By IBAC - Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission

The Focused Police Complaints Pilot (Pilot) was a trial by the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission (IBAC) to establish a dedicated team to assess and investigate single incident complaints about the conduct of Victoria Police personnel from people who are at a higher risk of experiencing misconduct. These communities included: • Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples • people with disability • people who identify as LGBTIQA+ • people from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds • people aged under 25 years • people with mental illness, where their mental illness is linked to their engagement with police • people who have a reasonable fear of their safety. As Victoria’s anti-corruption and police oversight agency, the purpose of IBAC is to prevent and expose public sector corruption and police misconduct. IBAC relies on the trust of the Victorian community to perform our role to keep the public sector and Victoria Police accountable. In practice, this means we rely on community members to know about IBAC, feel confident to contact us to make a complaint and feel assured that IBAC will fairly and independently assess the complaint and investigate it when appropriate. IBAC recognises the challenges faced by people making a complaint about suspected corruption or police misconduct. Whether these challenges arise for social, economic or cultural reasons or because it can be difficult to speak out, IBAC understands that making a complaint or being part of an IBAC investigation may be a confronting experience. To help address these barriers, the objectives of this Pilot were to: • improve the timeliness of IBAC’s complaints assessment, investigation and outcome notifications to reduce IBAC’s response times for complainants through an accelerated pathway for police complaints from the identified communities • increase transparency and complainants’ understanding of the outcomes of complaints • trial better means to identify focus community complainants. The Pilot ran from October 2023 to April 2024 and an internal evaluation was completed in June 2024. This report provides an overview of IBAC’s work to establish and operate the Pilot. It also outlines the outcomes of the Pilot and the next steps for this important work.

Melbourne: State of Victoria , (Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission) 2024. 16p.

By Elle Wadsworth, Mafalda Pardal, Lucy Strang, Laura Atuesta, Fin Oades, Emily Hutton, Eric Sevigny, Emily Lawso

The report concludes with reflections and implications from this review’s findings (Chapter 6), as follows:

Overall, the available evidence suggests that drug-related law enforcement activities are of limited effectiveness in reducing violence. Indeed, more studies demonstrated an association between drug-related law enforcement activities and increased violence than decreased violence. Selective enforcement tactics appeared the most promising in their capacity to reduce violence, although the evidence base covered in this review is limited.

Passive drug-related law enforcement activities, such as increasing police presence in known drug market areas, appear promising in reducing violence. However, less evidence is available on the effectiveness of these interventions than on active law enforcement activities.

The causal mechanisms of violence reduction are under-explored in the literature. However, several studies discussed supply disruptions, focused deterrence and positive relationships between police and communities as potential success factors.

Barriers to the effectiveness of violence-reduction efforts included the resilience of drug markets, the cultural significance of violence in some drug trafficking organisations, and law enforcement’s limited resources.

This review did not identify any UK-based evidence – most research came from the Americas. While most law enforcement activities in this review also occur in the UK, the results are not directly replicable in a UK setting.

Evidence on the relationship between drug-related law enforcement and serious violence and homicide over the last decade is lacking. What was previously effective (or ineffective) in reducing violence may yield different results now.

More evidence is needed on the effectiveness of drug-related law enforcement activities in retail-level markets or prison settings in reducing violence.

Relevant agencies planning and implementing drug-related law enforcement activity should consider the risk of increased violence, particularly for interventions for which available evidence suggests a strong association (for example, leadership removal and seizures).

Future UK research on drug-related law enforcement and violence could focus on interventions that may reduce violence, such as selective enforcement, and whether the findings presented can be validated.

London: Home Office, 2025. 63p.

By ANINE KRIEGLER, VANYA GASTROW AND ASIVE XALI

This report documents South Africa’s first multi-site, evidencebased policing experiment. The DKNG Hotspots Policing Project was a collaboration between the South African Police Service (SAPS), the Western Cape Government (WCG), and the City of Cape Town (CCT). Implementation was supported by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and the Hanns Seidel Foundation (HSF). The project aimed to reduce violent crime by implementing tested evidence-based policing (EBP) strategies. Using data, research, and analysis, EBP ensures that policing strategies are informed by the best available evidence of what works. The strategy tested was a specific approach to hotspot patrols. The first test was in 2023 as part of South Africa’s first EBP experiment in Mitchells Plain, which used data-driven methods to identify and direct patrols to a violent-crime hotspot in Tafelsig. The Mitchells Plain pilot experiment demonstrated that the strategy had the potential to contribute to a reduction in violent crime. The DKNG hotspots policing project builds on the success of the initial intervention in Mitchells Plain by incorporating lessons learned and expanding the strategy to four new areas: Delft, Khayelitsha, Nyanga, and Gugulethu (DKNG). It comprises the first multi-site, hotspots policing experiment on the continent and is a significant step in bringing EBP to South African policing. In just four months, the DKNG intervention demonstrated significant impacts across various areas of public safety. These impacts include:

• Preventing 100 violent crimes in eight hotspots: During the four-month monitored deployment period, there was a notable reduction in contact crimes compared with the same four months of the previous year. Specifically, there were 100 fewer contact crimes recorded in the hotspots than expected if these areas had followed the same trend as the control areas. This indicates that the intervention effectively prevented these crimes in the targeted hotspots. • Substantial year-on-year reductions in multiple crime categories: The intervention contributed to significant decreases across various crime categories. This achievement highlights the effectiveness of the targeted strategies employed. • Efficient use of resources: The strategy demonstrated that it is possible to achieve marked improvements in safety without additional resources. By optimising existing capabilities and focusing efforts where they are most needed, the project managed to enhance overall effectiveness. • Management improvements: The intervention also led to management and leadership enhancements at the station level. Commanders adopted new tracking and monitoring tools, which improved the oversight and execution of policing strategies. These achievements underline the potential of EBP strategies to significantly enhance public safety outcomes, even within a limited timeframe and without increasing resources . Targeted hotspot patrols are not the singular solution to South Africa’s challenge of violent crime, a highly complex phenomenon requiring a multifaceted approach. However, the strategy’s effectiveness indicates that it could be a valuable component of a broader violent-crime reduction strategy. It also demonstrates the value of testing strategies to ensure their efficacy in terms of crime reduction and preserving limited state resources. This report describes the project’s careful planning and rigorous implementation and assesses the strategy’s impact on crime. It highlights the strategy’s contributions, challenges, and lessons learned, offering practical, scalable recommendations for future public safety and policing strategies. By promoting awareness of EBP principles in South Africa, the report seeks to encourage the broader uptake and scaling of EBP for greater impact. While addressing crime requires broader efforts beyond policing, this approach can play a key role in fostering safer communities by providing tested strategies and services, helping communities move closer to living in peace and safety

Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies 2025. 48p.

By Josephine Wonsun Hahn, Ram Subramanian, and Tiffany Sanabia  

  Low-level offenses, especially misdemeanors, constitute a majority of the nation’s criminal dockets, including in New York City. A Brennan Center report examining minor offense enforcement trends finds that the city’s minor offense system has shrunk since 2010. But enforcement still falls hardest on communities that have high proportions of people of color and experience elevated levels of poverty. Minor offense criminal justice reform has so far not made a dent in the troubling racial disparities in cases across the city.  Brennan Center researchers interviewed police, prosecutors, court officials, city government officials, criminal justice advocacy organizations, community-based service providers, and community leaders — people who contribute to public safety efforts in neighborhoods most impacted by minor offense enforcement — to better understand what may be driving interactions with the city’s minor offense criminal justice system and perpetuating racial disparities. Study participants, as well as previous research, point to particular drivers often referred to as social determinants of justice: social disadvantages such as poverty, housing instability, poor mental health, and substance use; poor conditions and a lack of resources in the most impacted communities; and the criminal justice system’s persistent inability to address social problems and community needs. While recent increases in public disorder in New York City may invite simplified punitive responses that expand enforcement, such responses are unlikely to fundamentally change the conditions under which minor offenses — including those related to nuisance and disorder — grow. No strong empirical evidence exists demonstrating the effectiveness of punitive enforcement in either changing disorderly behavior or reducing crime. In particular, one 2019 meta-analysis contradicts the assumed causal connection between disorder and crime; another finds that aggressive order-maintenance enforcement that targets individual disorderly behaviors does not significantly reduce crime, whereas community and problem-solving approaches do. Such approaches involve people in the community to help identify problems and solutions — and can include non–criminal justice responses, such as referrals to community-based service providers. In any event, a punitive-only approach  also comes at too high a financial and human cost. Minor criminal offenses, most of which do not result in a jail sentence, can cause people to lose their jobs and homes, become unemployable, or be burdened with unpayable fines and fees. These compounding burdens make it even harder for people already struggling to exit the revolving door of the criminal justice system.5 Promising strategies already exist in New York City to address root causes of crime and disorder via programs with targeted interventions and resources within communities with high numbers of minor offense cases. These mostly small-scale experiments provide examples of the choices the city can make to help prevent crime while also reducing the cycle of criminal justice system involvement that helps fuel racial disparities. New York City can build on these strategies and programs to both shrink overly punitive responses and address some of the drivers of criminalized behavior in precincts with high caseloads. Although the programs and practices discussed below are based in New York City, many will be relevant to policymakers across the country. Some cities, counties, and states have adopted similar practices that divert people charged with minor offenses — many of whom face substance use, trauma, and mental health problems — from the justice system. Like New York City, other jurisdictions are looking to community-based strategies for solutions outside the criminal justice system. However, these innovations remain limited in scale and scope. Rules governing eligibility shut too many people out, often focusing on only a narrow slice of the population charged with minor offenses — typically a small subset of youth, people with mental illness, people who use drugs, people arrested and charged for the first time, or people arrested and charged with nonviolent offenses.6 There also may be structural limitations based on geography, funding, or capacity. To achieve a smaller, more responsive system that better addresses underlying needs and racial disparities, state and local policymakers, with support from nonprofit organizations and private philanthropy, should consider a range of effective strategies that target communities with elevated minor offense enforcement — neighborhoods in New York City that are home to predominantly Black and Latino populations. These starting steps include: ƒ scaling up successful diversion programs; ƒ building crisis response systems to address mental health and substance use; ƒ expanding supportive housing programs; and ƒ investing in crime-prevention models in which law enforcement, residents, city agencies, and others work together to build public safety and address community needs    

New York: Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law, 2024. 17p.

By Tin Kapetanovic 

This article analyses the expansion of Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) across the Sahara-Sahel, using the transplantation framework from criminology to explore how the group relocated. By focussing on this case study, the article offers an examination of how JNIM strategically embedded itself in a new environment. The study incorporates qualitative data from semi-structured interviews with NATO analysts and military personnel involved in counterterrorism in the Sahara-Sahel, data from the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project and a review of open source literature. The findings show that JNIM’s expansion was driven by push factors, including military pressure in northern Mali following the French-led Operation Serval in 2013 and competition with other illicit groups. Pull factors encompassed weak state presence, ethnic tensions between Fulani herders and Dogon farmers, economic opportunities in illicit gold mining and smuggling routes and the region’s strategic location. JNIM adapted organisationally by integrating local leaders, intermarrying, providing services, and establishing Sharia governance structures. However, their expansion faced constraints from local self-defence militias and increased military operations by Malian and international forces. The transplantation framework reveals JNIM’s strategic organisational adaptations and environmental exploitation, offering insights beyond traditional models of ideological diffusion or networks.

Journal of Illicit Economies and Development, 7(1): pp. 1–19

By Alex H. Kral, Jamie L. Humphrey, Clyde Schwab, Barrot H. Lambdin, Bradley Ray,

Importance Opioid-involved overdose mortality has been on the rise for 2 decades in the US, exacerbated by an unregulated drug supply that is unpredictable and has increasingly contained highly potent fentanyl analogs starting a decade ago.

Objective To determine whether there is a geospatial association between law enforcement drug seizures and opioid-involved overdose mortality in San Francisco.

Design, Setting, and Participants This cross-sectional study used location- and time-stamped overdose mortality data from the Office of the Chief Medical Examiner and publicly available crime data from the San Francisco Police Department between 2020 and 2023 to assess whether location and time of law enforcement drug seizures were associated with subsequent opioid-involved overdose mortality. Data were analyzed from January 2020 to September 2023.

Exposures Time-stamped locations of law enforcement drug seizures involving a drug distribution charge.

Main Outcomes and Measures The primary outcomes were the time and location of (1) overdose mortality involving any opioid and (2) overdose mortality involving fentanyl or any fentanyl analog. The relative risk (RR) and 95% CIs for endemic and epidemic factors were calculated.

Results There were 2653 drug seizure crime events that involved any drug distribution charge and 1833 overdose deaths that tested positive for any opioid or synthetic opioid, including heroin and fentanyl analogs. Within the surrounding 100 meters, law enforcement drug seizures were associated with increase risk of fatal opioid-involved overdoses the day following the drug seizure event (RR, 1.74; 95% CI, 1.06-2.83; P = .03) and elevated risk persisted for 7 days (2 days: RR, 1.55;95% CI, 1.09-2.21; P = .02; 3 days: RR, 1.45; 95% CI, 1.08-1.93; P = .01; 7 days: RR, 1.27; 95% CI, 1.11-1.46; P = .001). Similar statistically significant spatiotemporal patterns were observed in the 250- and 500-meter spatial bandwidths. Within each space-time kernel, the strength of the association, all of which were statistically significant, dissipated the further away in time and distance from the law enforcement drug seizure event.

Conclusions and Relevance The findings of this cross-sectional study suggest that the enforcement of drug distribution laws to increase public safety for residents in San Francisco may be having an unintended negative consequence of increasing opioid overdose mortality. To reduce overdose mortality, it may be better to focus on evidence-based health policies and interventions.

JAMA Netw Open. 2025, 11p.

By Agumasie Semahegn, Kwasi Torpey,, Adom Manu ,Nega Assefa, Naana Akyiamaa Agyeman,, andAugustine Ankomah

Ethiopia is a signatory to various international conventions, regional charters, and protocols related to violence against women, yet many women suffer domestic violence. To date, very little is known about how these conventions and protocols are being implemented, and the barriers associated with their implementation. This study explored the barriers to implementation of domestic violence against women prevention policies and programs in northwestern Ethiopia. We conducted a qualitative study using in-depth interviews, key informant interviews, and focus group discussions among 43 participants. The study participants were purposively selected based on their key roles and positions in implementing policies and programs that aim to prevent domestic violence against women in the study area. The interviews and discussions were audio-recorded after obtaining consent from each study participant. Data were transcribed, coded, and thematically analyzed using NVivo 11 software. Implementation of domestic violence prevention policies and programs at the local level is fraught with many budgetary constraints, poor planning, non-adherence to planned activities, lack of political will and commitment in the local settings, competing priorities, poor program integration, and weak inter-sectoral collaboration. Therefore, future interventions that would sustain and synergize domestic violence prevention through the intersectoral collaboration of key actors, ensuring budgetary issues, improving local governors’ will and commitment, and transforming deep-rooted inequitable gender -norms for successful domestic violence prevention policies and programs implementation.

  PLOS Glob Public Health 5(3):,

By: Michelle Kirby

A 2010 law established a pilot program to allow Connecticut courts to order GPS devices (ankle bracelets) to be used to track family violence offenders. Under this law, the Judicial Branch’s Court Support Services Division (CSSD) implemented the Alert Notification/GPS program in the Bridgeport, Danielson, and Hartford judicial districts. CSSD’s preliminary report on the program indicated that it met its objective to (1) enhance monitoring of high-risk family violence offenders and (2) increase victim safety. The December 2011 final summary report concluded that the program was successfully implemented in all three court locations with a high degree of collaboration systemwide.

Hartford: Connecticut General Assembly Office of Legislative Research, 2023. 4p.

By Eirik Jerven Berger 

Recent research on privileged drug offenders argues that they are at an advantage compared to marginalized people dealing drugs. The main question asked in this article is whether this is also the case in a more egalitarian country like Norway, and if it influences dealers’ decision-making. Findings reveal that privileged drug dealers believed they were at an advantage when it came to police and customers compared to people with an ethnic minority background or people dealing in open drug markets, but at a disadvantage in relation to violence and robberies. With regards to decision-making, believing they had advantages in encounters with the police informed their decision to be cooperative expecting fair treatment. Believing they were at an advantage with affluent customers in wealthy communities, and at a disadvantage with more street-oriented drug dealers, restricted privileged drug dealers' dealing to affluent low-risk contexts. The advantages and disadvantages privileged drug dealers talk about in interviews arguably reflect real-life drug market inequalities but are also a mechanism shaping decision-making that may reproduce drug market inequality. The study adds knowledge to the nascent literature on affluent drug dealers by introducing a novel case.

 European Journal of Criminology 2025, Vol. 22(1) 127–146

By  Griffin Sims Edwards and Stephen Rushin

This Article examines the effect of state laws restricting the use of police quotas. Police quotas describe the establishment of a predetermined number of traffic stops, citations, or arrests that officers must make within a particular time period. Some police supervisors have historically used quotas to ensure adequate productivity by officers. However, critics argue that quotas incentivize officers to engage in unnecessary, and in some cases, unconstitutional, coercive behavior. Numerous states across the country have enacted laws banning or limiting the use of police quotas.

This Article analyzes a dataset of traffic and pedestrian stops from eleven law enforcement agencies with varied laws on police quotas over time. It finds minimal evidence that laws limiting police quotas reduce coercive behavior by police. If anything, agencies may engage in slightly more coercive behavior after the introduction of these laws. However, we find evidence that restrictions on the use of police quotas may improve the quality of traffic stops and vehicle searches.

We offer several hypotheses to explain these results. First, the narrow focus of quota laws may limit their effectiveness. Second, the managerial tactics that replace police quotas may incentivize officers to engage in similar amounts of coercive behavior. And third, the relatively weak enforcement mechanisms in state quota bans may reduce their deterrent effect.

We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for the literature on police regulation. We also offer recommendations for reforming police quota laws.

109 Iowa Law Review 2127 (2024), 

By Zoë Robinson and Stephen Rushin

The law enforcement lobby represents one of the most important and undertheorized barriers to criminal justice reform. We define the law enforcement lobby as the constellation of entrenched actors within the justice system—particularly police unions, correctional officer unions, and prosecutor associations—that exert an outsized role in policy development. The law enforcement lobby operates largely without coordinated opposition, resulting in capture of criminal justice policymaking and skewed policy outcomes that often institutionalize injustice and subordination. The strength of the law enforcement lobby also presents a challenge to the growing defunding and abolition movements. Nevertheless, the law enforcement lobby remains at the periphery of contemporary scholarly conversations about the democratization and design of criminal justice institutions.

This Article describes and evaluates the influence of the law enforcement lobby on criminal justice policy. It argues that the law enforcement lobby raises unique problems that extend beyond traditional lobbying concerns, including the ability to influence life and liberty, the power to perpetuate racial subordination, and a pervasive power over the operation of democratic institutions.

Drawing on the growing calls for democratization and power-shifting in the criminal justice system, this Article offers a range of recommendations to curtail the strength of the law enforcement lobby. First, the Article argues for reforms that “level up” of the power of competing interests that can counter the power of the law enforcement lobby in criminal justice policymaking. In doing so, the Article focuses specifically on reforms that imbed contestation in policymaking by communities most impacted by the criminal justice system. Second, the Article concurrently proposes mechanisms to “level down” the power of the law enforcement lobby, including realistic restrictions on the lobbying capacity of law enforcement interest groups that draws on First Amendment Speech Clause doctrine that permits restriction of public employee speech. Taken together, these reforms could facilitate broader transformation of the American criminal justice system.

107 Minnesota Law Review 1965 (2023), 73p.

By Barry Friedman, Rachel Harmon & Farhang Heydari

For far too long, the federal government has failed to exercise its constitutional authority to mitigate the harms imposed by local policing. Absent federal intervention, though, some harmful aspects of policing will not be addressed effectively, or at all. States and localities often lack the necessary capacity and expertise to change policing, and many states and localities lack the will. This Article argues for federal intervention and describes what that intervention should look like. The Article begins by describing three paradigmatic areas of local policing that require federal intervention to create real change: excessive use of force, racial discrimination, and the unregulated use of surveillance technologies. Because state and local governments are either unable or unwilling to address these problems alone, the federal government should intervene to identify and enforce minimum standards, develop best practices, collect data, and distribute resources nationwide. Regrettably, Congress has failed to act adequately to improve local policing for the better, although it has tried to encourage reform through the use of its Spending Power. This Article argues that Congress should utilize its regulatory powers under Section 5 of the Fourteenth Amendment and the Commerce Clause to address these paradigmatic problem areas, and it explains how this can be done consistently with Supreme Court doctrine. Alongside—or in the absence of—congressional action, the executive branch has the power and responsibility to act to address policing’s harms. The Article explains that, though indirect, the President wields considerable power to influence policing by setting policy, implementing federal programs, enforcing civil rights, and supervising federal law enforcement. Although the executive branch should use this power to promote local policing that is effective, fair, and accountable, and that minimizes harm, administration after administration has failed to do so consistently and also has failed to hold federal law enforcement to these standards. Recent executive branch efforts have improved the situation, but there still exists a gaping chasm between how the federal government should be influencing local policing and how it is doing so today

109 Virginia Law Review 1527 (December, 2023), 101p.

By Anne McNamara

During the height of the Civil Rights movement, the Supreme Court in Terry v. Ohio crafted the policing power to stop and search an individual without a warrant, without probable cause, and if the officer possesses a reasonable suspicion of criminal activity. Thirty years later, in Whren v. United States, the Court willfully blinded itself to the subjective motivations of an officer who initiate a Terry stop, requiring only a claim of some lawful reason to initiate a stop to adhere to the Fourth Amendments protections. Despite overwhelming evidence that the Court’s Fourth Amendment jurisprudence disparately affects Black people, the Court continuously asserts that the Equal Protection Clause (EPC)—not the Fourth Amendment—is the proper constitutional avenue for relief from race-motivated policing. Even a defendant who successfully overcomes the EPC’s practically insurmountable requirement of proving discriminatory intent is not afforded the exclusionary rule’s protection. Ultimately, the Court’s use of EPC as its suggested remedy provides little concrete relief for individuals subjected to pretextual stops. Against this backdrop of racially influenced law enforcement, the advent and development of Facial Recognition Technology (FRT) has fundamentally altered American policing over the past decade. FRT is an algorithmic code, created by private companies, capable of recognizing a person’s facial identity by comparing it to other faces that are located in a centralized database. Some critics of the police’s use of FRT warn of its disparate impact on people of color who already face higher instances of police surveillance. Further, critics caution that FRT algorithms have higher error rates in identifying people of color, that databases used are often overly saturated with people of color, and that the police’s unregulated, unrestrained use of FRT reinforces preconceived notions of “Black criminality.” Historically, federal courts have been reluctant to condemn police implementation of technological advances as violative of the Fourth Amendment. While the police are prohibited from using publicly unavailable technology to surveil the details of an individual’s home, technology deployed by law enforcement in a public space often escapes constitutional constraints. In some instances, however, defendants successfully challenge police use of advanced technology for surveillance purposes through the lens of mosaic theory, which assesses police behavior in the aggregate to determine whether prolonged periods of surveillance constitutes an invasion of privacy impermissible under the Fourth Amendment. In light of the Court’s silence regarding FRT, a handful of cities and states have enacted laws that curb or completely ban police use of FRT. On the federal level, the preceding Congress proposed two bills: one seeking to require probable cause for police to deploy the technology, the other seeking to implement a complete federal ban of FRT and to disincentivize state and local use by withholding certain funding. This Note first surveys the Fourth Amendment jurisprudence that created a legal justice system that is willfully ignorant of an officer’s potential racial motivations.18 Then, this Note discusses the police’s implementation of FRT and how it further infringes upon Black people’s liberties and dignities under the guise of “neutral” technology. Next, this Note explores the Court’s reasoning in evolving technology and surveillances cases—with a particular emphasis on mosaic theory—and discusses state and proposed federal statutory approaches to FRT regulation. Then, this Note argues that the most dangerous uses of FRT are the least likely to be recognized and curbed by the Supreme Court due to its longstanding refusal to allow the constitution to check unrestrained police behavior, leaving Black people defenseless against FRT’s role in increasing the structural inequalities embedded in our legal system. This Note concludes by calling for a comprehensive federal ban on police use of FRT that adequately incentivizes state and local law enforcement to enact similar bans.

SUFFOLK UNIVERSITY LAW REVIEW [Vol. LVI:731 , 26p.

B/y Griffin Edwards and

Stephen Rushin

In 1981, the U.S. Supreme Court held in New York v. Belton that police officers could lawfully search virtually anywhere in a vehicle without a warrant after the arrest of any occupant in the vehicle. Then, in 2009, the Court reversed course in Arizona v. Gant, holding that police could only engage in vehicle searches after such arrests in a smaller number of extenuating circumstances. This series of cases became a flash point for the broader debate about the regulation of policing. Law enforcement groups argued that administratively complex rules, like those established in Gant, risk officer safety. But some scholars and civil rights activists worried that by giving police officers wider discretion to search vehicles incident to arrest, the Belton rule may have led to unjustified civil rights violations and racial profiling.

This Article argues that, by limiting vehicle searches incident to arrest, Gant may have disincentivized policing tactics that disproportionately target individuals of color without jeopardizing officer safety.

By utilizing a data set of traffic stops from thirteen law enforcement agencies in seven states, this Article presents an empirical study of the effects of shifting doctrines related to vehicle searches incident to arrest. This Article makes two findings. First, it finds no evidence that Gant endangered officer safety. Changes in state doctrines related to vehicle searches incident to arrest are not associated with increases in assaults of officers during traffic stops. Second, it hypothesizes that Gant may have reduced racial profiling. Gant may be linked to a somewhat larger decline in vehicle searches incident to arrest for nonwhite individuals relative to white individuals.

These findings are a reminder that seemingly neutral procedural choices by courts in regulating police behavior may have racially disparate effects. We conclude by arguing for the narrowing of the discretionary authority of police officers as a mechanism for reducing disparities in the criminal justice system.

91 Fordham L. Rev. 1 (2022).

By Julia A. Yesberg, Arabella Kyprianides, Ben Bradford, Jenna Milani, Paul Quinton & Oliver Clark-Darby

The use of force is arguably the defining feature of police. Yet this power is often controversial: a key node in the contest and debate that almost always swirls around police, with the question of race never far from such contestation. In this paper, we consider the influence of race in responses to use of force incidents among British-based samples. Using two text-based vignette experiments and one video study, our aims are threefold: (1) to explore the influence of suspect race in how people respond to police use of force; (2) to test the interaction between participant ethnicity and suspect race; and (3) to understand what attitudes and beliefs influence how people respond to police use of force. We found no effect of suspect race on how people judged police use of force. White participants were slightly more accepting of police use of force than black participants, but there was no interaction with suspect race. The strongest predictor of acceptance of police use of force was trust in police, and, controlling for other relevant predictors, racial prejudice was also a significant positive predictor of acceptance of use of force. To our knowledge this is the first study of its kind to be fielded in the UK.

Policing and Society, An International Journal of Research and Policy, Volume 32, 2022 - Issue 7, 19p.

By Leigh Goodman and Marjorie Cook

Between March and May 2021, The National Domestic Violence Hotline (The Hotline) conducted a survey on the experiences survivors impacted by intimate partner violence* or sexual assault have had with members of law enforcement. The survey, conducted on The Hotline’s chat line and website, collected both qualitative and quantitative data. The two groups were categorized by those who had chosen not to call the police and those who had called the police. Of the roughly 1,500 who responded, approximately 82% had contacted the police, while 12% had not. Of those who did call the police, more than twice the number (39%) actually felt less safe after calling, compared to 20% who felt safer. Both groups demonstrated fear of calling the police. Seventy-seven percent of those who called the police were afraid to call them again; 92% of those who had not called were afraid to do so. Yet 62% of those who called say that they would call police again. Most of the reasons given centered around the fact that they felt law enforcement was their only option. When asked if other resources had been available, would they have chosen them over calling the police, 71% answered “yes” and provided examples of resources needed. This report contains powerful information from survivors who voluntarily gave insight into their experiences through answers to our questions and in their own words. They did so with the hope that the criminal justice system will hear them, believe them and effect change. Until then, it’s a powerful reminder of the importance of looking beyond the criminal legal system for interventions that meet the needs for justice, safety and the survival of people subjected to abuse.

Lame Deer, MT:: National Indigenous Women's Resource Center. 2024. 16p

By His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue (UK)

The effective investigation of crime is fundamental to the legitimacy of policing and to public confidence. It also influences how safe people feel and it prevents future offending. When a crime is reported, the public have a right to expect that the police will record and investigate the crime effectively. There has been a long-term decline in successful prosecutions, meaning that too few criminal investigations are leading to justice for victims. There is a general perception among the public that the police aren’t doing a good job of tackling the crimes that affect local communities. Therefore, as part of our 2022–25 programme of inspections, we inspected how effectively the police investigate crime. During our inspection, we saw numerous examples of initiatives forces have introduced to improve the standard of crime investigations and achieve better outcomes for victims. We have included 24 case studies in this report to highlight some of these initiatives. Understanding demand Crime experienced by individuals and households has generally decreased over the last 10 years. However, since 2015, police-recorded crime rates per 1,000 population have increased by 44 percent. Improved police recording practices, and an increase in public reporting of crime, are likely to have contributed to this increase in police-recorded crime. Since 2010, after accounting for changes in the population, the number of police officers in England and Wales has decreased by 6 percent. Over this period, the number of police staff decreased by 13 percent and the number of police community support officers decreased by 59 percent. We have previously reported that a shortage of resources negatively affects the police’s ability to detect crime. During our fieldwork, we heard about a lack of resources in every force we inspected. Interviewees told us that officers and staff often couldn’t investigate crime as well as they wanted to because their workloads were too high, they were under pressure and they didn’t have enough time. Frequently, we also saw the effect of this strain on their supervisors, line managers and chief officers, who repeated the same message. We concluded that in order to investigate volume crime more effectively, forces need more officers and staff. Forces don’t have an in-depth understanding of their crime-related demand. Most forces have a good understanding of their crime patterns, but analysis of future crime rates is inconsistent. The amount of digital evidence that investigators need to gather and examine has increased considerably over the past decade. This increase in digital evidence adds complexity to crime investigations. Forces need to consider this when analysing their crime-related demand. 

Birmingham, UK:His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue, 2025. 135p.

By Pradhi Aggarwal, Alec Brandon, Ariel Goldszmidt, Justin Holz, John A. List, Ian Muir, Gregory Sun, and Thomas Yu

Prior research on racial profiling has found that in encounters with law enforcement, minorities are punished more severely than white civilians. Less is known about the causes of these encounters and their implications for our understanding of racial profiling. Using high-frequency location data of rideshare drivers inFlorida (N = 222,838 individuals), we estimate the effect of driver race on citations and fines for speeding using 19.3 million location pings. Compared with a white driver traveling the same speed, we find that racial or ethnic minority drivers are 24 to 33% more likely to be cited for speeding and pay 23 to 34% more money in fines. We find no evidence that accident and reoffense rates explain these estimates, which suggests that animus against minorities underlies our results

Science, Volume 387, Issue 6741Mar 2025, 5p,

By Monica C. Bell

The Black Lives Matter movement has operated alongside a growing recognition among social scientists that policing research has been limited in its scope and outmoded in its assumptions about the nature of public safety. This essay argues that social science research on policing should reorient its conception of the field of policing, along with how the study of crime rates and police departments fit into this field. New public safety research should broaden its outcomes of interest, its objects of inquiry, and its engagement with structural racism. In this way, next-generation research on policing and public safety can respond to the deficiencies of the past and remain relevant as debates over transforming American policing continue.

  Journal of Economic Perspectives—Volume 35, Number 4—Fall 2021—Pages 29–48  

By Katherine Del Valle Hoogesteyn, Meret Sarah Hofer, Travis Anthony Taniguchi, Jennifer Rae Rineer.

Maintaining adequate staffing levels to ensure public safety is a critical challenge for law enforcement agencies, especially with rising officer turnover driven by sociopolitical factors and changing workforce demographics. This narrative review examines strategies to enhance officer retention by synthesizing findings from both policing and related fields. These strategies are organized into five categories: (1) compensation and financial incentives, (2) career development and professional growth, (3) workplace environment and support, (4) wellness and resilience, and (5) feedback and organizational learning. The review underscores the importance of context-specific, tailored approaches and calls for rigorous studies to evaluate the implementation and effectiveness of these strategies. Recommendations include adapting organizational structures to foster innovative retention strategies, optimizing resource management, and implementing continuous evaluation processes to promote sustained officer retention.

Research Triangle Park, NC: RTI Press.2025. 22p