By Thomas Costa
Why GAO Did This Study Millions of Americans struggle with substance misuse. Some pursue treatment and recovery at over 3,660 residential facilities, according to 2020 HHS data. Some of these facilities may require residents to work. GAO was asked to review work practices at these facilities. This report examines (1) the prevalence of facility work and pay practices, (2) selected stakeholders’ views on the role of work in substance misuse treatment and recovery, and (3) the extent to which federal guidance and enforcement address work and pay at facilities. In March to June 2023 GAO surveyed a statistical sample of facilities and obtained generalizable responses from 96 licensed treatment facilities and 48 certified recovery residences. GAO visited facilities, some covertly, selected for geographic variation and other considerations; interviewed HHS and Department of Labor officials and selected stakeholders such as state substance misuse agency officials and researchers; and reviewed relevant federal laws, regulations, and agency documents. What GAO Recommends GAO recommends that HHS (1) develop a process to consult state substance misuse agencies about their guidance needs for incorporating work into treatment and recovery and (2) state in SUPTRS Block Grant documents if and when work requirements are acceptable as a condition of accessing services in residential treatment and recovery facilities. HHS agreed with GAO’s recommendations.
Performance audit report
BY THE Queensland Auditor-General
This report focuses on serious repeat offenders and the work entities are doing to address crime by high-risk and serious repeat offenders and assessed whether youth justice strategies and programs are effective in reducing crime by serious repeat offenders and improving community safety.
Youth crime is complex and has been a growing public concern in recent years. It can have significant impacts – physical, emotional, psychological, and economic – for victims and the wider community. Most young offenders only commit a small number of offences and are diverted away from the youth justice system. However, a small proportion reoffend and commit serious offences. As the underlying causes of youth crime are multi-faceted, effectively addressing the problem requires a whole-of-system approach.
Key findings
System leadership has improved, but needs to be more effective
Better system-wide analysis is required to inform investment
Better system-wide analysis is required to inform investment
Entities need to better implement their new youth justice strategy
More can be done to monitor and rehabilitate serious repeat offenders
The department needs to better manage a young offender’s transition from detention to the community
The report makes recommendations for the Departments of Premier and Cabinet, and Youth Justice, as well as the Queensland Police Service.
(Report 15: 2023–24)
Brisbane: Queensland Audit Office, 2024. 70p.
By The Regulatory Institute
Corruption remains one of the foremost challenges faced by countries worldwide. Its destructive effects impact societies, economies, and individuals globally, with developing nations bearing the brunt of this widespread issue. While many countries have implemented anti-corruption regulations, their effectiveness may be limited. To address this gap, the Regulatory Institute has developed this model law on corruption.
This model law serves as a comprehensive guide for regulatory practitioners in drafting and implementing robust anti-corruption measures tailored to their specific legal and cultural contexts.
The model law aims to provide a clear and comprehensive framework, outlining responsibilities, defining offences, and establishing stringent penalties for corrupt activities. It is divided into six chapters, each addressing a critical aspect of the fight against corruption.
Drawing on a wide range of solutions from anti-corruption laws around the world, the model law highlights the importance of robust investigation and enforcement mechanisms to deter and address corruption effectively.
The purpose of the Regulatory Institute’s model laws is to facilitate the tasks of regulatory practitioners, be they working for administrations or parliaments, to improve the quality of laws by triggering more conscious choices. These model laws should be used as a toolbox, a checklist or the basis for the development of an adapted law, and optimised as such. The model laws are not intended to be used exactly as they are drafted. They try to point to important decisions to be taken by regulatory practitioners without preempting respective choices. Therefore, they often present choices, be they alternatives or add-on modules, that can be kept or deleted.
In view of that specific task, the model laws of the Regulatory Institute offer so many possibilities for differentiation that no jurisdiction will use all of them. Consequently, once a decision has been taken regarding the possibilities for differentiation to be used, the law can and should be simplified.
Brussels: Regulatory Institute, 2024. 62p.
By Appleseed Mexico
The updated 2024 recommendations for Appleseed Mexico’s “Children at the Border” report focus on improving the treatment of Mexican Unaccompanied Children (UACs) at the U.S.-Mexico border. Key findings highlight deficiencies in current practices, such as inadequate training for Customs and Border Protection (CBP) personnel, unsuitable facilities for holding children, and insufficient communication with Mexican authorities. Recommendations include transferring TVPRA screening responsibilities to USCIS, improving care and facilities, providing free legal representation, and enhancing data tracking and reporting. These changes aim to align U.S. practices with child protection principles and ensure better outcomes for UACs.
Washington DC: Appleseed, 2024. 123p.
By Melanie Baak, Joel Windle, Emily Miller
The University of South Australia (UniSA) and Australian Refugee Association (ARA) entered into an agreement for UniSA researchers to conduct an evaluation of the Youth Connect program. The evaluation sought to explore the processes and impacts of the Youth Connect program in relation to social participation, economic independence, personal wellbeing and at-risk or anti-social behaviour. Formal data collection for the evaluation took place from mid-2023 to early 2024. Evaluation of the project focused on consideration of the effectiveness and impact of the project and whether expectations and program outcomes were met. The research used qualitative and quantitative approaches with youth participants from the Youth Connect program and qualitative approaches with participating school staff and ARA staff members.
To understand the views and experiences of youth participants, the research team undertook four focus groups with youth participants in the program. Three focus groups were conducted at ARA venues and one at a school. In total, 44 young people participated in evaluation focus groups. In addition, to capture the breadth of experiences of young people who had participated across the full range of Youth Connect programs, researchers undertook an online survey using Qualtrics software.
The Youth Connect program offered support for young people facing a series of interconnected challenges. Young people from culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD) backgrounds often experience difficulty in engaging with the wider community and building connections.
The program initially aimed to engage young people aged 15-25 years from African, Afghan and Syrian backgrounds, with young people aged from 12-25 ultimately engaging in the program. Other young people from CALD refugee and migrant backgrounds were also included throughout program activities.
Adelaide: University of South Australia 2024.
Proposing the domestic violence threat assessment centre
By Timothy Cubitt, Anthony Morgan, Christopher Dowling, Samantha Bricknell and Rick Brown
Intimate partner homicide (IPH) is one of the most common forms of homicide in Australia. Despite rates falling over time, it remains the most common homicide threat for Australian women, who are the victims of three quarters of all IPH incidents. Recent research has viewed some IPH perpetrators as being motivated by fixation and grievances. These fixated perpetrators hold an intense preoccupation with an individual, which may be driven by a grievance, during the acute phases of risk. In this paper we propose a trial of the Domestic Violence Threat Assessment Centre (DVTAC). Modelled on the Fixated Threat Assessment Centres, the DVTAC could offer a multi-agency approach to information gathering, monitoring and intervention among high-risk domestic violence offenders during periods of acute risk
Research in practice no. 48.
Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. 2024. 14p.
By HM Chief Inspector of Prisons
Close supervision centres (CSCs) are small, specialist units located within six of the high security prisons. With capacity for 66 adult men, 44 were being held in the centres at the time of this thematic inspection. An additional nine were being held in ‘designated cells,’ located in some segregation units within the long-term and high security estate (LTHSE). They were located there following their removal from association due to their active and presenting risks in a CSC, or following their transfer to another prison to attend court or access visits with their family and friends. Most men selected for a CSC were serving indeterminate sentences, many were category A, and the selection criteria, which in our view were applied proportionately and based on evidence, indicated very clearly that all had committed serious, often repeated, acts of violence against others while in prison. As such, the CSC system is effectively the deepest form of custody that exists in the country, managing some of the most dangerous men in the system. During this inspection we adopted a slightly different approach, which, although informed by our healthy prison structure, applied tests that better reflected the priorities and processes of the CSC system: management of the centres, progression, safety, and respect. We judged outcomes to be good, our highest assessment, in three tests and reasonably good in the test of progression. These assessments reflect the success and effectiveness of the CSC system, as well as some improvement to the safety of the units since we last conducted an inspection in 2017. In general, we found that units were remarkably stable with infrequent incidents of violence, no self-inflicted deaths and low levels of self-harm. The quality of relationships between staff and prisoners were good, with staff evidencing commendable resilience in their dealings with prisoners. Most units were clean and well equipped, except for the Wakefield unit which needed investment and development. Daily routines were applied reliably but the amount of time men were able to spend out of their cells varied. There was not enough to do on the units and a lack of work and education was unhelpful given this was a target in some progression plans. There were also variations in practice between the units, including prisoner access to services and privileges, that were not explained or justified logically. The quality of multidisciplinary working, and the individualised support and planning offered to each man was, however, impressive. Progress, no matter how small, was acknowledged and those selected for the units were given every opportunity to address their risks and move on from the CSC, including into other types of dedicated intervention in the prison system or to the health sector. The quality of leadership, at both national and local level, was coherent and effective. Leaders and staff knew what they were doing and should be congratulated on their achievements.
London: HM Inspectorate of Prisons, 2024. 43p.
By Counter Extremism Project
The Nordic Resistance Movement (Nordiska motståndsrörelsen, or NRM) is a transnational, neo-Nazi organization with official chapters operating in Sweden, Finland, and Norway. The NRM also draws support from neo-Nazis in Denmark and has some registered members in Iceland, though the group has failed to establish formal branches in those countries. NRM-Sweden has grown more than one-third in size since 2015. Formed by neo-Nazi nationalists in Sweden in 1997, the NRM seeks to merge all Nordic countries into a single, nationalist-socialist state, either by elections or through revolution. The group is openly racist, anti-immigrant, anti-Semitic, and pro-Hitler—and has carried out violence targeting gay people, ideological opponents and, more recently, Muslim refugees. Since the start of 2015, NRM’s branch in Sweden (NRM-Sweden) has grown more than one-third in size by advocating against Sweden’s open-door policy to Muslim asylum seekers. That chapter registered as a political party in July 2015, and and held its largest rally in September 2017—convening more than 600 demonstrators in the streets of Gothenburg. Many of the NRM’s co-founders and early members came from the now-defunct White Aryan Resistance (Vitt Ariskt Motstand, or VAM) and its offshoot National Youth (Nationell Ungdom). The VAM, a network of Swedish neo-Nazis formed in the early 1990s, was notorious for carrying out attacks against immigrants and gay people and for funding its violence through bank robberies. The group splintered into several white-power groups in or around 1995, among them National Youth, which would go on to serve as the NRM’s youth movement.
NRM [has] carried out attacks targeting gay people, Muslims asylum seekers, and [others]... using smoking flares, pepper spray, tear gas, knives, and guns. At its founding in 1997, the NRM was known as the Swedish Resistance Movement (Svenska motståndsrörelsen)—though the group expanded from a Swedish-centered group to one spanning the Nordic region and adopted the name NRM after establishing Finnish and Norwegian chapters in 2008 and 2011, respectively. Media outlets and government officials, however, at times refer to NRM-Sweden as the Swedish Resistance Movement; NRM-Norway as the Norwegian Resistance Movement; and NRM-Finland as the Finnish Resistance Movement.5 The group itself identifies as the “Nordic Resistance Movement,” and may refer to its various chapters as the “Swedish branch of the Nordic Resistance Movement,” for example. NRM members have been responsible for the murder of at least three individuals—two in Sweden and one in Finland. Future NRM-Sweden co-founder Klas Lund was convicted in 1986 of killing anti-racist campaigner Ronny Landin who, according to authorities, had intervened to stop an assault on three immigrants by Lund and other neo-Nazis. In 1999, three men connected to National Youth, NRM-Sweden’s youth movement, shot to death trade unionist Björn Söderberg outside of his Stockholm apartment. According to reports, the shooting was revenge for a tip Söderberg had given a local newspaper regarding the identity of one of the NRM members. More recently, in December 2016, key NRM-Finland member Jesse Torniainen was handed a two-year prison sentence for aggravated assault in connection to the murder of 28-year-old Finnish man Jimi Joonas Karttonen. According to reports, Torniainen and others had violently beaten Karttonen that September after the latter openly expressed disapproval of the group during one of its rallies. Karttonen died one week later from his wounds. In November 2017, a Finnish district court banned the NRM and its affiliated chapters. An appeals court upheld the decision in September 2018, but the NRM has since sought permission to appeal its case to the Supreme Court and remains legal in Finland until all options for appeal are exhausted. A decision is expected for fall 2019.
Sweden: Counter Extremism Project, 2024. 20p.
By Noemi Magugliani | John Trajer | Jean-Pierre Gauci
,
In light of these developments, the report addresses the following research questions: - - What has been the impact of the operationalised NABA measures on the identification and wellbeing of people with lived experience of modern slavery, and are these impacts in line with the stated objectives of the legislation? What has been the impact of the operationalised NABA measures on the modern slavery sector more broadly? Given the timing of this report, the analysis is restricted to the impacts of Part 5 of NABA in the year following its implementation (covering the period from the first quarter of 2023, when most of the key provision entered into force, up to the fourth quarter of 2023).1 It is hoped that this analysis will inform any future research on the impacts of this Act, as well as the impacts of other legislation adopted in this area (in particular, the Illegal Migration Act 2023).
London: British Institute of International & Comparative Law, the Anti-Trafficking Monitoring Group and the Human Trafficking Foundation, 2024. 74p.
World Health Organization;
The Global status report on alcohol and health and treatment of substance use disorders presents a comprehensive overview of alcohol consumption, alcohol-related harm and policy responses as well as treatment capacities for alcohol and drug use disorders worldwide. The report is based on data collected by WHO from Member States and organized in accordance with the Sustainable Development Goals health target 3.5 which calls on countries to strengthen “the prevention and treatment of substance abuse, including narcotic drug abuse and harmful use of alcohol”. The chapter on alcohol and health continues the series of WHO global status reports on alcohol and health and presents the latest available data on the status of, and trends in, alcohol consumption, as well as estimates of the alcohol-attributable disease burden and descriptions of policy responses worldwide. On the basis of data collected from countries on the treatment of substance use disorders the report describes the status of key components of treatment responses to alcohol and drug use disorders and proposes a new service capacity index for these disorders as an additional contextual indicator for monitoring progress in this domain of SDG health target 3.5. The report concludes with broad directions for international action to accelerate progress towards achievement of SDG health target 3.5.
World Health Organization, 2024. 335p.
By William Foote Whyte
Research Background: The study was supported by various fellowships and guided by experts from Harvard and the University of Chicago.
Cornerville's Social Structure: The district is highly organized withdistinct social groups, despite being perceived as chaotic by outsiders.
Methodology: The author used participant observation, immersing himself in the community to understand its dynamics.
Community Impact: The research aimed to help Cornerville, with significant contributions from local residents and key informants.
University of Chicago Press, 2012, 364 pages
By Lloyd W. Klemke
Sociological Perspective: The book delves into the sociological aspectsof shoplifting, exploring its occurrence, techniques, and the profiles ofshoplifters.
Research and Theories: It examines various research studies andtheoretical frameworks related to shoplifting, including typologies andbehavioral theories.
Security and Prevention: The text discusses methods for detecting,apprehending, and preventing shoplifting, as well asthe role of storesecurity personnel
Legal and Social Responses: It addresses the legal system's response to shoplifting and the societal implications of this deviant behavior.
The document provides a comprehensive analysis of shoplifting from multiple angles within the field of criminology and sociology
Bloomsbury Academic, 1992, 159 pages
By Luis J. Rodriguez
Author's Background: Luis J. Rodriguez shares his personal experiencesgrowing up in gang-infested neighborhoods in Los Angeles andChicago, highlighting the challenges and violence he faced.
Gang Life: The book delves into the structure and culture of gangs,including the initiation rituals, the sense of belonging, and the violentconflicts between rival groups.
Family Struggles: Rodriguez discusses the impact of gang life on hisfamily, particularly his efforts to prevent his son from following the samepath.
Redemption and Change: The narrative emphasizes the author'sjourney towards self-improvement and his attempts to break free fromthe cycle of violence through education and activism.
Simon and Schuster, 2005, 260 pages
By Maya Szilak
The rise in homicide rates that began in 2020 continues to be a major source of public concern. Law enforcement agencies need effective strategies to deal with this issue without unduly burdening taxpayers or asking more of already cash-strapped state and local governments. Issuing citations to non-violent offenders who commit low-level crimes and present low flight risk is one method by which law enforcement agencies can address increased homicides. For instance, officers may summon offenders to appear in court at a later date and release them at the scene, in lieu of placing them under custodial arrest or jailing offenders. The use of citations in lieu of arrest enhances law enforcement capacity to address violent crime by reducing time and energy spent on low-level arrests. Reducing low-level arrests through citations can also lessen risk of harm to officers and citizens in street encounters, improve community relations and reduce overall recidivism. While the use of citations in lieu of arrest presents potential drawbacks, largely centered around increased rates of failure to appear and net widening effects, negative impacts can be minimized through data collection by law enforcement agencies to identify problems in citation programs and facilitate the development of practices to address these issues.
Policy Study No 251
Washington, DC: R Street, 2022. 8p.
By Christi Smith
Driving is a privilege, not a right, in the United States. It is also a privilege that is revoked from millions of Americans, not due to dangerous driving or criminal conduct but because of their failure to pay court-ordered fines, fees and other costs. In fact, every state in the United States imposes debt-based license suspension. While the practice was designed to incentivize people to pay their debts and have their licenses restored, lack of transportation only exacerbates an individual’s inability to maintain stable employment and fulfill financial obligations. Further, the practice of debt-based suspension disproportionately impacts low-income individuals and people of color. Without access to reliable and affordable transportation, people are forced to choose between driving on a suspended license or failing to secure or maintain the work they need to pay fines. Minor debts become major financial obligations when left unaddressed, which ensnares well-meaning people in a cycle of poverty, joblessness or legal violations due to a suspended license.
The practice is particularly burdensome for individuals who are facing legal proceedings and for those on probation or parole supervision who face the threat of punishment for driving to court-ordered appointments on a suspended license or for failing to appear in court for probation/parole check-ins or employment/rehabilitative programming due to a suspended license. This is especially common in rural areas that lack robust public transportation systems. Because criminal penalties fall disproportionately on racial and ethnic minorities, as well people in lower socioeconomic groups, the burden of debt-based license suspensions presents yet another barrier to success for individuals attempting to resolve their court-ordered responsibilities.
Debt-based license suspensions are simply another tool in the judicial system’s arsenal of policies that disproportionately punish poor people and people of color. The policy encourages rather than discourages noncompliance because of the sheer impossibility of existing in a modern world without access to dependable and affordable transportation. The inefficiency of the policy’s ability to recoup court costs and the negative impact on public safety has prompted lawmakers, advocacy organizations, law enforcement groups and researchers on both sides of the aisle to push for an end to debt-based driver’s license suspensions with S. 998, the Driving for Opportunity Act of 2021.
Given the disproportionate burden license-for-payment systems place on indigent individuals, racial minorities and justice-involved persons, it is the purpose of this policy paper to evaluate the extent to which these systems are used; the degree to which the practice unduly harms individuals, families and communities; and the impact of enforcement on incarceration and recidivism rates. This assessment will also include the identification of alternative methods of transportation and existing programs designed to overcome the challenge of transportation with a suspended license. This paper suggests improved policies for debt collection and for providing more effective methods of transportation to individuals subjected to a license suspension.
R STREET POLICY STUDY NO. 254
Washington, DC: R Street, 2022. 6p.
By Christi Smith and Jillian Snider
After 115 years of prohibition, the legal status of cannabis in the United States is at a tipping point. Significant advances in state-level cannabis legalization have been made in the past decade, and decriminalization efforts have increased in cities across the nation. More than 90 percent of Americans—on both sides of the political aisle—support legal adult use of medical or recreational cannabis. Legalization is also increasingly supported by law enforcement, with two-thirds of police supporting medical or recreational cannabis. Yet cannabis remains illegal at the federal level, and its possession and use are subject to the most severe criminal penalties under the Controlled Substances Act (CSA).
The federal government has an opportunity to end America’s longest war, the war on drugs. As evidenced by our experience with alcohol, national prohibition produces disastrous outcomes, including rising crime and violence, underground markets, unregulated products and continued demand for the substance. The general consensus among criminologists, criminal justice scholars and drug policy experts is that the war on drugs—described as a war on marijuana—has been a “resounding failure.” Further, the harms associated with marijuana prohibition far exceed the benefits in nearly all ways that can be measured.
Rather than continue the prohibition policies that have contributed to mass incarceration and the destruction of police-community relationships, we need smart federal legislation to legalize and properly regulate cannabis. This approach would significantly disrupt illegal drug markets, as marijuana is the most widely cultivated, trafficked and used illegal substance in the world. Better legislation is also critical for reducing violence and enhancing public safety, as such efforts could contribute to fewer negative police-citizen interactions, improvements in police legitimacy, the restoration of police-community partnerships, and a reallocation of resources to help stem the recent surge in homicides. Regardless of personal or moral perspectives, the federal prohibition of cannabis is bad public policy.
R Street Policy Study No. 261
Washington DC: R Street, 2022. 18p.
By Randolph Roth
The recent rise in American homicide rates did not start in 2020 with a spike during COVID. Homicide actually began to increase in 2015, reversing more than 20 years of declining or stable rates.
In this report, Randolph Roth, professor of history and sociology at The Ohio State University, examines this trend in the context of homicide patterns throughout the history of the United States.
The factors that correlate most consistently with national and regional homicide rates, he finds, are aspects of nation building, arguing that shifts in citizens’ beliefs about the legitimacy of their government, character of leadership, feelings of affinity for or alienation from fellow citizens, and acceptance or resentment of the social hierarchy affect the frequency with which Americans kill each other.
This report is the first offering in HFG’s Violence, Politics & Democracy initiative, a multi-year project examining how these phenomena interact in mature democracies to better understand and counter political violence and other forces that damage democratic norms and institutions, imperiling the safety of citizens.
New York: HARRY FRANK GUGGENHEIM FOUNDATION, 2024. 39p.
Child, early and forced marriage and unions are a reality in Latin America and the Caribbean, albeit not a highly visible one. This is a complex phenomenon associated with gender inequalities, violence, poverty, school dropout, adolescent pregnancy and inadequate, limited or non-existent legal and political frameworks, and it puts the present and future of girls and adolescent girls in jeopardy.
These practices are both the cause and the consequence of women’s limited physical, economic and decision-making autonomy, and they disproportionally affect girls and adolescent girls in rural areas and those in poor households with less access to education. In some countries, they are also associated with a notably greater prevalence among indigenous peoples.
This document seeks to turn a spotlight on this harmful practice, particularly as a detonator and aggravator of gender inequalities for girls and adolescent girls. It draws on statistical and qualitative information to offer an innovative contribution by presenting gaps in different dimensions of development, including the time that girls and adolescent girls who are married or in union spend on domestic and care tasks, and it recommends actions to address this situation at the regional level and in the countries.
Santiago, Chile:
38p.
Violence against women and girls and its most extreme expression, femicide, feminicide, or the gender-related killing of women and girls,1 dramatically bring to light the persistence of the structural challenges of gender inequality and gender-based discrimination and violence against women and girls in Latin America and the Caribbean. The deep historical and structural roots of patriarchal, discriminatory and violent cultural patterns, grounded in a culture of privilege, have proven among the most difficult to dismantle. Gender-based violence against women and girls is systemic and persistent in the region. It knows no borders, affects women and girls of all ages and happens everywhere, from the domestic setting to public places. It happens in workplaces, within the framework of political and community participation, on public transportation and in the street, in schools and other educational institutions, in cyberspace and certainly in the home. The Secretary-General of the United Nations, António Guterres, has called it a “shadow pandemic
By Daniel Kane , Maeve Eogan
Sexual violence is common in contemporary society and disproportionally affects adolescents. In order to develop effective treatment, awareness and prevention strategies it is vital that we understand the epidemiology of adolescent sexual assault (SA). The aim of this study is to evaluate attendances by female adolescents to the national sexual assault treatment unit (SATU) network in the Republic of Ireland and compare these attendances with adult women accessing the service.
Methods: This is a cross-sectional study analysing the attendances of all adolescent female attendances at the 6 SATUs in the Republic of Ireland and comparing them with all adult female attendances between 1/1/2017 and 31/12/2022.
Results: There were 1014 female adolescent attendances and 3951 female adult attendances over the timeframe studied. Adult attenders were more likely to attend within 7-days of the alleged assault compared with adolescent attenders (80.3% V 70.2% OR1.513 CI 1.35-1.697 p < 0.001). When compared with adult attenders, adolescent attenders were significantly more likely to disclose being assaulted outdoors (40.9% V 15.7% OR2.607 CI 2.346-2.898 p < 0.01), during the day (58.4% V 34.4% OR1.673 CI 1.565-1.790 p < 0.01), assaulted by a friend/family member (28.9% V 16% OR 1.812 CI1.603-2.049 p < 0.01) and less likely to have consumed alcohol prior to the incident (45.6% V 25.3% OR1.807 CI 1.653-1.975 p < 0.001). Physical injuries were less likely in adolescent attenders (30% V 35.5% OR0.845 CI 0.758-0.942 p = 0.02).
Conclusion: A comparison of the characteristics of adolescent and adult female sexual assault disclosures identifies differences regarding location of the incident, relationship to perpetrator and prevalence of alcohol consumption. Knowledge of these factors support appropriate tailoring of treatment, prevention and awareness strategies to help modify the impact and reduce the incidence of SA in the vulnerable adolescent cohort.
Journal of Forensic and Legal Medicine
Volume 101, January 2024, 102613