By Tamara Ryan and Cole Anderson   

Upon release, formerly incarcerated people often have few resources to get by while they are seeking employment. They struggle to find work because of criminal stigma, low education levels, and work history gaps. Supporting formerly incarcerated individuals upon their re-entry helps ensure they can take part in the activities needed for employment, such as resume preparation and learning job search skills. One key to improving the likelihood of employment post-incarceration is to ensure returning citizens have adequate financial resources and support to address their immediate needs and allow a focus on gaining employment. Moving more formerly incarcerated people into the workforce presents a massive opportunity for the state. Not having these individuals in the workforce is a lost opportunity for both employers and the state and increases the likelihood they will return to prison or will be rearrested, adding to the cost burden for the state. Key Findings • Formerly incarcerated people are 24% less likely to return to prison when they have acquired new skills and maintained employment during incarceration. • An estimated 6,000 individuals are released from Colorado prisons annually, a number that is roughly equivalent to 20% of the new entrants that are added to the state workforce each year. This number is also 1.5 times larger than Cherry Creek High School, the largest high school in the Denver area. • Breakthrough, a Colorado nonprofit that works with formerly incarcerated individuals, has helped those citizens achieve a 94% employment rate after their release. If Breakthrough’s results could be replicated for all applicable individuals exiting prison, 2,400 more individuals would be employed among each annual prison release cohort. Together those 2,400 individuals would contribute to GDP growth totaling more than $1 billion and a $650 million increase in personal income.  • Colorado’s current 3-year recidivism rate is 28%. Reducing that rate to Breakthrough’s 6% rate would save the state an estimated $55 million annually in recidivism-related costs, realized after the three-year recidivism measurement period. • Inmates working in Colorado’s prisons earn just dollars per day.i Marginally increasing the income inmates can earn while working in prison and on work release programs could help reduce the financial burden to the state through decreased public benefit use and lower recidivism rates. • There is a strong connection between employment and lasting economic benefits for formerly incarcerated individuals. • Colorado currently lacks any data to capture the outcomes, particularly the employment and earnings outcomes, of former inmates. This deficit makes it difficult to gauge the success of post-release programs. • Over the 5-year period prior to the COVID-19 pandemic, more than half of those who recidivated went back to prison because of technical violations such as possessing a firearm or failing to report to a parole officer, not commission of new crimes.  Employment for Returning Citizens Employment is a critical component of successful re-entry into the community after release from incarceration. A study by the Institute of Politics at the John F. Kennedy School of Government found a lack of employment was one of the most significant risk factors affecting successful re-entry.ii Researchers also found community organizations that offer returning citizens assistance with employment were most successful when they provided a holistic approach that included both training and job placement and emphasized high quality jobs with upward mobility potential. Positive benefits of employment include decreased reliance on state assistance, increased self-esteem, a more positive sense of identity, and a life made more stable because of income. Employers also benefit from successful reentry. Hiring formerly incarcerated individuals expands hiring pools at a time when businesses report difficulty finding talent, provides evidence of nondiscriminatory hiring practices, and creates potential tax credit and free bonding service opportunities. Additionally, employers could reduce training costs by hiring individuals who received training while incarcerated. Unfortunately, research shows a felony conviction or incarceration makes individuals significantly less employable. After release, finding a job can take six months or more.iii Providing resources for released individuals to get and keep a job decreases the risk of recidivism because it ensures these citizens are meeting the requirements of parole, contributing to their households, paying off fines or making restitution, and forming the prosocial connections that discourage re-offending. National data shows more than 27% of formerly incarcerated people are unemployed, a number that is higher than the U.S. unemployment rate at any time in history, including the Great Depression. Unemployment is worse for women than men, particularly for formerly incarcerated black women, whose unemployment rate is 43.6%.iv There is a clear connection between unemployment and likelihood to engage in crime. One study found that, among unemployed men in their 30s, more than half had been arrested or convicted of a crime. Additionally, it is important to remember the unemployment rate only measures people who are actively looking for work and does not include discouraged workers who have stopped looking for jobs. When these individuals are included in the calculation, the jobless rate reaches closer to 60%.

Greenwood Village, CO: Common Sense Institute, 2025. 18p.

By Sophie Shanshory

For individuals on probation and those reentering their communities after incarceration, finding employment is often one of multiple challenges. It can be overwhelming to think about finding and maintaining a job when concerns on an individual’s mind might be How will I get there? What if they find out about my record? Will I make enough money to support myself and my family? Employment is an important factor in reentry but getting to a place where the focus can be on a job, education, or a career requires support in other parts of life as well. In the workforce development field, supportive services are used to respond to a range of needs, encompassing those directly related to and outside of work. These services are considered an important complement to employment-focused services provided through local workforce development systems.

The Los Angeles County Innovative Employment Solutions Program (INVEST) is designed to address the complex range of employment and supportive service needs individuals may have and support them in pursuing their employment and career goals. MDRC, a nonprofit, nonpartisan education and social research organization, is studying INVEST along with several other Los Angeles County–based, criminal legal system and reentry-focused programs. INVEST takes an innovative approach to providing employment and supportive services to people on probation in Los Angeles County. The program prepares staff members to understand the unique needs and challenges of people on probation while at the same time using a flexible spending approach that allows for comprehensive service provision.

New York: MDRC, 2023. 12p.

By Niko Leiva, Osvaldo Avila

As an alternative to incarceration, in 2018 Los Angeles County launched the Reentry Intensive Case Management Services (RICMS) program. The RICMS program coordinates the services of multiple community-based service providers throughout LA County. It links people who have been involved with the criminal legal system to commu­nity health workers, many of whom have personal experience with incarceration, sub­stance use disorders and addiction, and other issues RICMS clients face. These commu­nity health workers provide case management services and mentorship, and help clients navigate the many services and other forms of support available to them.

MDRC evaluated the implementation of the RICMS program and found that the program is a promising approach to improving the lives of its clients, particu­larly by reducing their future contact with the criminal legal system. As part of the evaluation, in 2021 and 2022 an MDRC research team conducted semistructured interviews with RICMS community health workers and clients to learn more about how services are delivered and about the experiences of RICMS clients. This brief presents the stories and experiences they shared.

New York: MDRC, 2023. 10p.

By Marco Castillo, Sera Linardi, Ragan Petrie

Many previously incarcerated individuals are rearrested following release from prison. We investigate whether encouragement to use reentry support services reduces rearrest. Field experiment participants are offered a monetary incentive to complete different dosages of visits, either three or five, to a support service provider. The incentive groups increased visits, and one extra visit reduces rearrests three years after study enrollment by six percentage points. The results are driven by Black participants who are more likely to take up treatment and benefit the most from visits. The study speaks to the importance of considering first-stage heterogeneity and heterogeneous treatment effects.

Munich : Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo GmbH

Munich Society for the Promotion of Economic Research - CESifo, 2024. 46p.

By Elise M. Ferguson, Alise O’Connell 

 This report follows a cohort of more than 28,000 inmates released from the Metropolitan Detention Center in 2010 over a nine-year follow-up time period. Overall recidivism is described as well as recidivism by sex, race/ethnicity, and age at release. Also presented are cumulative recidivism rates and rates by year of first return to custody. 

 Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, Institute for Social Research, Center for Applied Research and Analysis, 2020. 80p

By Hanna Hernandez. & Vasiliki Georgoulas-Sherry

Rates of recidivism have been commonly used as a key measure for public safety and in assessing the effectiveness of the criminal justice system – sentencing, jails, prisons, community supervision, treatment and reentry programming. Tracking recidivism can provide necessary information to support successful integration into the community following a prison sentence – which promotes community and public safety. Furthermore, understanding the individuals who are more likely to recidivate, and assessing demographic differences amongst the years can provide even more knowledge for supporting successful reentry. To evaluate long-term recidivism in Washington, the Washington Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) applied for and received the 2021 State Justice Statistics (SJS) grant from Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). Under this grant from BJS, the SAC first drew on publicly available data from the Washington State Department of Corrections (DOC) to evaluate the long-term recidivism trends of incarcerated individuals released from prison (Georgoulas-Sherry & Hernandez, 2024). To expand on the findings, this report utilizes the same cohort to further evaluate the racial and sex similarities and differences in recidivism rates.

Olympia: Washington State Statistical Analysis Center, 2024. 31p.

By Pavithra Nagarajan, Kristen Parsons, Julia Bowling, Jennifer Ferone, and Neal Palmer

Decades of research point to the benefits of college in prison, including reduced recidivism and improved employment outcomes following release. Even for those who have not yet been released, these programs foster a sense of community and purpose that can also lead to safer prison environments. Many people enter prison undereducated due to systemic disinvestment in education over the past 50 years, particularly in racial minority neighborhoods. All told, about one in three incarcerated adults have less than a high school equivalence (HSE), earned prior to or during incarceration, compared to 14 percent of the general public.

Despite the benefits of college in prison, policies and practices over the past two decades have limited the availability of postsecondary educational programs in prisons, including federal and state tuition grants. To supplement this, in 2017, former Governor Andrew Cuomo, former Manhattan District Attorney Cyrus Vance, Jr., the New York State Department of Corrections and Community Supervision (DOCCS), and CUNY ISLG established the College-in-Prison Reentry Initiative (CIP).

A $7.3 million investment, CIP aimed to build a partnership to provide more individuals with the opportunity to achieve a quality education, with the goal of increasing their likelihood of success in the community after release. It had four primary goals:

CIP funded seven colleges and universities to deliver college instruction across 17 prisons in New York from Fall 2017 through Spring 2022. CUNY ISLG conducted a multiyear process evaluation of the Initiative to assess its implementation. This report, the culmination of data reviews, site visits, and interviews with education providers, corrections staff, CIP students, and others, breaks down the successes and challenges the program faces, as well as offers lessons learned for others seeking to implement quality college-in-prison programs.

CUNY Institute for State & Local Governance , 2024. 112p.

By Nick Sibilla

Earning an honest living is one of the best ways to prevent re-offending. But strict occupational licensing requirements make it harder for ex-offenders to find work, thwarting their chances of successful reentry. Along with other “collateral consequences,” like losing the right to vote or the ability to receive government assistance, ex-offenders can be denied a license to work simply because of their criminal record. • This report provides the most up-to-date account of occupational licensing barriers for ex-offenders and will be regularly updated whenever a state

changes its laws. Using 10 distinct criteria, this report grades all 50 states and the District of Columbia on their legal protections for licensing applicants with criminal records. (See Methodology.) • The average state grade is a C-. Nationwide, 6 states—Iowa, Indiana, Minnesota, Mississippi, New Hampshire, North Carolina—earned a B or better. Reflecting the surge of interest in this issue, five of those six states have reformed their licensing laws since 2015. • Indiana ranked as the best state in the nation for ex-offenders seeking a license to work, earning this report’s only A grade. In contrast, five states—Alabama, Alaska, Nevada, South Dakota, and Vermont—were tied for last, receiving a zero on a 100-point scale for their lack of protections for felons seeking licenses. This report finds that licensing restrictions vary dramatically, with multiple states lacking even the most basic protections for ex-offenders seeking a license to work: • Licensing boards in seven states can generally disqualify applicants based on any felony, even if it is completely unrelated to the license sought. • In 17 states, boards are free to deny licenses without ever considering whether an applicant has been rehabilitated. • Applicants in 33 states can be denied licenses based on an arrest that did not lead to a criminal conviction. In other words, boards can refuse to issue a license even though the applicant is functionally innocent. • In nine states, applicants have no guaranteed right to appeal a board’s decision, and boards are not required to issue their decisions in writing.

Arlington, VA: Institute for Justice, 2020. 117p.

By Andrew Blum and Alfredo Malaret Baldo

The problem is as old as the justice system itself—how to reduce the chance that an individual reoffends

after they commit an offense and become involved with the justice system. This challenge of reducing

recidivism remains critical. According to the Prison Policy Initiative, there are over 120,000 individuals in

state prisons in California. Another 380,000 cycle through jails in California every year. In 2021, roughly

25,000 individuals were released from prison in California. This is the scope of the challenge. In San

Diego County, a wide variety of agencies and organizations are working to address the recidivism

challenge. In addition, although there is no way to measure this accurately, there is a willingness across

the spectrum to experiment with new approaches and solutions. This report focuses on one area of

relatively new and promising approaches—those that elevate the talent and expertise of individuals with

“lived experience” with the justice system. Support for lived experience approaches is growing both

nationally and in San Diego. Beyond the rising number of lived experience initiatives, this type of work in

San Diego has become largely normalized. There is broad agreement that lived experience work should

be part of the portfolio used to reduce recidivism, with clear demand from stakeholders involved in

reentry, including law enforcement officials, service providers, community members, and, crucially,

justice-involved individuals. Given the growing prevalence of and support for lived experience approaches

in San Diego, it is important to create a deeper understanding of how to increase the impact of these

approaches. Toward that end, this report identifies strengths of lived experience approaches to amplify,

challenges of lived experience approaches to mitigate, and lessons from lived experience approaches

that can be applied more broadly. Based on a review of the research and dozens of conversations held

with stakeholders in San Diego, we identified the following strengths of lived experience app roaches: —

They can engage successfully with justice-involved individuals; — They can provide a model of success;

— They are skilled navigators of the social service and justice systems; — They bring a long-term

approach to their work; and — They have specific expertise that helps them help others. To amplify these

strengths, we suggest: (a) deploy lived experience practitioners during acute situations, (b) leverage lived

experience practitioners not only within programs but also as navigators across programs, (c) build

flexibility into programs that include lived experience practitioners, (d) encourage lived experience

practitioners to role model success without being directive, and (e) continue efforts to normalize lived

experience approaches. We also identified challenges of lived experience approaches, particularly

related to scaling the approaches more widely. These include: — The personalistic nature of many lived

experience initiatives; — The difficulty of finding, vetting, hiring, and training sufficient lived experience

practitioners; — The toll the immersive nature of the work takes on practitioners; and — The potential

reputational risks lived experience approaches present to individuals, organizations, and agencies. To

mitigate these challenges, we recommend (a) creating training and certification programs for lived

experience practitioners, (b) developing standards of practice, (c) creating organizational capacity -

building initiatives for lived experience organizations, (d) pairing lived experience with non-lived-

experience practitioners, (e) treating lived experience individuals as professional staff, and (f) developing

a lived experience advocacy coalition. Furthermore, seeking a broader impact, we identified five key

lessons from lived experience approaches that are transferable and can be applied by those without lived

experience who are designing and implementing initiatives to prevent recidivism. The lessons are: 1.

Create supportive spaces for justice-involved individuals to work through challenges; 2. Design programs

with flexibility so support can be tailored to individuals; 3. Ease navigation of services and improve

coordination among providers; 4. Engage justice-involved individuals with consistency and long-term

vision; and 5. Commit to providing trauma-informed care. We conclude this report by noting the

longstanding good practice in the social services field to design initiatives with the input of those impacted

by them. The key lessons identified from lived experience practitioners can be viewed in this way. They

provide insight on how to design more effective recidivism reduction initiatives based on the experience

and expertise of those who previously lived the challenges the initiatives are designed to address.

San Diego: University of San Diego, Kroc School Institute for Peace and Justice, 2023. 31p..

By Marco Castillo, Sera Linardi, Ragan Petrie:

Many previously incarcerated individuals are rearrested following release from prison. We investigate whether encouragement to use reentry support services reduces rearrest. Field experiment participants are offered a monetary incentive to complete different dosages of visits, either three or five, to a support service provider. The incentive groups increased visits, and one extra visit reduces rearrests three years after study enrollment by six percentage points. The results are driven by Black participants who are more likely to take up treatment and benefit the most from visits. The study speaks to the importance of considering first-stage heterogeneity and heterogeneous treatment effects.

IZA DP No. 17522

Bonn: IZA – Institute of Labor Economics, 2024. 46p.

By Louisa Treskon and Anna Kyler

For more than a decade, California has been enacting policy changes that are intended to lower the number of people who are incarcerated in the state. These policy changes include sentencing reforms and new funding streams for programs aimed at addressing underlying causes that can lead to incarceration, such as mental health and substance use disorders. Los Angeles County’s Reentry Intensive Case Management Services (RICMS) program, which began in 2018, is one such program. The RICMS program connects people who have been involved in the criminal legal system to community health workers who work at community-based organizations. Community health workers help people reintegrate into their communities by providing case management and connecting them with supportive services. This brief presents the results of a benefit-cost study of the RICMS program. The RICMS program comes with a cost, mostly borne by the state of California and Los Angeles County, since the program is publicly funded, as are many of the services it refers clients to. However, these costs could be offset by benefits such as reductions in participants’ involvement in the criminal legal system. Benefit-cost analysis provides a tool to compare these costs and benefits, which provides decision makers with a monetary lens through which to assess the potential effects of the program. The study, which is led by MDRC, is part of the Los Angeles County Reentry Integrated Services Project, a multiyear, multistudy evaluation of services that are offered by the Justice, Care and Opportunities Department (JCOD) of Los Angeles County.

New York: MDRC, 2024. 18p.

By Megan Denver, Ben Struhl

The project that is presented in this report aimed to conduct process, impact, and cost-effectiveness evaluations for the Massachusetts Department of Correction (MA DOC) and the Hampden County Sheriff’s Office (HCSO) program. The project was based on three main research questions: (1) which components of the HCSO program are fully and faithfully implemented, and which aspects contain challenges for staff participants and residents? Which parts of HCSO’s model are likely contributing to any detected causal effects? (2) Does the step-down re-entry program improve reintegration preparedness and recidivism relative to the traditional re-entry pathway? And (3), is the jail step-down program cost-effective relative to housing the same people in prison? The paper describes the research design, methods, and analytical and data analysis techniques, and notes the expected applicability of the research for policymakers in different jurisdictions. Appendix A discusses things to consider when developing a step-down program, and Appendix B provides cost estimates excluding statutorily required programs.

Boston, MA: Northeastern University, 2024. 46p.

By Jessica Reichert, Ryan Maranville, Eva Ott Hill

Introduction

In 2022, over 16,000 persons exited prison in Illinois (Illinois Department of Corrections, n.d. b). Employment is a major factor in successful community reintegration after prison release. Not only is it important to formerly incarcerated individuals, families, and their communities it is also associated with lower rates of recidivism (Berger-Gross, 2022; Flatt & Jacobs, 2018; Nally, et al., 2014; Yang, 2017). However, formerly incarcerated persons face many barriers to employment, such as stigma by employers; restrictions or prohibition to some jobs because of criminal records; lack of or gaps in work experience; and deficits in human capital, such as inadequate education, training, or vocational skills (Pogrebin et al., 2014). These barriers keep the formerly incarcerated from being competitive in the labor market. Even years after release, these individuals consistently have low rates of employment (Looney & Turner, 2018). The jobs that are available are often low-skill, seasonal, temporary, and part-time. They provide low wages and limited, or no, benefits. While most individuals struggle to obtain employment post-release, certain groups are at a greater disadvantage because of race and gender (Pew Charitable Trusts, 2010; Western and Sirois, 2019). Both race and gender affect earnings and employment (Carson, et al., 2021; Couloute & Kopf, 2018). Prison and community reentry programs can help increase individuals’ probability of post-release employment. However, such programs are not sufficiently available to serve all who need them.

In order to examine employment following release from Illinois prisons, ICJIA collaborated with the Illinois Department of Corrections (IDOC) and the Illinois Department of Employment Security (IDES). We sought to answer the following main research questions:

• What types of employment did formerly incarcerated individuals obtain after release?

• What were the employment and wage trends of individuals released from prison in recent years?

• What were the characteristics of those who obtained and did not obtain employment?

• What individual characteristics and employment sector impacted length of employment and earnings?

Methodology

We matched individual IDOC state prison data to IDES state employment data. This research was approved by the ICJIA Institutional Review Board. Our sample was made up of 4,430 persons who exited prison in 2018, and we tracked their employment through 2021. Most of the individuals in the sample were Black males with an average age of 37.

We ran descriptive statistics, t-tests, and linear regressions to examine employment patterns and outcomes. The data were analyzed using IBM SPSS Statistics, Version 23.0. We performed independent sample t-tests for those who were employed to examine differences in mean length of employment and mean wages based on industry. We performed linear regression to examine differences in sample characteristics and length of employment and wages following prison release.

Study limitations include the absence of some variables of interest, such as vocational program participation and education levels of releasees. We also were unable to know whether individuals had non-taxed or out-of-state employment or if they were unable to work due to jail stays, disability, or death. Finally, the COVID-19 pandemic had an impact on employment during two of the years that we examined (2020 and 2021). This impact means our trends will vary from previous or subsequent years of data.

Discussion of Key Findings

Formerly Incarcerated Had High Unemployment

Following release from prison people in the sample had a relatively high unemployment rate of 45.5%. This rate was higher than both the state rate and rates found in prior studies (Couloute & Kopf, 2018; U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, n.d.-a). A possible explanation is that COVID-19 affected rates of employment/unemployment in the United States beginning in early 2020 (U.S. Department of Labor Statistics, 2021). At present, however, the United States is experiencing a lower unemployment rate than when COVID-19 took hold in 2020 (U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2023). This increased demand for workers could potentially benefit the formerly incarcerated. As prior research has indicated, ex-prisoners and their employment have been sensitive to labor market conditions and job availability upon release (Schnepel, 2018; Yang, 2017).

Individuals Had Relatively Low Earnings Post-Release

The average income for those employed in our sample was $8,998 annually, which is lower than the 2021 individual federal poverty level (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d. b). Low earnings for formerly incarcerated persons have been found in prior studies (Looney & Turner, 2018; Western, 2018). In our sample, the hourly rate, as calculated by our team, was $10.42 per hour, which was lower than the state of Illinois rate of $11 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, n.d.-c). Other researchers have also found low hourly rates (Visher et al., 2008). In addition, findings from prior studies have led researchers to conclude that employment is vital to meet basic needs and to lower recidivism for the formerly incarcerated (Flatt & Jacobs, 2018; Nally, et al., 2014; Yang, 2017). Coupled with such findings our evidence indicates a need for increased in-prison educational and vocational programming along with a reduction in socially held stigma and unnecessary background checks (Finlay, 2009).

Persons who Were Black Experienced Lower Employment and Wages Than Those of Other Races

In our study a higher proportion of Black persons than persons of other races were unemployed. They also had lower wages after release. Such disparities have been found in prior literature (Pew Charitable Trusts, 2010; Western and Sirois, 2019). Prior literature also has indicated that challenges to employment following prison were greater for Black persons (Pager et al., 2009; Wheelock & Uggen, 2005; Western & Sirois, 2019) due in part to a lack of employment opportunities (Clear et al., 2003; Morenoff & Harding, 2014; Roberts, 2004; Sampson & Loeffler, 2010). Therefore, there is a need for investment in prisoner reentry and support services (Reichert, 2019; Travis et al., 2001; Visher & Farrell, 2005).

Women Worked More but Earned Lower Wages

Following prison, women in our sample were slightly more likely to be employed than men, but they earned less. This finding is consistent with prior research into women’s employment after incarceration (Carson, et al., 2021; Couloute & Kopf, 2018). Researchers have found, for example, that formerly incarcerated women and men encountered similar barriers to post-release employment, such as a lack of education and job skills and overall limited career opportunities. However, in this study, women had very different experiences and responsibilities both prior to incarceration and after release. Women had much higher rates of prior physical or emotional abuse, which can create obstacles to employment and contribute to their having to live in poverty. In addition, since formerly incarcerated women were more likely than men to be primary caretakers for minor children, they faced this additional obstacle to post-release employment (Seville, 2008). As one government report advised, women should be supported to find employment, learn skills, and gain other supports, such as childcare (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2020). For women in the IDOC system only one work release center is available. This center has demonstrated success in improving employment outcomes for women post-release, thereby suggesting the need for and feasibility of its potential expansion (Jung & LaLonde, 2019).

More Employment and Higher Pay in Certain Sectors

The Bureau of Labor Statistics categorizes work into two supersectors: service providing and goods-producing. Of the people in our sample who were employed, over 91% were employed in the service providing supersector as opposed to 32% in the goods-producing supersector. (Some persons worked more than one job across supersectors during the time period studied.) Of those working in the service providing supersector, the largest proportion - over one-third - worked in the “administrative support and waste management and remediation services” sector. During the COVID-19 pandemic, however, this sector had a sharp decline, which may have affected, or continue to affect, formerly incarcerated workers (U.S. Department of Labor Statistics, 2021). Although typically offering low wages, jobs in this sector can be attained by those with limited skills; and employees in this sector are projected to remain in demand (Illinois Department of Employment Security, n.d.). Overall, the overarching service providing supersector employed a large majority of our sample but those who worked in the goods-producing supersector worked longer and had higher wages. Goods-producing industries include agriculture, forestry, fishing, and hunting; mining; construction; and manufacturing. The highest earnings for our sample were in educational services followed by manufacturing, construction, management, and wholesale trade. Again, considering current low unemployment and high demand for workers within the goods-producing fields, employers may be extra willing to hire formerly incarcerated persons (James, 2023). Job training prior to or after release can help the formerly incarcerated obtain promotions and higher wages (James, 2023) and could orient them towards sectors which demonstrate a willingness to both hire and pay well.

IDOC Supportive Programs were Associated with Better Employment Outcomes

We found that participants in IDOC Kewanee Life Skills Re-Entry Center and Illinois work release centers were more likely to have longer employment and higher wages post-release. Prior research on similar work release programs has revealed positive outcomes for participants, such as increased employment and hours worked. This finding suggests that these programs are viable substitutes for traditional correctional programming and ought to be expanded if resources allow (Duwe, 2013; Jung, 2014; Visher et al., 2004). Further research should be conducted to best determine their potential for aiding in successful reentry.

Conclusion

Our sample of 4,430 persons released from IDOC in 2018 had high unemployment and low earnings when tracked through 2021. We found additional employment and wage disparities for Black persons and women. The largest proportion of workers, nearly one-third, worked in administrative support and waste management and remediation services. Those working in the education sector made the highest wages. Those who worked in goods-producing industries rather than service industries had higher wages and longer lengths of employment. Based on our findings, the state as well as local communities should invest in reentry support. Fortunately, the state is experiencing low unemployment and a demand for workers, so this may be a timely opportunity to assist formerly incarcerated individuals with job attainment. Jobs will help them pay for basic expenses for themselves and their families as well as reduce recidivism and taxpayer costs.

Chicago: Illinois Criminal Justice Information Authority. 2023. 38p.