 95% CI 0·15–0·37). Therapeutic community interventions reduced re-arrest at 6–12 months (six studies; odds ratio [OR] 0·72; 95% CI 0·55–0·95) and reincarceration at 24 months (two studies; OR 0·66; 95% CI 0·48–0·96). There was scarce evidence that OAT and syringe service provision are effective in reducing injecting risk behaviours and needle and syringe sharing. Interpretation There are effective interventions to reduce mortality and recidivism for people who use drugs who have been incarcerated. Nonetheless, there are also substantial gaps in the research examining the effect of interventions on risk behaviours and mortality during incarceration and a need for randomised designs examining outcomes for people who use drugs after release.

The Lancet, Vol 9 September 2024

Complaint Mechanisms: Reporting Pathways for Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation

By Dinesh Wadiwel, Claire Spivakovsky, Linda Steele

This report understands a complaint mechanism as a procedure within an organisation, institution or governing authority which allows individuals to report negative experiences and problematic conduct and policy; seek individual rectification; and, where appropriate, trigger system change. Additionally, in this report, the term ‘complaint mechanism’ can refer to the diverse range of public bodies and agencies that are made responsible for handling complaints, which includes various commissions, ombuds, government departments and bespoke complaint or oversight agencies.

Some people with disability utilise complaint mechanisms to report violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. As shall be discussed, the use of complaint mechanisms to report such experiences creates a number of unique challenges, including whether existing complaint mechanisms are fit for purpose, whether complaint mechanisms are able to guarantee equality before the law and equal rights to justice for people with disability, how complaint mechanisms relate to other reporting pathways, in particular police and courts, and whether complaint mechanisms are able to protect individuals from violence and create system change to prevent violence. Raising these concerns does not mean that complaint mechanisms may not be appropriate or desired pathways for people with disability who want to report and seek justice for violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. Indeed, a complaint mechanism may be able to offer forms of just process and justice in outcome that are not available through police and courts. However, much care is required in the design of complaint mechanisms as reporting pathways for violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation to ensure that they are effective in terms of process and outcome, including in achieving a broader goal of violence prevention.

This report provides guidance to the Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability (the Disability Royal Commission) on the design of accessible and inclusive complaint mechanisms which function as a reporting pathway for violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. Our report puts forward an ideal approach to creating accessible and inclusive responses to complaints of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation of people with disability. The report utilises contemporary understandings of human rights, violence prevention, procedural justice and justice in outcome to identify the principles that should inform the design of complaint mechanisms to optimise their function as reporting pathways for violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. The report centres lived experiences of people with disability, providing extensive accounts of people navigating complaint mechanisms in relation to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. The report further provides a mapping of the Australian complaint mechanism landscape, through a survey of website information, and where appropriate, policy or legislation, identifying some common features and limitations of existing complaint mechanism approaches, particularly in relation to the reporting of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation.

Our conclusions in brief (explored in detail in Chapter 8) can be summarised as follows:

a) The Structural Drivers of Violence and Complaint Mechanisms. Much of the violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation experienced by people with disability is driven by structural factors, including as a result of segregation and institutionalisation. For a range of reasons, complaint mechanisms, even when designed in accordance with ‘best practice,’ can be poorly equipped to deliver either individual rectification or the large-scale transformational change required to address and prevent violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation.

b) Complaint Mechanisms, Equality before the Law, and Legally Authorised Violence. Many complaint mechanisms are not necessarily equipped to provide justice in relation to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. This is because many complaint mechanisms are non-independent and combine regulatory oversight with complaint resolution processes. They are thus potentially established with a policy goal to regulate services and maintain codes of conduct, and not necessarily designed to respond to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation from a victim-centred and justice-focused perspective. Further, if there is a social or institutional expectation that some people with disability should use complaint mechanisms, rather than police or courts, to report violence, abuse, neglect and / or exploitation, then this potentially undermines equality before the law since this means some people with disability do not have access to the forms of justice that are available to the rest of the community. This problem is further complicated by the existence of legally authorised forms of violence, such as restrictive practices. However, despite these concerns, it is acknowledged that many people with disability utilise complaint mechanisms to report violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation, and that in some cases these pathways may be preferred over the criminal justice system due to the different forms of just process and justice in outcome that they may offer.

c) Improving Process and Outcome. Based upon this report’s survey of website information, and where appropriate, policy or legislation, there are many improvements that can be made to many existing complaint mechanisms at the level of stated process and outcome to enhance their ability to respond to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. Improvements can be made through access to and consistency of information; dedicated reporting pathways for violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation; application of accessibility standards and the availability of supported decision making; increased clarity on how complaint mechanisms interact with and complement police and courts; and increased clarity on outcomes available as a result of a complaint, including for system transformation.

d) An Independent Complaint Mechanism for Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation. While improvements to existing mechanisms are possible, there remains a need for an independent complaint mechanism to respond to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation, with strong perceived independence, neutrality, transparency, trustworthiness, effectiveness and capacity to support and recognise the voice of complainants. At present, this independent, dedicated, pathway for reporting violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation experienced by people with disability does not appear available within the existing terrain of relevant Australian complaint mechanisms.

e) A National Redress Scheme. Much violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation is historical in nature, including violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation that is supported by legally and socially authorised forms of segregation, institutionalisation and society wide discrimination. There is a pressing need for governments and society to acknowledge the role of historical injustices committed against people with disability in creating the conditions for current mass scale violence. In this context, a National Redress Scheme would serve an important role as both a form of transitional and transformative justice, and as an additional pathway for reporting violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation that is historical in nature.

f) Improved Processes for Police and Courts. While out of scope for this report, improvements in responses of police and courts to violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation experienced by people with disability would work in a complementary way with improvements to complaint mechanism pathways, and ensure equality before the law and equal rights to justice for people with disability.

Australia: Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability, 2022. 534p.

Criminal Charges, Risk Assessment, and Violent Recidivism in Cases of Domestic Abuse

By Dan A. Black Jeffrey Grogger Tom Kirchmaier Koen Sanders

Domestic abuse is a pervasive global problem. Here we analyze two approaches to reducing violent DA recidivism. One involves charging the perpetrator with a crime; the other provides protective services to the victim on the basis of a formal risk assessment carried out by the police. We use detailed administrative data to estimate the average effect of treatment on the treated using inverse propensity-score weighting (IPW). We then make use of causal forests to study heterogeneity in the estimated treatment effects. We find that pressing charges substantially reduces the likelihood of violent recidivism. The analysis also reveals substantial heterogeneity in the effect of pressing charges. In contrast, the risk assessment process has no discernible effect

IZA Discussion Papers, No. 15885, Bonn: Institute of Labor Economics (IZA), 2023.

Expected Returns to Crime and Crime Location

By Nils Braakmann, Arnaud Chevalier, Tanya Wilson

We provide first evidence that temporal variations in the expected returns to crime affect the location of property crime. Our identification strategy relies on the widely-held perception in the UK that households of South Asian descent store gold jewellery at home. Price movements on the international market for gold exogenously affect the expected gains from burgling these households, which become relatively more lucrative targets as the gold price increases. Using a neighbourhood-level panel on reported crime and difference-in-differences, we find that burglaries in South Asian neighbourhoods are more sensitive to variations in the gold price than other neighbourhoods in the same municipality, confirming that burglars react rationally to variations in the expected returns to their activities. We conduct a battery of tests on neighbourhood and individual data to eliminate alternative explanations.

IZA DP No. 15520

Bonn: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics, 2022. 48p.

Global Perspectives on Anti-Feminism: Far-Right and Religious Attacks on Equality and Diversity

Edited by: Judith Goetz and Stefanie Mayer

This new book brings together research and analyses from five continents in order to promote a global perspective on the thoroughly global phenomenon of the current culture wars around sex and gender. The contributions show how transnational networks spread discourses that were developed in the Global North, and how they become re-articulated in different national, political and religious contexts.In recent years, issues of gender and sexuality have become a political battlefield on which far-right, religious and conservative actors wage their war against liberal and left-wing ideas, as well as emancipatory movements. 'Anti-Gender' crusades, which had originally been launched by the Vatican, deeply impacted societies and politics especially as these discourses were adopted by the secular far-right. Campaigns against sexual and reproductive rights, against gender equality and sexual diversity were waged from Russia to the United States and from Latin America to Japan.

Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2024.

Refugee Reception in Southern Africa: National and Local Policies in Zambia and South Africa

By Nicholas Maple

A new understanding of state-based refugee reception that reflects the complex dynamics of contemporary refugee arrival. It is no longer realistic (if it ever was) to understand persons who flee across a border as a homogeneous group whose movement abruptly ends once they arrive in a host state or refugee camp. Through a comparative analysis of the politics surrounding the welcome afforded to refugees, this book offers an original perspective on refugee hosting in Southern Africa. Using the cases of Zambia and South Africa, the book explores why some countries maintain encampment reception policies for refugees, and others use more liberal ‘free settlement’ approaches, whereby refugees are granted freedom of movement and permitted to settle in cities and towns. While state-based reception is frequently framed as one-off moments, such as registration, Refugee Reception in Southern Africa examines reception as a complex and ongoing process of negotiations between refugees and state, with reception policies vital in shaping a refugee’s ability to settle and engage with local communities and labour markets. With its new ‘refugee reception’ framework and in-depth case studies full of concrete examples, this book is a significant theoretical and methodological contribution to migration studies more broadly.

London: University of London Press, 2024.

Violent Nonstate Actors and the Emergence of Hybrid Governance in South America

By  Rafael Duarte Villa, Camila de Macedo Braga1 and Marcos Alan S. V. Ferreira

In several Latin American countries, social violence has risen to warlike levels. Nevertheless, little attention has been paid to the extent of social violence and the new (informal) forms of governance generated by the so-called violent nonstate actors (VNSAs). Where a state’s forces fail to provide for the physical protection and social security of its citizens, some areas are governed by a mix of formal (vertical) and informal (horizontal) forms of governance, mixing state and nonstate actors. In these socially bounded spaces, nonstate actors produce and distribute public goods similarly as the state does. In this article, we explore how hybrid governance has appeared in the South American region, considering the operation of two regional VNSAs, the Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) in Brazil and the Bandas Criminales (BACRIM) in Colombia. We show that such VNSAs are significant agents for security governance, as they challenge preconceived notions of state authority (legitimacy)  

2021, Latin American Research Review

On our streets: The changing face of modern slavery in London

By Hestia

.The number of potential victims of modern slavery in the UK is at its highest level since records began in 2009. London is a central hub for modern slavery offences; the Metropolitan Police has identified an increase of 12.6% in cases of modern slavery in London over the last three years. Modern slavery is a constantly evolving crime, with increasingly sophisticated recruitment and exploitation methods contributing to the growth of offences in London and across the UK. Hestia commissioned independent research agency Thinks Insight & Strategy to identify what modern slavery looks like in London today, and how it has changed in recent years. Central to the work was the need to bring the voices of those impacted by modern slavery to the forefront of a much needed conversation about modern slavery in the capital. Thinks Insight & Strategy conducted multi-method primary and secondary research to build a picture of experiences of modern slavery in London and understand public and political perceptions and assumptions. The research included: A scoping review of existing literature and data on modern slavery in the UK, including relevant data from the National Referral Mechanism (NRM) and from the Metropolitan Police (requested via an FOI) on instances of modern slavery in the UK and in London. Qualitative research, including six interviews with Hestia service users who have previously experienced modern slavery in London, one interview with a Hestia representative advocating on behalf of two service users who have experienced modern slavery in London and two interviews with experts in the field of modern slavery. Quantitative research, including a nationally representative online survey of 2,000 members of the UK public (including 265 based in Greater London) and an online survey with 99 MPs, completed prior to the dissolution of Parliament on 30th May 2024. The research found that: Modern slavery offences occur across every region of the UK, including in every London borough and are becoming more frequent. • Three in five (59%) adult potential victims referred to the NRM in 2023 stated they were exploited in the UK. • The number of NRM adult referrals increased by 70% between 2020 and 2023. However, modern slavery does not feel close to home for most. Just a quarter (25%) of the public believe that modern slavery is an issue in their local area. • This rises to 32% amongst those living in London. However, even here the public is underestimating the prevalence of the issue: data from the Metropolitan Police shows that numerous modern slavery offences occurred in every London borough in 2023. • Data shows that in 2023, across adults only, British citizens were the second largest group by nationality amongst adult victims of modern slavery (behind Albanians). However, only 10% of the public agrees that British citizens are one of the most likely nationalities to become victims of modern slavery. Despite low understanding of the issue, the public lacks confidence that enough is being done to prevent modern slavery and to protect those impacted. • Seven in ten (71%) agree that more attention should be given to the issue of modern slavery in the UK. • Prevention is high on the public agenda: 8 in 10 (81%) agree that the UK Government should do more to deter traffickers and those who commit modern slavery offences. • Similar proportions (78%) also agree that the UK Government should do more to support those who have experienced modern slavery. While the public want to see the Government take more action to prevent and support victims of modern slavery, MPs remain divided on whether new UK legislation will have an impact. • Just under half (47%) of MPs think new UK legislation (such as the Illegal Migration Act and the Nationality and Borders Act, and Safety of Rwanda Act) will not significantly reduce modern slavery in the UK, and 45% agree that new UK legislation will not deter traffickers1. • Labour MPs are significantly more likely to think that new UK legislation will not have an impact on reducing modern slavery and deterring traffickers than Conservative MPs. Note that fieldwork with MPs was carried out in May 2024, before policies like the Safety of Rwanda Act were axed by the current Government.

London: Hestia, 2024. 28p.