tFederal Facilities Council.. James Myska and Joe Alper, Rapporteurs

Federal facilities are increasingly complex and sophisticated systems of systems, with automated systems tied together through operational technology (OT) networks monitoring and controlling lighting and environmental control systems (CS), among many others. Federal agencies have built virtual fortresses around their information technology (IT) networks, including connected CS and OT networks, yet key vulnerabilities can allow bad actors to tunnel through the embedded layers of protection, interfere with facility operation and control, and gain direct passages into IT networks, bypassing their elaborate protections. On July 9, 2024, the National Academies' Federal Facilities Council convened a workshop to discuss the security of CS and OT networks. Workshop panelists explored the current threat environment; standards, policies, and guidance to protect OT and CS from malicious actors; and approaches that industry has taken to protect its OT and CS security.

National Academies of Sciences, 2024. 41p.

By Diogo G. C. Britto, Gianmarco Daniele, Marco Le Moglie, Paolo Pinotti, Breno Sampaio

We study the prevalence and effects of individuals with past criminal charges among candidates and elected politicians in Brazil. Individuals with past criminal charges are twice as likely to both run for office and be elected compared to other individuals. This pattern persists across political parties and government levels, even when controlling for a broad set of observable characteristics. Randomized anti-corruption audits reduce the share of mayors with criminal records, but only when conducted in election years. Using a regression discontinuity design focusing on close elections, we demonstrate that the election of mayors with criminal backgrounds leads to higher rates of underweight births and infant mortality. Additionally, there is an increase in political patronage, particularly in the health sector, which is consistent with the negative impacts on local public health outcomes.

Bonn:  IZA – Institute of Labor Economics, 2024. 60p.

By Erin Hammers Forstag, Rapporteur; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine

Predictive policing strategies are approaches that use data to attempt to predict either individuals who are likely to commit crime or places where crime is likely to be committed, to enable crime prevention. To explore law enforcement's use of person-based and place-based predictive policing strategies, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine held a two-day public workshop on June 24 and 25, 2024.

National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine, 2024. 14 pages

By Kevin Petersen, Christopher S. Koper, Bruce G. Taylor, Weiwei Liu, Jackie Sheridan-Johnson

Police use-of-force is a growing public health concern, with recent estimates suggesting that over 70,000 people are injured by police each year. To reduce the risk of injury to civilians, most police agencies authorize the use of various less-lethal weapons. However, to date, there is little consensus as to which types of less-lethal weapons are most effective at reducing injury risk. In this study, we test the differential effects of less-lethal weapons on civilian injury and injury severity using data on 2348 use-of-force incidents originating from 17 large urban and metropolitan law enforcement agencies from 2015 to 2019. Specifically, we assess the injury risks associated with conducted energy devices, chemical agents, impact weapons, and police canines, while controlling for a robust set of officer, civilian, and situational characteristics. Our results indicate that chemical agents reduce the risk of hospitalization or death significantly more than other weapon types, while police canines increase the risk of all injury outcomes significantly more than other weapon types. Adjusting for incident characteristics, chemical agents are predicted to cause hospitalization or death in 4% of cases, compared to 13% for conducted energy devices, 16% for impact weapons, and 37% for police canines. These findings suggest that civilian injury may be reduced through use-of-force policies that prioritize less severe modalities of force, though more research is needed on the contextual and long-term effects of these weapons.

Journal of Urban Health; November, 2024

By Emily Owens and Emily Hope Anderson

We analyze 2.3 million stops made by the California Highway Patrol (CHP) in 2022 to better understand who is being stopped (or helped in non-enforcement stops), if there are racial and ethnic disparities in who is being stopped, and suggest possible strategies the CHP could use to reduce unwarranted disparities in stops while also promoting public safety. KEY FINDINGS: 1. As compared to 2019, there were fewer enforcement and non-enforcement stops made by the CHP in 2022. This is likely driven by changes in the number of California drivers and their behavior or by the number of CHP Officers, rather than a reduction in CHP enforcement effort. 2. The overall size of Black-White and Hispanic-White disparities in stop rates, benchmarked to non-enforcement stops, is about the same as it was in 2019. This is true both state-wide, and within individual CHP Divisions. 3. In 2022, CHP Officers were more likely to stop Black or Hispanic people for moving violations than White people. A Veil of Darkness test also suggests the potential presence of bias in stops for moving violations. 4. In 2022, 21% of the traffic enforcement stops made by the CHP were for non-moving violations. These stops for non-moving violations led to 35% of all serious contraband seizures by CHP Officers and 12% of DUI arrests. Officers are more likely to discover serious narcotics in searches following non-moving violations than in searches following moving violations. 5. Black-White and Hispanic-White disparities in stop rates for non-moving violations made a small contribution to overall disparities in stops rates. If the CHP did not make any stops for non-moving violations in 2022, Black-White disparities in stop rates would have been 2.9% lower, and Hispanic-White disparities would have been 2.2% lower.  RECOMMENDATIONS: 1. The CHP should consider further investigation into the quantity and specific type of contraband seized when conducting searches; this information is currently not included in RIPA data. This would allow for a more formal cost-benefit analysis of making stops for non-moving violations. 2. The CHP may want to consider increased use of technology in making stops for moving violations. Statistical tests suggest that stops made where speed information is gathered by radar, lidar, or airplane, are less likely to involve nonWhite drivers than stops made when a CHP Officer collects speed information by driving alongside or behind the potentially speeding car.   

Berkeley: California Policy Lab, 2024. 56p.

By Paige Vaughn, Richard Rosenfeld

Focused deterrence is a particularly promising approach for significantly reducing gang, group, and individual criminal behavior. Typical focused deterrence approaches involve bringing together individuals at high risk for violence in face-to-face group interventions, usually called “offender notification meetings” or “call-ins.” In the St. Louis Police Partnership, individuals at high risk for violence were instead targeted using customized, individual in-person meetings with detectives and parole officers assigned to the program. This novel approach was found to be effective using a randomized controlled trial evaluation. This implementation guide summarizes the basic features of the St. Louis Police Partnership, discusses challenges and lessons learned, and details key steps that must be taken to implement similar programs effectively in other jurisdictions

Arlington, CA: CNA, 2024. 17p.

By Anchorage Police Department

In July 2024, the Anchorage Police Department (APD) began a 15-year review of officer-involved shootings (OIS) to answer three (3) primary questions:

1. First, what trends exist longitudinally regarding OIS?

2. Second, are there policy recommendations that may impact OIS events?

3. Third, are there training recommendations that may impact OIS events?

Forty-five (45) OIS were included in the dataset. The information in this report was analyzed from a statistical perspective and included 28 data points. OIS were also qualitatively analyzed after reviewing police reports, video evidence, criminal interviews and administrative interviews.

The following are recommendations based on the review:

• Increase the use of team tactics when responding to incidents where there is an elevated risk to the public or officers.

• Enhance the department’s less lethal capabilities to increase stand-off distance and effectiveness increasing reaction time.

• Emphasize the role of on-scene leadership and communication during high-risk responses.

• Ensure adequate tools and resources are being utilized in the field of operation

The Anchorage Police Department (APD) analyzed circumstances, officers and subjects involved in 45 incidents in which APD officers discharged a weapon under the color of authority while on-duty or off-duty, irrespective of injuries to subjects, officers or third parties (OIS)1 from Jan. 1, 2009, through Dec. 31, 2023. The eight (8) OIS that occurred in 2024 were not included in this report as they are a part of on-going investigations.

Anchorage, Anchorage Police Department, 2024. 22p.

By National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine; Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education; Erin Hammers Forstag, Rapporteur

On June 24 and 25, 2024, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine held a two-day public workshop exploring law enforcement’s use of person-based and place-based predictive policing strategies. Predictive policing strategies are approaches that use data to attempt to predict either individuals who are likely to commit crime or places where crime is likely to be committed, to enable crime prevention. The workshop was held in response to Executive Order 14074,1 which discusses enhancing public trust and safety through accountable policing and criminal justice practices, and Executive Order 14110,2 which addresses the use of artificial intelligence (AI) in law enforcement. David Weisburd (George Mason University and Chair of the workshop planning committee) began by noting that these executive orders reflected strong public concerns surrounding the idea of predictive policing, as well as critiques of specific implementations—in particular for these strategies’ disparate impact on communities of color. While planning the workshop, Weisburd said that the planning committee confronted several challenging issues. First, there is a lack of precise and clear definitions of what exactly constitutes predictive policing. Second, the term “predictive policing” is often avoided, even when approaches appear to meet conventional definitions. Predictive technologies include “automated,” “dynamic,” or “data-driven,” approaches. However, predictive policing is generally seen as involving predictive algorithms that identify individuals and locations that are more likely to be associated with crime in the future. Whatever the definition, law enforcement agencies routinely use tools that collect and analyze data to anticipate crime and facilitate police response. Weisburd highlighted that the method and extent to which police should rely on algorithmic approaches remain as real-world challenges for law enforcement officials.

This workshop, said Weisburd, comes at a time when original applications of predictive policing have come and gone, while algorithmic and big data technologies advance and continue to be applied in law enforcement contexts. “We may be on the precipice of a new era of predictive policing,” he said, “with the time and wisdom to consider what that could and should look like.”

Washington, DC: National Academies Press, 2024. 13p.

By The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC)

Race discrimination has been a significant issue in policing for many years. It underpins the creation of our predecessor, the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) following Sir William Macpherson’s inquiry and subsequent report into the racist murder of Stephen Lawrence. By ensuring that serious complaints and conduct matters are handled impartially and thoroughly, we play a vital role in driving improvements in policing through learning and accountability. However, tackling race discrimination in policing is a complex and highly sensitive issue. The historical backdrop of racial bias and discrimination in policing has led to deep seated mistrust between affected communities and the police, which becomes prominent during critical moments in policing. The murder of George Floyd by a US police officer and the Black Lives Matter protests during the summer of 2020 served as a catalyst, sparking greater scrutiny of policing in England and Wales. We repeatedly hear through our engagement work that Black communities in particular feel over-policed as suspects and under-protected as victims. This is attributed to a perception of ongoing race discrimination, evidenced by our engagement with communities and stakeholders. Disproportionate use of police powers, such as stop and search and use of force, contribute to this ongoing perception, particularly when no explanation can be provided for the racial disparities that exist. These disparities, reported each year without a definitive explanation, suggest the potential presence of underlying systemic issues and structural inequalities. While we recognise that policing has taken meaningful steps towards ensuring that all communities receive fair and impartial treatment, there are still considerable issues involving race within policing. Our findings, along with data on racial disparities and feedback from both communities and stakeholders, provides clear evidence and there is broad consensus both within policing and wider society that these systemic problems still exist. However, there is a reluctance in some quarters to use the phrase ‘institutional racism’. Macpherson was clear on what institutional racism is - a collective failure to provide an appropriate professional service to people because of their colour, culture or ethnic origin. We think it is important that those communities who are most affected by these systemic issues should be listened to and they are clear: language matters. The aim of this work is not to make political statements, brand all police officers as racist or disregard the valuable progress that has been made. This is about being being clear that a problem still exists and to talk about it in a way that resonates with those communities most affected, so they feel heard and confident to work with the police to continue to make progress. It is only by working with those communities that policing can hope to achieve Macpherson’s aim to eliminate racist prejudice and disadvantage and to demonstrate fairness in all aspects of policing. This report brings together our thematic work to explore, challenge and address race discrimination in policing. Alongside this report we have published revisions to the guidelines for handling allegations of discrimination, that were originally created by the IPCC, and a toolkit for police complaint handlers. We are sharing the learning from our work to help forces take action to rebuild trust and confidence in policing and the complaints system. Our earlier publications - focusing on Taser, stop and search and complaint handling - in conjunction with our independent investigations and reviews, form part of our ongoing effort to help policing drive improvements in this longstanding area of concern.

Sale, UK: The Independent Office for Police Conduct (IOPC), 2024. 64p.

By Jo Lovett, Liz Kelly, Fiona Vera-Gray

A strong focus in recent policy and media coverage has been the increase in reporting of rape coupled with an associated fall in the charge rate, often attributed to victim withdrawal. Drawing on an analysis of 741 police case files as part of Operation Soteria we question each of these positions. We argue that changes to the Home Office Counting Rules since 2014 have resulted in the recording of a significant proportion of cases which are not reports from victim-survivors and which they did not consent to. Closing such cases at outcomes which make victim-survivors responsible is both inaccurate and leads to misperceptions of where the problems lie in rape investigations.

Policing: A Journal of Policy and Practice, Volume 18, 2024, paae086, https://doi.org/10.1093/police/paae086

By The Law Enforcement Legal Defense Fund

Surveys suggest that the American public increasingly agrees with the persistent media narrative that fatal police shootings and use of excessive force are common, racist, and getting worse.

Activists and political leaders frequently refer to these fatal incidents and police use of force broadly as “police violence.” In 2021, then-Speaker of the US House of Representatives called “police brutality” an “epidemic.”

But the facts don’t support those claims. In reality, fatal police shootings and all uses of force are exceedingly rare, very limited, and overwhelmingly justified. The myths around police force and fatal shootings are both false and pernicious, yet pervasive.

This report seeks to set the record straight.

THE FACTS:

• Police rarely use force.

• When police use force, it is usually limited and proportional.

• Fatal police shootings are extremely uncommon.

• Unarmed fatal police shootings are both exceedingly rare and largely justified.

• Public perceptions around fatal police shootings and race are distorted.

Alexandria, VA: The Law Enforcement Legal Defense Fund 2024. 11p.

By David Spencer

1. The Government should legislate to abolish, in its entirety, the recording of Non-Crime Hate Incidents by the police. Should the Government choose to retain the NCHI regime, they should issue an updated Code of Practice which leads to a substantial reduction in the number of NCHIs record – increasing ‘freedom of expression’ protections and reducing the distraction of police officers from their core mission of fighting crime. This should include no longer record any NCHIs which do not contain personal data.

2. The definitions used to meet the threshold for recording of NCHIs should be raised to genuinely meet the standard of ‘Hate’, rather than the current low standard which includes “unfriendliness” and “dislike”. The current standard for “hostility” grossly distorts the perception of the prevalence of genuine ‘Hate’ incidents.

3. The Home Office should collate and publish on an annual basis the number of NCHIs recorded per force (splitting out the number of NCHIs containing personal data and the number which do not contain personal data). This data should be published for the previous decade and in future years.

4. Should the Government choose not to abolish the NCHI regime, they should pass legislation to mandate police forces to follow the provisions of the NCHI Code of Practice.

5. His Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire and Rescue Services should include compliance with the provisions of the NCHI Code of into NCHIs within their annual PEEL force inspection regime.

6. All police forces should be required to publish their full policies and procedures in relation to the recording of NCHIs – including making clear on their websites (and other public information systems) the difference between hate crimes and NCHIs.

7. The National Audit Office should examine the costs in their totality of the NCHI regime to provide a clear understanding of its impact on policing, national government and local government resources.

8. The Government should conduct and publish a rapid, standalone, review identifying how often the recording of NCHIs is: (a) genuinely leading to the prevention of crime and harm, given that this is the principal justification for the recording of NCHIs and (b) the level of distraction from the core mission of policing to prevent and detect crime.

9. The Government should review the current Policing Protocol relating to ‘Operational Independence’. The current expansive understanding adopted by many chief constables leads to police forces failing to properly take account of the views of both Police and Crime Commissioners and the Home Secretary – who are accountable to the public and Parliament for crime and policing. It must be made clear that the limits of ‘Operational Independence’ concern directly operational matters.

Policy Exchange, 2024. 38p.

By the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP)

In the summer of 2024, the International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) surveyed its member agencies to better understand the challenges police agencies are facing regarding recruitment and retention. The IACP received responses from 1,158 U.S. agencies. More than 80% of these respondents were from local municipal police agencies. Highlights from the survey results include RECRUITMENT – More than 70% of respondents reported that recruitment is more difficult now than five years ago. On average, agencies are operating at approximately 91% of their authorized staffing levels, indicating a nearly 10% deficit. HIRING PROCESSES – In response to recruitment challenges, about 75% of respondents reported making policy and procedural changes to enhance recruitment and retention. Such changes include loosened restrictions on tattoos, facial hair, and appearance; increased investment in recruitment efforts; and increases in salary. Many agencies also tried to simplify the hiring process. Most agencies are now able to extend a job offer within three months of a candidate’s application. RETENTION – Respondents indicated that resignation is most likely within the first five years of hire, and that retaining officers during the recruit/training phase may be more challenging than retaining officers long-term. Moving to another agency for higher salary was the reason most commonly cited for voluntary resignation. Retirements also seem to be increasing due to both the large number of officers hired in the 1990s now reaching retirement eligibility and officers’ unwillingness to work beyond immediate retirement eligibility. OPERATIONS – About 65% of respondents reported that they had reduced services or specialized units because of staffing challenges, prioritizing essential patrol functions over specialized assignments. SUCCESS STORIES – Agencies also reported some success in improving recruitment and retention through intentional strategies. These included creating new pathways for young people to become police officers, emphasizing a healthy organizational culture, prioritizing employee health and wellness, and investing in the professional growth and development of employees. CUSTOMIZED SOLUTIONS – What some agencies saw as a detriment or challenge, other agencies leveraged as an asset. Responses made clear that what works for one agency may not work for another, and a variety of factors must be considered in creating an effective police recruitment and retention strategy. These conclusions are detailed along with supporting evidence from the survey responses in the report that follows.   

Alexandria, VA:  International Association of Chiefs of Police (IACP) ,2024. 28p.

By Hannah D. McManus,  Robin S. Engel,  Jennifer Calnon Cherkauskas,  Sarah C. Light, Amanda M. Shoulberg,

Despite evidence of gradually declining rates of violent crime over the last several decades, violence continues to pose a serious problem for many urban communities (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2018). Indeed, recent trends in violent crime within the United States suggest violence is a chronic problem, producing substantial costs to communities and individuals, and requiring immediate response from a coalition of stakeholders. As such, finding effective interventions to target violence is essential for restoring communities and enhancing public health and safety. This literature review examines the available empirical evidence on a variety of police-led violence reduction strategies (offender-focused, place-based, and community-based), as well as community-led, public health-based violence prevention interventions. The purpose of this review is to summarize for practitioners, policymakers, and researchers the state of the evidence regarding the effectiveness of various approaches to reduce violence, highlight implications for practice (see Appendix A), and identify the remaining gaps in this knowledge needing to be addressed by future research.   

Cincinnati, OH: Center for Police Research and Policy, University of Cincinnati, 2020. 97p.

By The High Level Group, European Commission

The European Union constitutes an area of freedom, security and justice where fundamental rights and the different legal systems and traditions of the Member States are respected. It endeavours to ensure a high level of security1 through measures to prevent and combat crime and to facilitate coordination and cooperation between law enforcement, judicial and other competent authorities. Technological developments and the digitalisation of our societies have led both to significant changes in citizens’ daily lives and to new challenges for law enforcement and judicial authorities in ensuring a high level of security, at both national and EU level. In today’s digital age, almost every criminal investigation has a digital component. This was addressed in April 2023 in the scoping paper for the High-Level Expert Group on access to data for effective law enforcement: Technologies and tools […] are also abused for criminal purposes. This development makes it increasingly challenging to maintain effective law enforcement across the EU to safeguard public security and to prevent, detect, investigate, and prosecute crime, and to meet victims’ legitimate expectations of justice and compensation. If not properly addressed, there is a real risk that this current trend will enable criminals to go ‘dark’ […]. This is a serious threat to individuals’ and society’s security and can ultimately impede on the positive obligation of the state to continue ensuring the rule of law and a democratic society2 . The right to respect for private and family life, home and communications, and the right to the protection of personal data, are guaranteed under the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU. Confidentiality of communication, be it in writing or on the phone, has been a major achievement of democratic societies, ensuring that neither the state nor private actors may interfere in peoples’ freedom of expression and enabling the establishment of a flourishing civil society. The enjoyment of those rights can be subject to limitations under the law, in particular with regard to measures intended to safeguard national security, defence or public security and for the prevention, investigation, detection and prosecution of criminal offences or of unauthorised use of electronic communication systems, provided these measures are necessary, appropriate and proportionate within a democratic society. Therefore, law enforcement and judicial authorities may open and read written communications, intercept phone calls and listen to conversations, if deemed necessary, proportionate and justified, if such measures are in line with the applicable legal provisions and if they are carried out with due respect for fundamental rights. This possibility should be available to all competent authorities, irrespective of technological developments. The proliferation of new forms of interpersonal communication that has occurred in recent years means that all of society has to adapt to new realities. We must ensure that communication among citizens remains protected, and at the same time that law enforcement and judicial authorities continue to be able to fulfil their duty of protecting citizens by preventing and fighting serious and organised crime and terrorism. The need for adaptation is urgent, and the experts call on policymakers to act promptly as law enforcement authorities (LEAs) are already behind the pace of technological developments, which directly affects their ability to uphold citizens’ rights. At the informal meeting of justice and home affairs ministers on 26 January 2023, home affairs ministers reflected on the challenges posed by technological developments for law enforcement in the digital age. They also expressed concern that the applicable rules and their interpretation through case-law, together with practical and operational impediments, are making it increasingly challenging for LEAs to carry out their work, in particular when it comes to the retention of and access to data necessary to investigate and prosecute crime3 . Following this discussion, the Council endorsed the establishment of a group to develop a strategic forward-looking vision on effective and lawful access to data, electronic evidence and information in the digital age for judicial and law enforcement authorities: the High-Level Group on access to data for effective law enforcement (HLG)4 . The HLG’s goal was to find solutions to the challenge inherent in permitting lawful access to data in order to uphold a high level of security for all people living in the EU, while ensuring compliance with fundamental rights, including the rights to privacy and to data protection, as well as a high level of cybersecurity, through efficient and future-proof solutions. The 42 recommendations5 , the main deliverable resulting from the work of the HLG, come at a time when calls for online accountability are increasing. The recommendations address current and anticipated challenges in view of technological developments, aiming to enable a comprehensive EU approach to ensuring effective criminal investigations and prosecutions. The recommendations are clustered in three blocks: capacity building; cooperation with industry and standardisation; and legislative measures. They emphasise the challenges law enforcement faces in accessing data in a readable format for criminal investigations due to the lack of harmonised data retention obligations and stringent requirements of EU case-law, the growing use of end-to-end encryption and the lack of cooperation by certain non-traditional telecommunications services. While welcoming the e-evidence rules, the recommendations highlight their limits in addressing challenges posed by encryption and call for stronger cooperation between law enforcement and judicial authorities and service providers to nurture a permanent dialogue and a mutual understanding of operational, technical and business needs and to overcome difficulties in accessing encrypted data. According to experts, stronger cooperation between law enforcement and service providers will improve the situation to a certain extent, but a future-proof solution also requires that obligations upon service providers to cooperate be enforced by legislation, without weakening encryption in a generalised or systematic way for the users of a service.

Brussels: European Commission, 2024. 51p.

By Reed T. DeAngelis

This research note provides new evidence consistent with systemic anti-Black racism in police killings across the United States. Data come from the Mapping Police Violence Database (2013–2021). I calculate race-specific odds and probabilities that victims of police killings exhibited mental illness, were armed with a weapon, or attempted to flee the scene at the time of their killing. Multilevel, multivariable logistic regression techniques are applied to further account for the victim's age, gender, year of killing, and geographical clustering. I find that White victims are underrepresented, and Black victims overrepresented in the database. Relative to White victims, Black victims also have 60% lower odds of exhibiting signs of mental illness, 23% lower odds of being armed, and 28% higher odds of fleeing. Hispanic victims exhibit 45% lower odds of being armed relative to their White peers but are otherwise comparable. These patterns persist regardless of the victim's age, gender, year of killing, or geographical location (state, zip code, and neighborhood type). Thus, the threshold for being perceived as dangerous, and thereby falling victim to lethal police force, appears to be higher for White civilians relative to their Black or Hispanic peers. Current findings provide empirical support for political initiatives to curb lethal police force, as such efforts could help to reduce racial disparities in deaths by police nationwide.

Race and Justice, Volume 14, Issue 3, July 2024, Pages 413-422

By Nicolas S. Rothbacher

Predictive policing has quickly become widespread in the United States. Practitioners claim it can greatly increase police efficiency and base decisions on objective statistics. Critics say that these algorithms reproduce discriminatory outcomes in a biased justice system. In this thesis, I investigate fare enforcement in New York City and what might happen if predictive policing were applied. First I analyze legal precedents on discrimination law to create a framework for understanding whether policy is legally discriminatory. In this framework the fairness of a government policy is judged based on how different groups are treated by the process of carrying out the policy. Three elements must be examined: a comparison group that is treated fairly, discriminatory burden for the disadvantaged group, and government negligence or intent. Next, using this framework, I perform data analysis on fare evasion arrests in New York City, and find evidence of discrimination. Finally, I examine predictive policing to determine what its effect on fare enforcement might be. I conclude that predictive policing algorithms trained on the arrests will be ineffective and seen as unfair due to the institutional practices that impact the data. This examination sheds light on how machine learning fairness could be analyzed using societal expectations of fairness.

Cambridge, MA: Massachusetts Institute of Technology m Institute for Data, Systems, and Society, 2020 . 54p.

By Tom Gash and Rick Muir

This discussion document aims to promote debate about the best ways to organise our national policing institutions, resources, and processes to support effective policing, reduce crime and promote safer communities. We hope to contribute to the development of options prior to the government publishing a white paper on police reform in the coming months. We believe that a big reform to the landscape could unlock major benefits in terms of police efficiency, effectiveness and legitimacy.

The ideas and analysis in this document are based on the work of each of the authors at the interface of national and local policing over the past 15 or more years, the Police Foundation’s Strategic Review of Policing in England and Wales, and informal conversations with leaders across policing and home affairs policy. The work has not been commissioned by anybody. We have written it because we think reform could deliver significant improvements in the service the police provide to the public.

An earlier version of this paper was shared privately with those leading national policing institutions and considering police reform in December 2023. We are sincerely grateful for the insightful comments and feedback received from these leaders and from those we have shared drafts of this paper (please see acknowledgements).

We now welcome further feedback from readers and hope that the paper will stimulate debate and discussion as the government moves forward with its police reform agenda.

The case for change

There is a clear case for greater (and more coherent) national policing action

Much of policing today is as local a profession as it ever was. Robberies and violence in public spaces, hidden harms taking place in homes across the country, theft affecting local retailers, public reassurance and victim care all require a local policing response. These harms can all, to some extent, be controlled through local activity by the police and their public sector and community partners. Community confidence in policing is still mainly shaped by local experiences and direct contact. And it remains the case that trust in local institutions and services in the UK is often higher than in national ones.

There is no doubt, however, that effective policing also requires extensive national coordination and action. This need for national action is increasing due to:

• The growing role of digital technology, which has increased ‘remote’ and borderless criminality – for example in relation to fraud, online criminal exploitation, and computer misuse. Local forces alone are simply not able to tackle increasingly large volumes of internet enabled crime.

• The long-present but much underestimated role of national and increasingly multi-national companies in creating (or restricting) criminal opportunities - for example, vehicle manufacturers’ work on car security, or social media company identity management and reporting policies. To prevent crime in the 21st century the UK requires national relationships with global corporations.

• More extensive citizen exposure to national and global information on crime and policing, with public views of policing increasingly shaped by non-local events, social media comment and video footage.

• Changing public expectations for services, including expectations of consistency, partly drive by customer experiences elsewhere.

These factors are in addition to other long-standing reasons for national action, including:

• Efficiency: when police forces face common problems or opportunities, it will often be more efficient to design solutions once at a national level, rather than many times locally – though attention needs to be paid to ensuring national action will ‘work’ in local environments. As a positive example, Single Online Home is clearly assisting public contact – albeit with different levels and speed of uptake. However, in most cases, digital, data and technology investment is still determined entirely locally, resulting in multiple procurement processes and creating myriad local systems that struggle to share essential data.

• Effectiveness: There are clear effectiveness gains, for example, from national analysis and sharing of data: on crime patterns, and offenders, on ‘what works’ in tackling crime, and on how to organise policing resources to best effect (as the recent Home Office-sponsored Productivity Review demonstrated) - even though local contextual qualifiers will always need to be taken into account. In areas of specialist police work, there are benefits to be gained from concentrating expertise in ‘centres of excellence’ as opposed to dispersing it throughout the country. Indeed, the benefits of effectiveness in tackling serious and organised crime and counter-terrorism across a larger geographical scale are already reflected in the existence the National Crime Agency (NCA), the Counter Terrorism Command, and the network of regional organised crime units (ROCUs).

• Legitimacy: when the public expect (or need) a consistent response, it can be helpful to ensure this through national standards or action. Given that confidence in policing is clearly shaped by national (and even international) media and events, policing would often benefit from a single policing voice on key issues

Current approaches to national action are often ad hoc, undermining efficiency and effectiveness

In recognition of the need for national action, there have been several examples of recent national initiatives that have aimed to overcome the limitations or inefficiency of local-only solutions, including:

• Operation Talla, which drove a more coordinated and consistent Covid-19 policing response.

• The Police Uplift Programme, which supported the delivery of the 20,000 officer number increase and developed new pan-policing data sets that allow for more informed workforce planning.

• The National Violence Against Women and Girls (VAWG) strategy and Operation Soteria Bluestone, which is aiming to drive an improved policing response to rape and serious sexual offences.

• The Policing Productivity Review identified model processes that ought to be adopted by all forces where they can show there are more effective and efficient ways of doing things.

• New light-touch support from the College of Policing for forces in (or at risk of entering) HM Inspectorate of Constabulary and Fire & Rescue Services (HMICFRS) ‘Engaged’ status (policing’s equivalent of ‘special measures’).

• A very wide range of activities – ranging from research to guidance to ‘on-the-ground’ projects – led by Chairs of National Police Chiefs’ Council (NPCC) Coordinating Committees (e.g. for Performance Management, or Prevention), often undertaken with minimal dedicated funding or resource ‘borrowed’ from the force of the Chair or Committee members.

Each initiative has been helpful to some extent. Yet it is striking that each such initiative is much like a business ‘start-up’. Funding streams are often ad hoc and insecure. There is no consistency of governance. Teams supporting initiatives are ‘stood up’ and ‘stood down’, meaning there is little scope for learning and continuously improving the model for driving local improvement through national work. In short, there is no standard operating model for national improvement or the running of many ongoing critical national policing capabilities – and each initiative has therefore not been able to operate with optimal efficiency and effectiveness. Matters are not helped by the wider recent trend towards one-year funding settlements.

Nowhere is this gap better demonstrated – or known – than in relation to police technology. The Home Office has set a clear direction of travel for policing: that the NPCC should eventually take over from the Home Office the commissioning and assurance of national technology programmes. However, models of funding, the approach to effective commissioning, the governance of the ever-expanding Police Digital Service (the envisaged main delivery body), and many other issues are still being worked through. Approaches are, again, being developed in isolation – creating a risk that the model created will again add complexity, and not interact neatly with linked areas such as digital forensics, procurement or service improvement initiatives.

In the arena of serious and organised crime, we are also currently building core national capabilities in different places. Fraud data is held separately from money laundering and cybercrime data. The serious and organised crime picture is being assembled in a different place to the counter-terrorism picture. There is a clear need to move over time to joint capabilities, so the system adds up to more than (not less than) the sum of its parts and scarce resource is used to the greatest effect across the system.

London: Police Foundation, 2024. 20p.

By Charlotte Howell, Martin Gill and Janice Goldstraw-White

The aim of the research was to explore the forms of joint working that take place between the security sector and the police, and the barriers that can prevent this work from progressing. The research is based on the views of security professionals from in-house security, security suppliers, other security experts and some individuals working for, or recently retired from the police.

The research sets out different forms of police and private security engagement:

• Crime reduction

• CCTV surveillance/co-operation

• Crime investigation and reporting

• Education and awareness raising

• Facilitating access to a site for police training exercises

• Joint patrolling

• Private security adopting specific policing powers

• Funding police time

• Emergency response

• Public events

• Assisting vulnerable individuals/victims of crime

• Critical infrastructure

Further, the research identifies 6 key opportunities for improving engagement and overcoming barriers:

Understand what the private security sector does now

There is a need to change the flawed assumption that public protection is possible without the private security sector. The spaces protected by private security are places where the public work, live and spend leisure time, largely with minimal police input. Private security also assumes responsibility for protecting critical national infrastructure. There was a view that a better understanding of what private security does, would facilitate greater collaboration.

Stress the similarities

While the police and private security may have different philosophies, the similarities are striking and need to be brought to the fore. Both are committed to reducing crime, gathering intelligence and being visible. Protecting people and places is complex, it is a skilled task which both mostly do well. Both have come under fire at times for poor performance.

Be clear how private security benefits

Our survey of security professionals showed that the vast majority believe collaboration has huge potential and results in better protection of the public and of organisations, and in an increased capacity to respond to crime. Other benefits include that clients view police engagement positively, it increases the knowledge and skills of private security and improves morale; and a good rapport with the police can lead to more activity on site (such as training, presentations, patrols) which is seen as a positive in some contexts.

Be clear how the police (and public) benefits

The private security sector offers resources, expertise, and data/intelligence; it protects people, places, and infrastructure; and it mostly operates in domains the police cannot realistically cover without extensive additional support. All private security work helps policing. There is an opportunity to better tap into this work to enhance efforts to protect the public. All parties benefit from effective collaborative working.

Joint working does not have to be onerous

There are different ways of working together. More formal collaborations can be important but are not always necessary; there is enormous opportunity at the informal levels. Private security acts not only as the ‘eyes and ears’ of the police but as a voice too in sharing key messages about safety and security. Often joint working is not about the police transferring responsibility or granting police powers for security staff.

There is a need for strong leadership (on both sides)

Our survey of security professionals showed that three quarters thought there is a need for strong leadership on joint working, on both sides. Each is difficult to deal with; private security has no identifiable single voice while each police force acts autonomously. The statutory regulation of the security sector does not include police input, and police argue that it is difficult to know who we are dealing with. Concerns can only be solved or ameliorated with good leadership, which is also needed to solve a variety of other very solvable barriers such as: identifying appropriate partners operating at the right level; understanding mutual risks and rewards; providing continuity and consistency; avoiding unnecessary data sharing complications and leading on new ideas and ways of working.

Professor Martin Gill who led the research noted:

‘Our research indicates that security professionals saw significant value in collaborative working with the police, particularly to better protect the public as well as organisations. There were many examples of joint initiatives which were considered beneficial. However, it was also apparent that much potential was untapped; that there is a general lack of joint working and that partnerships often do not achieve their full potential because of common barriers. Further, security professionals consider themselves to be more enthusiastic about collaborative working than they perceive the police to be. The Policing Vision 2030 sets an objective to collaborate more to prevent crime, and this includes with businesses. What is needed now is strong leadership with a strategy to move collaboration forward.’

Tunbridge Wells, UK: Perpetuity Research, 2024. 91p.

By Janice Goldstraw-White, Martin Gill and Mark Button

Levels of economic crime have soared to alarming levels in the last decade. Even with significant underreporting, the volume of offences has placed a strain on police resources and this has served to undermine the ability of law enforcement to respond effectively. Meanwhile, parts of the private and not-for profit sectors dedicate significant resources to combatting economic crime. Banks and insurance companies for example, employ thousands of staff in antifraud roles. This expertise is largely invisible to the police, representing a massive, wasted opportunity. Efforts to harness the work of the private and not-for-profit sectors to assist public policing initiatives to tackle economic crime have been slight, an observation as true for the UK as it is other countries. Much of the focus, where it does exist, appears to centre on data sharing while there are many other initiatives. Indeed, the link between the lack of resources and the potential to harness the work of others is rarely made. How can such a glaring gap exist? The overall aim of this project was to begin to address this question, more specifically:

• To identify the forms of joint efforts taking place that can serve as a reference point to inspire and guide future initiatives;

• To highlight some successful examples of engagement;

• To indicate the factors that are needed to replicate success;

• To lay the foundations for a larger scale study examining the ways in which additional resources from the private and not-for-profit sectors can cost effectively be harnessed to significantly improve the law enforcement response to fraud.

To understand the landscape of organisations working together we employed three key methodologies. First, we mapped the services provided by both private and not-for-profit entities that support (or have the potential to support) law enforcement responses to economic crime. Second, we developed a set of five illustrative case studies to demonstrate diverse forms of engagement. Third, we conducted in-depth interviews with stakeholders involved in various aspects of fraud prevention and enforcement to identify both the potential opportunities and the existing barriers to working together.

The output is designed to provide a resource for law enforcement, counter-fraud leaders and policymakers. Our mapping of existing initiatives will serve as a reference guide, facilitating opportunities to benefit from current provisions and inspiring replication and new ways of working.

Tunbridge Wells, UK: Perpetuity Research and Consultancy International Ltd and CCEC, Portsmouth, UK: University of Portsmouth , 2024. 61p.