By W. E. WOODWARD

For about a hundred and fifty years Tom Paine has been a target for abuse. Much of it has come from ignorance, and the clods of mental dirt that are flung when Paine’s name is mentioned are often cast by people who have never read anything that he wrote, and who know nothing about him except his name, has been called an atheist, a hater of Christ and a man steeped in sin. These lying epithets have become so deeply imbedded in the minds of men and women that they may never be wholly effaced, for popular Eate^like "popular ^steem^—furnishes its own nourishment and grows with the pas- ~sage~bf time.

E.P. Dutton & Company, 1945, 368p.

By George Caitlin

In this book I have endeavoured to provide a guide to political theory intelligible to the common reader, with quotations from the original sources sufficiently extensive to enable him to sample for himself the “taste” and “colour” of these writings. This history of theory has been placed against brief descriptions, as background, of the civilization of the times, as the reader passes down the avenues of thought from age to age. The stress, however, is upon modern times and upon past thought and problems so far as they bear upon the rival philosophies of these times. The scholar will know that I have said nothing new—it is not my intention—but the student will, I hope, find the book sufficiently complete, even if it is a general public for which it is written, which requires some guidance in the adventure of living as citizens in these perilous, as

WHITTLESEY HOUSE, 1939, 819p.

By Massimo Salvadori

This small work was originally published in the United States for the use of undergraduate students. It was taken from lectures which formed part of the course on Modern European History which I gave in 1949-52 at Smith College in Massachusetts. There was no lack of voluminous works on communism ancient or modern, soviet or other. What did lack was a short introduction to the study of contemporary communism for the use of those who, without pretensions of becoming specialists in political science, want to form an adequately clear idea of a movement which at present affects all of humanity in one way or another.

Holt, 1952, 178 pages

By Paul Lewinson

The writer of this study has many indebtednesses to acknowledge for help in its prosecution. The greatest, it is hoped, is in some small measure discharged in the dedication. The study was begun at the London School of Economics. Intensive work was commenced on the 1865-1900 period at the Robert Brookings Graduate School in Washington (not to be confused with the present Brookings Institution), under the guidance of Professor William E. Dodd. A Social Science Research Council fellowship made possible the field trip and the questionnaire on which the last chapters are based. Many persons have given invaluable help on the form of the manuscript: the Faculty of the Brookings School, several Southerners white and Negro, and especially Jean Atherton Flexner, my “best friend and severest critic.” The scores of Southerners, many of them busy persons, who sacrificed time to discuss the local situation with the writer, would in some cases feel ill repaid were their names to be published here. Contacts with them were in many cases established through the cooperation of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and the Urban League; letters of introduction came also from Dr. Abraham Flexner, and from Mr. Will Alexander of the Interracial Cooperation Commission. The clipping files of Tuskegee Institute, a mine of valuable information in charge of Dr. Monroe Work, were opened to the writer.

Oxford University Press, 1932, 304 pages

By Madeline Levine, PhD

In this ground-breaking book on the children of affluence, a well-known clinical psychologist exposes the epidemic of emotional problems that are disabling America’s privileged youth, thanks, in large part, to normalized, intrusive parenting that stunts the crucial development of the self.

In recent years, numerous studies have shown that bright, charming, seemingly confident and socially skilled teenagers from affluent, loving families are experiencing epidemic rates of depression, substance abuse, and anxiety disorders&—rates higher than in any other socioeconomic group of American adolescents. Materialism, pressure to achieve, perfectionism, and disconnection are combining to create a perfect storm that is devastating children of privilege and their parents alike.

Harper Collins, Oct 13, 2009, 256 pages

By William Howard Taft

I came to Yale to assume my duties as Kent Professor of Law near the end of the school year, when it was not practical to add my courses of constitutional law to the then curriculum. It was suggested, therefore, that during the spring term, I prepare and deliver a course of lectures on some questions of modern government. This I did, making my text the preamble of the Constitution of the United States. In explaining the meaning of “We, the people,” used to describe the source of political power, I thought it relevant and important to discuss the proposed changes from our republican form of government to a more direct, democratic government, and this led me to consider the initiative, the referendum and the recall, and also the direct primary, which, while not necessarily involved with the other issues, properly su

Yaxe University Press, 1813, 290p.

By Robert A Dahl

Given a regime in which the opponents of the government cannot openly and legally organize into political parties in , order to oppose the government in free and fair elections, • what conditions favor or impede a transformation into IF ! regime in which they can? That is the question with which \ this book is concerned. j Concepts Since the development of a political system that allows for opposition, rivalry, or competition between a government and its opponents is an important aspect of democratization, this book is necessarily about one aspect of democratization. But the two processes—democratization and the development of public opposition—are not, in my view, identical. A full description of the differences could lead us into a tedious exploration of a semantic bog. To avoid this detour, I hope I may be allowed to indicate rather summarily some of my assumptions without much in the way of defense or elaboration. I assu

New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 1971

By Gilbert E. Roe

The judiciary alone, of all our institutions of government, has enjoyed for many years almost complete freedom from hostile criticism. Until very recently, this branch of our government stood above the legislative and executive departments in popular esteem. Unresponsive, and unresponsible to the public the courts dwelt in almost sacred isolation. Within the last two or three years the public has begun to turn a critical eye upon the work of the judges. The people in their struggle to destroy special privilege and to open the way for human rights through truly representative government, found barrier after barrier placed across the way of progress by the courts. Gradually the judiciary began to loom up as the one formidable obstacle which must be overcome before anything substantial could be accomplished to free the public from the exactions of oppressive monoplies and from the domination of property interests.

B.W. Huebsch, 1912, 253 pages

By Vladimir I . Lenin

A number of writers, would-be Marxists, have this year undertaken a veritable campaign against the philosophy of Marxism. In the course of less than half a year four books devoted mainly and almost exclusively to attacks on dialectical materialism have made their appearance. These include first and foremost Studies irt (?—it would have been more proper to say “against”) the Philosophy of Marxism (St. Petersburg, 1908), a symposium by Bazarov, Bogdanov, Lunacharsky, Berman, Helfond, Yushkevich and Suvorov; Yushkevich’s Materialism and Critical Realism; Berman’s Dialectics in the Light of the Modern Theory of Knowledge and Valentinov’s The Philosophical Constructions of Marxism. All these people could not have been ignorant of the fact that Marx and Engels scores of times termed their philosoph- \ / ical views dialectical materialism. Yet all these people, who, despite the sharp divergence of their political views, are united in their hostility toward dialectical materialism, at the same time claim to be Marxists in philosophy! Engels’ dialectics is “mysticism,” says Berman. Engels’ views have become “antiquated,” remarks Bazarov casually, as though it were a self-evident fact. Materialism thus appears to be refuted by our bold warriors, who proudly allude to the “modern theory of knowledge,” “recent philosophy” (or “recent positivism”), the “philosophy of modern natural science,” or even the “philosophy of natural science of the twentieth century.” Supported by all these supposedly recent doctrines, our destroyers of dialectical materialism proceed fearlessly to downright fideism1 (in the case of Lunacharsky it is most evident, but by no means in his case alone!)

FOREIGN LANGUAGES PUBLISHING HOUSE, LAWRENCE AND WISHART LTD. LONDON, 1950, 393p.

by LOUIS L. SNYDER

Although nationalism has been the prime moving force of European history for the last one hundred years and has become of similar importance in Asia since the end of the First World War, the serious study of its meaning and implications has only recently begun. Yet such a study seems of urgent concern not only for the scholar but also for statesmen and citizens dealing with international relations. For nations—with their drives, emotions, and real or supposed interests—are the chief actors on the stage of present history. Errors of judgment about the persistence and variations of national traditions and character and about the nature of nationalism were responsible, among other factors, for the coming of the wars and the weaknesses of the peace treaties of the twentieth century. In the middle of th

Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: $4-10601, 1954, 220p.

By Michael B. Foster

What is attempted in the following volume is to present to the reader a series of actual excerpts from the writings of the greatest political theorists of the past; selected and arranged so as to show the mutual coherence of various parts of an author’s thought and his historical relation to his predecessors or successors; and accompanied by introductory notes and intervening comments designed to assist the understanding of the meaning and importance of the doctrine quoted. The book does not purport to be a history of political theory, with quotations interspersed to illustrate the history. It is rather a collection of texts, to which I have endeavored to supply a commentary. I have tried rather to render the work of Aristotle, Augustine, and the rest accessible to the student, than to write a book about them; and the main object of this work will have been achieved if it serves not as a substitute for a further study of t

HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY, 1941, 311p.

By Andre Malraux

WTH this translation of Andre Malraux's La Con- dition Humaine the publishers offer to the American public what is already coming to be regarded in the world at large as one of the important novels of our generation. Here at last is the revolutionary novel that has been so long anticipated and so often foreshadowed in contempo- rary literature. To say that Man's Fate is genuinely a novel of revolu- tion is merely to say that its subject is central to our time. There have been many novels of revolution in the last decade, some of which possess high merit. Among them Man's Fate, by virtue of its specific subject, makes a bid for an important place, for it deals with a crucial episode in the Chinese Revolution, which, in the history of world revolution, forms a brilliant and tragic chapter: brilliant because of the will and courage of those who fought in it, tragic because of the mass murders which ended it

The Modern Library New York, 1934, 357p.

By David G. Ritchie

David G. Ritchie’s Natural Rights: A Criticism of Some Political and Ethical Conceptions is a critical examination of the philosophical and political theories surrounding natural rights. Published in the late 19th century, Ritchie’s work challenges the assumptions held by classical liberals and natural law theorists, particularly those who argue for the inherent and immutable nature of rights. Instead, Ritchie approaches the concept of rights from a historical and evolutionary perspective, arguing that rights are not absolute but are instead shaped by social, political, and moral developments over time.

Ritchie’s work remains highly relevant and modern in its rejection of fixed, universal rights and in its emphasis on social evolution, institutions, and collective well-being. However, contemporary discourse has gone further by incorporating intersectionality, global human rights frameworks, and moral imperatives that sometimes challenge his purely historical and pragmatic approach. His work is valuable for its emphasis on the social and historical evolution of rights, but some critics argue that his relativism could justify oppression, that he underestimates moral absolutes, and that he places too much emphasis on legal institutions rather than individual freedoms. Nevertheless, this is a pioneering work that aligns with modern human rights discourse in its recognition of change over time,

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Translated By J. A. K. Thomson

An excellent new translation and commentary. It will serve newcomers as an informative, accessible introduction to the Nicomachean Ethics and to many issues in Aristotle’s philosophy, but also has much to offer advanced scholars. The commentary is noteworthy for its frequent citations of relevant passages from other works in Aristotle’s corpus, which often shed new light on the texts. Reeve’s translation is meticulous: it hits the virtuous mean--accurate and technical, yet readable--between translation’s vicious extremes of faithlessness and indigestibility.

LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS. 1895. 452 pages

By Rabindranath Tagor

Rabindranath Tagore’s Nationalism is a profound and prophetic critique of the nationalist fervor that swept across the world in the early 20th century. First published in 1917, the book is a collection of essays based on Tagore’s lectures in Japan and the United States, where he examined the rise of nationalism and its impact on societies, particularly in the West and in colonial India. As a poet, philosopher, and humanist, Tagore viewed nationalism not merely as a political movement but as a force with the potential to both unite and divide humanity.
Tagore’s Sādhanā is not just a philosophical text—it is a guide for living with awareness, compassion, and harmony. In today’s fast-paced, often disconnected world, his message of spiritual realization, unity, and love remains as vital as ever. Whether through mindfulness, environmental consciousness, or a deeper appreciation of human relationships, *Sādhanā* offers timeless wisdom for navigating the complexities of modern life. Tagore’s vision challenges us to look beyond material success and societal divisions, urging us to embrace a life of inner fulfillment, interconnectedness, and profound respect for all forms of life. By revisiting *Sādhanā* in the context of contemporary challenges, we find a powerful and enduring message that calls us to rediscover the deeper truths of existence and live with greater purpose and harmony.

Read-Me.Org Inc. NY. Phila. Australia. 2025.

Edited by Gemma Blok and Jan Oosterholt  

This volume analyses cultural perceptions of safety and security that have shaped modern European societies. The articles present a wide range of topics, from feelings of unsafety generated by early modern fake news to safety issues related to twentieth-century drug use in public space. The volume demonstrates how ‘safety’ is not just a social or biological condition to pursue but also a historical and cultural construct. In philosophical terms, safety can be interpreted in different ways, referring to security, certainty or trust. What does feeling safe and thinking about a safe society mean to various groups of people over time? The articles in this volume are bound by their joint effort to take a constructionist approach to emotional expressions, artistic representations, literary narratives and political discourses of (un)safety and their impact on modern European society.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2024. 279p.

By Tel Aviv University and the Anti-Defamation League (ADL),

In the aftermath of the October 7 war crimes committed by Hamas, the world has seen the worst wave of antisemitic incidents since the end of the Second World War. This Report is a messenger of bad news. The data collected from law enforcement authorities, governmental agencies, Jewish organizations, and media platforms tell a story of Jewish existence under growing threat. Particularly alarming is that also in the nine months leading to October 2023, in which no exceptional event happened, most countries with significant Jewish populations saw a rise in the number of antisemitic incidents compared to the same period in 2022, including the United States, France, the United Kingdom, Australia, Italy, Brazil, and Mexico. This means that the war in Gaza helped spread a fire that was already out of control. And it was already out of control despite the significant efforts invested in recent years by governments on educational and legal initiatives aimed at reversing the trend. Two years ago, this Report stated that the fight against antisemitism was failing. The data from 2023 show that bad has come to worse. It is time for soul searching. More slogans and more speeches will certainly not do the job. It is equally naïve to think that more budgets will solve everything. There is a need for careful, independent, and transparent studies of the methods applied so far to inform which are effective and which are not, which need to be expanded, and which should be neglected. The obvious must be mentioned: As in the case of any social evil, the test for programs applied against antisemitism is whether they lead to a decline in the phenomenon. The distress and danger Jews currently experience should not be overstated. This is not 1939, let alone 1942, not anywhere. Yet while being attacked or harassed has not been the experience of most Jews outside Israel, the data indicate that if current trends persist and continue to deteriorate, the curtain will descend on the ability of Jewish identities to be manifested with security and freedom in the West. The severe nature of the crisis should be duly recognized by governments and law enforcement agencies. There is no good racism and bad racism, racism that can be ignored and racism that cannot. Racism directed against groups considered socially strong is as destructive as any other form of racism. No society can be truly free and peaceful if its Jews are subjected to intimidation and harassment based on their ethnicity and beliefs. October 7 highlighted how poisonous antisemitism is. While antisemitism does not define the ideology of Hamas, it has been, from its inception, an inseparable part of Hamas’ dehumanization of Jews and its depiction of the war against Israel in ahistorical, essentialist binary religious terms. The reactions to Hamas’ crimes reveal how deep-seated antisemitic narratives have become across the Muslim world. Analyses in this Report demonstrate their spread across Arab societies (p. 47) as well as in Turkey (p. 59) and Iran (p. 73). As a conspiracy theory, the oldest in history, antisemitism is a sickness that blinds those who consume it from seeing the truth for what it is and from respecting the humanity of others. An important lesson to draw from the Gaza war is that peace in the Middle East will not be achieved unless antisemitism is firmly uprooted from Arab societies. Demanding actions to that effect should become fundamental in all future diplomatic processes. Social media is a primary tool in the present-day proliferation of antisemitism. It allows extremist evil-wishers to spread falsehoods, defamations, and conspiracy theories without being held accountable. No significant improvement in the fight against antisemitism will be accomplished unless those who provide platforms for hate speech will be made to apply responsible editorial discretion, including such that hinders the abuse of social media by global agents of chaos. A comprehensive study conducted for the Report on the profiles of the conveyers of antisemitic propaganda on X (formerly Twitter) in English, Arabic,

and German, as well as the contents of their messages (p. 99), highlights the need for more profound and meaningful treatment of the problem. One of the biggest challenges presented by contemporary antisemitism is that it is expressed by the extreme right and the extreme left and that both expressions increasingly encroach on the mainstream. This phenomenon is particularly evident in the United States (p. 35). It makes the choice of allies and priorities more difficult. Being between a rock and a hard place should not lead to despair, though; Jewish communities and organizations need to tirelessly reach out for broader alliances and cooperation with those committed to righteous causes. While antisemitic activists often emphasize their problem is with Israel and not with Jews, some target Jewish individuals, institutions and symbols. There is only one name for such actions. It is tempting to treat the post-October 7 antisemitic wave as an emotional response to the war and the catastrophe it brought on a civilian population which Hamas has been using as human shields. That, however, is simply not the case. Some of the most outrageous antisemitic expressions in the context of the conflict were articulated in the first days following October 7, before Israel had begun its military campaign. Criticizing Israel, including in harsh terms, is not antisemitism. Seeking its elimination as the national home of the Jewish people, including through the false argument that it is an unlawful colonial enterprise, is antisemitic. The historical facts are that the Land of Israel is the ancestral homeland of Jews, where they maintained a continued presence, and where, with the rise of Zionism, they purchased the lands on which they settled and were given the right to a state by an overwhelming majority of the UN General Assembly. Those who believe that all the above does not make Israel in its recognized borders a legitimate state, should realize that unless they come up with a good explanation why their historical-moral criteria apply to Israel only, they will not avoid the label they try to disavow. The rise of populism across the Western world presents the fight against antisemitism with uneasy dilemmas. How should populist leaders, who are philosemites and pro-Israel, be treated if their movements host antisemites, have neo-Nazi pasts, or distort the history of their nations? To what extent can the fight against Jew-hatred be blind to hate directed against other minority groups and remain morally credible? A special section of the Report (p. 77) analyzes the reasons for the ascendance of populism and its potential implications for Jews, with special attention to Germany and the Netherlands. At the beginning of 2023, the Chief Rabbi of Moscow in exile, Pinchas Goldschmidt, warned that Jews should leave Russia before they are scapegoated. These were words of wisdom from a courageous spiritual leader who knows the Russian regime and Russian history well, and who refused to support the failed military aggression and the crimes against humanity committed against Ukraine. Sadly, Rabbi Goldschmidt has not been disproven. During 2023, the Russian dictator Putin and senior members of his regime made blatant antisemitic attacks and continued to engage in Holocaust distortion as part of their broader campaign against the liberal West, liberal values, and human decency. Russia has also supported Hamas in its war against Israel (p. 55). Fascists and Jew-hatred are twains that often meet, especially in times of crisis, and the future risk for Russian Jews should be recognized. Following October 7, antisemitic propaganda also spread in places from which it had been largely absent in the past, including China. In a country like China, the spread of antisemitic content online can hardly occur if the regime objects. China prides itself, and rightly so, for taking part in the rescuing of thousands of Jews in the Holocaust when few others did. That legacy should not be stained. The regime should make a clear stand against antisemitism, as well as call Islamist terrorism by its name. Since October

7, across the Western world, some Jewish parents have been afraid to send their children to school. The sense of security in some Jewish communities has been undermined, including in socially peaceful countries with a passion for human rights, such as Scandinavia (p. 65). In France, home to the largest Jewish population in Europe and the largest in the world outside Israel and the United States, Jewish intellectuals and Rabbis express uncertainty that their children and grandchildren will enjoy the same security, freedom, and sense of belonging they had (p. 27). The troubling developments discussed in this Report call for contemplation – and for action. Four of the global leaders in the fig (continued)

Tel AvivThe Center for the Study of Contemporary European Jewry at Tel Aviv University , The Irwin Cotler Institute at Tel Aviv University , Anti-Defamation League, 2024. 148p.

By Omar Mohammed

This study explores the deep-rooted and evolving nature of antisemitism in the Arabic-speaking world. It traces its historical roots from pre-1948 socio-cultural and religious dynamics, through the impact of Nazi Germany and Soviet-era propaganda, to contemporary times where radical Islamist groups like Hezbollah, Hamas, and ISIS perpetuate antisemitic ideologies. The digital age has amplified the spread of hate speech via social media. Addressing antisemitism is challenging due to widespread denial and lack of Holocaust education in the Arab world. The

study recommends educational reforms, interfaith dialogues, and international collaboration to combat antisemitism and promote tolerance .

Washington, DC: Program on Extremism at George Washington University , 2025. 55p.

By William A. Darity Jr., Raffi E. García, Lauren Russell & Jorge N. Zumaeta

This paper examines the financial health of racial-ethnic groups in Tulsa, Oklahoma, nearly a century after the 1921 Tulsa Massacre. We use data from the Tulsa National Asset Scorecard for Communities of Color (NASCC) survey to assess the financial health of two demographic groups that were historically the victims of racial violence - Native Americans and Black Americans. Specifically, we investigate financial outcomes a century after these groups made significant economic gains during the Tulsa oil boom in the early 1900 s and were subsequently victimized by racial violence. We find that Black households have statistically significantly less wealth and income than Whites in Tulsa. Our decomposition analysis shows household demographic differences between Blacks and Whites largely do not explain these wealth and income gaps, suggestive of historical discrimination. While in the case of the Native American tribes and Whites, the findings generally show no statistical significance. Compared to other NASCC-surveyed cities that did not experience destruction to the level of the Tulsa Massacre, the Black-White wealth and income gaps and the unexplained portion of the decompositions are the largest in Tulsa. Our results provisionally suggest that past exposure to racial violence can have long-term effects on the economic outcomes of the affected groups decades later.

Journal of Family and Economic Issues (2024) 45:256–275

Edited by Ramona Negrón, Jessica den Oudsten, Camilla de Koning, and Karwan Fatah-Black

In this book, a new generation of scholars offers fresh perspectives on the history of the Dutch slave trade. Traditionally, Dutch research has focused on business practices, often overlooking the enslaved and the complexities of illegal trade and violence. By experimenting with innovative methodologies and underutilised primary sources, this volume reveals the potential to uncover perspectives of enslaved people aboard slave ships, to investigate unstudied areas like sexual violence, and to examine the roles of Dutch elite in the trade.

Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2025. 274p.