Every day, as virulent white supremacists make their hatred known, we immediately and rightly call them extremists. We have not been nearly as unequivocal in our condemnation when it comes to men who express violent anger toward and loathing for women.

In fact, these groups warrant a side by side examination. There is a robust symbiosis between misogyny and white supremacy; the two ideologies are powerfully intertwined. While not all misogynists are racists, and not every white supremacist is a misogynist, a deep-seated loathing of women acts as a connective tissue between many white supremacists, especially those in the alt right, and their lesser-known brothers in hate like incels (involuntary celibates), MRAs (Men’s Rights Activists) and PUAs (Pick Up Artists).

This cross-pollination means the largely anonymous outrage of the men’s rights arena acts as a bridge to the white supremacist and anti-Semitic ideology of the alt right. After all, it’s not a huge leap from “women’s quest for equal rights threatens my stature as a man” to “minorities’ and women’s quests for equal rights threaten my stature as a white man.” It also means that to fully comprehend either white supremacy or misogyny, we have to attempt to understand both.

ADL considers misogyny a dangerous and underestimated component of extremism, and this report marks the start of an ongoing effort to investigate the ways in which people in the white supremacist, incel and MRA orbits feed and inform one another’s poisonous hatred of women.

New York: ADL, 2018. 20p.

By The Anti-Defamation League, Center on Extremism

This report examines the extremist and antisemitic trends and incidents in the state of Florida from 2020 to the present.

The past two years have seen a significant increase in extremist related incidents both nationwide and in the state of Florida. These incidents have been driven, in part, by widespread disinformation and conspiracy theories which have animated extremists and fueled antisemitism. The result: unrest and violence, from the January 6 insurrection to white supremacist activity to a spike in hate crimes.

In Florida, new white supremacist groups have formed, including White Lives Matter, Sunshine State Nationalists, NatSoc Florida and Florida Nationalists, while existing neo-Nazi and accelerationist groups have broadened their audience both online and on the ground activities. Other extremist groups such as Oath Keepers and the Proud Boys have shifted their strategies to focus on the local level, disrupting school board meetings and even running for political office.

New York: ADL, 2022. 42p.

By Digital Citizens Alliance

Digital platforms enabled the disturbing rise of domestic extremism, culminating with the January 6 attack on the U.S. Capitol. Militia groups use social media networks to plan operations, recruit new members and spread anti-democracy propaganda, a new Digital Citizens Alliance (Digital Citizens) and Coalition for a Safer Web (CSW) investigation has found.

Taking a page from Jihadists, these extremist groups operate along the fringes of where platforms such as YouTube, Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram will let them. Federal prosecutors investigating the Capitol riot revealed how militia groups used social media platforms to coordinate and prepare for possible conflict with Antifa. But the joint Digital Citizens / CSW investigation found the use of platforms goes well beyond tactical planning. Militias rely on the platforms to share their beliefs and ideology and recruit new members. The militias get a boost from their ideological simpatico with mis/disinformation groups like QAnon, which provides oxygen that militias use to fan the flames.

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  The anti-government militia movement first emerged after the 1992 Ruby Ridge standoff, the 1993 Waco siege, and the Oklahoma City Bombing on April 19, 1995. After Oklahoma City, U.S. law enforcement cracked down on domestic terrorism and the militia movement. In 1996, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC) reported 858 militia groups with up to 50,000 active members. The 9/11 terrorist attacks shifted focus to global threats and led to a dormant period for militias. But domestic extremists such as the Proud Boys, the Boogaloo Bois, the Three Percenters, and the Oath Keepers have reinvigorated the movement – aided in large part by digital platforms. In 2020, according to research by The Washington Post, the number of domestic terrorism incidents in the United States had doubled from what it was in 1995.

Washington, DC: Digital Citizens Alliance, 2021. 56p.

By Lee Bebout

Historically, ideas of whiteness and Americanness have been built on the backs of racialized communities. The legacy of anti-Mexican stereotypes stretches back to the early nineteenth century when Anglo-American settlers first came into regular contact with Mexico and Mexicans. The images of the Mexican Other as lawless, exotic, or non-industrious continue to circulate today within US popular and political culture. Through keen analysis of music, film, literature, and US politics, Whiteness on the Border demonstrates how contemporary representations of Mexicans and Chicano/as are pushed further to foster the idea of whiteness as Americanness.

Illustrating how the ideologies, stories, and images of racial hierarchy align with and support those of fervent US nationalism, Lee Bebout maps the relationship between whiteness and American exceptionalism. He examines how renderings of the Mexican Other have expressed white fear, and formed a besieged solidarity in anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies. Moreover, Whiteness on the Border elucidates how seemingly positive representations of Mexico and Chicano/as are actually used to reinforce investments in white American goodness and obscure systems of racial inequality. Whiteness on the Border pushes readers to consider how the racial logic of the past continues to thrive in the present.

New York: New York University Press, 2016. 288p.

By Evelyn A. Schlatter

During the last third of the twentieth century, white supremacists moved, both literally and in the collective imagination, from midnight rides through Mississippi to broadband-wired cabins in Montana. But while rural Montana may be on the geographical fringe of the country, white supremacist groups were not pushed there, and they are far from “fringe elements” of society, as many Americans would like to believe. Evelyn Schlatter’s startling analysis describes how many of the new white supremacist groups in the West have co-opted the region’s mythology and environment based on longstanding beliefs about American character and Manifest Destiny to shape an organic, home-grown movement. Dissatisfied with the urbanized, culturally progressive coasts, disenfranchised by affirmative action and immigration, white supremacists have found new hope in the old ideal of the West as a land of opportunity waiting to be settled by self-reliant traditional families. Some even envision the region as a potential white homeland. Groups such as Aryan Nations, The Order, and Posse Comitatus use controversial issues such as affirmative action, anti-Semitism, immigration, and religion to create sympathy for their extremist views among mainstream whites―while offering a “solution” in the popular conception of the West as a place of freedom, opportunity, and escape from modern society. Aryan Cowboys exposes the exclusionist message of this “American” ideal, while documenting its dangerous appeal.

Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2006. 268p.

By Philip Lamy

The Oklahoma bombers, the Sons of Gestapo, the Branch Davidians, and the Unabomber are, as Philip Lamy astutely demonstrates, extreme examples of burgeoning strains within society. "Ruby Ridge" and "Waco" have become rallying cries of a growing number of average Americans who feel disenfranchised and forgotten. Members of militia movements and white supremacists, whom Lamy interviewed for this book, have tapped into their reservoir of discontent and are channeling it for their own aims. As Lamy points out, rugged individualists and utopian groups have always dotted the American landscape. What is alarming, however, is the misuse of the Christian apocalypse to promote a religion that fans the flames of hate, preaching the destruction of minorities - including Jews, blacks, and immigrants - in a whirlwind showdown

New York: Springer, 1996. 295p.

By Andrew Brindle

In this book, Andrew Brindle analyzes a corpus of texts taken from a white supremacist web forum which refer to the subject of homosexuality, drawing conclusions about the discourses of extremism and the dissemination of far-right hate speech online. The website from which Brindle’s corpus is drawn, Stormfront, has been described as the most powerful active influence in the White Nationalist movement (Kim 2005). Through a linguistic analysis of the data combining corpus linguistic methodologies and a critical discourse analysis approach, Brindle examines the language used to construct heterosexual, white masculinities, as well as posters’ representations of gay men, racial minorities and other out-groups, and how such groups are associated by the in-group. Brindle applies three types of analysis to the corpus: a corpus-driven approach centered on the study of frequency, keywords, collocation and concordance analyses; a detailed qualitative study of posts from the forum and the threads in which they are located; and a corpus-based approach which combines the corpus linguistic and qualitative analyses. The analysis of the data demonstrates a convergence of reactionary responses to not only women, gay men and lesbians, but also to racial minorities. Brindle’s findings suggest that due to the forum format of the data, topics are discussed and negotiated rather than dictated unilaterally as would be the case in a hierarchical organization. This　research-based study of white supremacist discourse on the Internet facilitates understanding of hate speech and the behavior of extremist groups, with the aim of providing tools to combat elements of extremism and intolerance in society.

Abingdon, Oxon, UK: New York: Routledge, 2016. 236p.

By Randy Borum , David Verhaagen

Highly practical and accessible, this is an indispensable resource for any mental health practitioner working with youth at risk for violent behavior. Presented is a comprehensive framework for evaluating juveniles in the justice system or those whose behavior in school, therapy sessions, or other contexts raises concern about violence. Detailed case examples illustrate the authors' scientifically grounded approach to selecting appropriate instruments, analyzing and communicating assessment results, and designing effective interventions. Special problems addressed include bullying, sexual aggression, firesetting, and homicide. The book also examines the development of aggressive conduct problems and their connections to other emotional and behavioral disorders.

New York: The Guilford Press, 2006. 241p.

By Mason Robert Dowless

This interdisciplinary research uses a mixed-method comparative-historical analysis to investigate the explosion of far-right militia activity during 2020-2021 through the Proud Boys. The Proud Boys are a violent far-right militia that resembles a gang. In every year since the Proud Boys’ founding in 2016, they have increased their activity. Their drastic increase in activity during 2020-2021 was accompanied by a large increase in violent activity. One of the most notorious was their large involvement in the January 6 insurrection. Their actions display their misogyny, racism, homophobia, transphobia, Islamophobia, and anti-Semitism. They openly deny these labels as they work to gain mainstream conservative appeal and legitimacy. Primary, secondary, and tertiary data on Proud Boy activities during both 2016-2019 and 2020-2021 was acquired and analyzed to determine how the unique socio-economic and political climate of 2020- 2021 influenced their growth. Furthermore, the information acquired and conclusions that were drawn were compared to the fall of Weimar Germany in the hopes that American liberal democracy will be able to avert a shift towards illiberalism and/or authoritarianism.

University of Texas, 2022. 93p.

By Samantha Kutner, Bjørn Ihler and C. L. Murray

The Proud Boys are a neo-fascist violent extremist organization with semi-autonomous chapters in America, Canada, Oceania and Europe. Their current organizational structure is built on a strategy common among extremist groups in the United States called “leaderless resistance”; it advocates for small groups to act autonomously while also being “united by a common mission”. In their own words, they claim that each group is autonomous, but all follow a common set of “core tenants”. In addition to their stated ideology, they have co-opted several high-profile issues over the course of their existence: Pro-Trump, anti-Antifa, anti-abortion, anti-indigenous, anti-mask, anti-“grooming”, etc.

For many individuals, the Proud Boys have served as a “gateway” to more violent extremist ideological movements and are often viewed as “a ‘stepping stone’ group to more extremist alt-right [groups].”

In order to better understand the group, and it’s impact in the US we have provided the following visualizations. The visualizations are also key to our report for the January 6th Select Committee on the group, and it’s role in American politics before, during and after the attack on the US Capitol on January 6th 2021.

Khalifa Ihler Institute. 2022. 43p.

By Alejandro Herrero-Olaizola

This book traverses the cultural landscape of Colombia through in-depth analyses of displacement, local and global cultures, human rights abuses, and literary and media production. Through an exploration of the cultural processes that perpetuate the "darker side" of Latin America for global consumption, it investigates the "condition" that has led writers, filmmakers, and artists to embrace (purposefully or not) the incessant violence in Colombian society as the object of their own creative endeavors. In this examination of mass-marketed cultural products such as narco-stories, captivity memoirs, gritty travel narratives, and films, Herrero-Olaizola seeks to offer a hemispheric approach to the role played by Colombia in cultural production across the continent where the illicit drug trade has made significant inroads. To this end, he identifies the "Colombian condition" within the parameters of the global economy while concentrating on the commodification of Latin America’s violence for cultural consumption.

New York: London: Routledge, 2022. 201p.

By The National Crime Agency

The National Crime Agency’s Serious Crime Analysis Section (SCAS) has identified a significant increase in the number of reports to UK police forces about serious sexual assaults carried out by strangers that have been initiated through online dating. Reports indicate that these offences took place during the first face-to-face meeting between the victim and the offender after they initially met online. This emerging threat appears to be a result of the increasing popularity of online dating – including free and subscription services, dating websites, apps and ‘hook up’ services- combined with the behaviours and expectations fostered by an online environment. Early analysis indicates that the online dating phenomenon has produced a new type of sexual offender. These offenders are less likely to have criminal convictions, but instead exploit the ease of access and arm-chair approach to dating websites. This is aided by potential victims not thinking of them as strangers, but someone they have got to know. In many ways, the advent of dating web sites has made finding relationships a more convenient, easier and potentially less daunting affair for many. One in three relationships now start online and 7 million UK users are registered with online dating sites . The Online Dating Association (ODA) predicts that the number of internet dating sites and the number of individuals using them will rise and a similar increase in the use of dating apps and hook up sites is also predicted. In general, these online dating platforms offer relatively safe and positive opportunities for individuals to meet prospective partners. However, the observed increase in offences arising from them is still one that is substantial. Its significance strengthens when considered within the context of the levels of underreporting of rape offences, which is generally accepted at being only 17% of the true figure.

London: National Crime Agency, 2016. 15p.

By Jane Jacobs

A direct and fundamentally optimistic indictment of the short-sightedness and intellectual arrogance that has characterized much of urban planning in this century, The Death and Life of Great American Cities has, since its first publication in 1961, become the standard against which all endeavors in that field are measured. In prose of outstanding immediacy, Jane Jacobs writes about what makes streets safe or unsafe; about what constitutes a neighborhood, and what function it serves within the larger organism of the city; about why some neighborhoods remain impoverished while others regenerate themselves. She writes about the salutary role of funeral parlors and tenement windows, the dangers of too much development money and too little diversity. Compassionate, bracingly indignant, and always keenly detailed, Jane Jacobs's monumental work provides an essential framework for assessing the vitality of all cities.

New York: Random House, 1992. 458p.

By Andy B. Campbell

A gripping investigation into the nation’s most notorious far-right group, revealing how they created a new blueprint for extremism and turned American politics into a blood sport

After the 2016 election, Americans witnessed a frightening trend: the sudden rise of a host of new extremist groups across the country. Emboldened by a new president, they flooded political rallies and built fervent online presences, expanding rapidly until they were a regular sight at everyday demonstrations. Amid the chaos, one group emerged as a leader among the others, with matching outfits, bizarre rituals, and a reputation for violence: the Proud Boys.

Hatchette Books. NY. 2022. 263p.

By Alison Young

What is street art? Who is the street artist? Why is street art a crime?

Since the late 1990s, a distinctive cultural practice has emerged in many cities: street art, involving the placement of uncommissioned artworks in public places. Sometimes regarded as a variant of graffiti, sometimes called a new art movement, its practitioners engage in illicit activities while at the same time the resulting artworks can command high prices at auction and have become collectable aesthetic commodities. Such paradoxical responses show that street art challenges conventional understandings of culture, law, crime and art.

Street Art, Public City: Law, Crime and the Urban Imagination engages with those paradoxes in order to understand how street art reveals new modes of citizenship in the contemporary city. It examines the histories of street art and the motivations of street artists, and the experiences both of making street art and looking at street art in public space. It considers the ways in which street art has become an integral part of the identity of cities such as London, New York, Berlin, and Melbourne, at the same time as street art has become increasingly criminalised. It investigates the implications of street art for conceptions of property and authority, and suggests that street art and the urban imagination can point us towards a different kind of city: the public city.

London; New York: Routledge, 2014. 200p.

By Faiza Patel and Meghan Koushik

Regardless of whether CVE is called Countering Radical Islam or not, the programs initiated under this rubric by the Obama administration — while couched in neutral terms — have, in practice, focused almost exclusively on American Muslim communities. This is despite the fact that empirical data shows that violence from far right movements results in at least as many fatalities in the U.S. as attacks inspired by Al Qaeda or the Islamic State.7 CVE not only stigmatizes Muslim communities as inherently suspect, it also creates serious risks of flagging innocuous activity as pre-terrorism and suppressing religious observance and speech. These flaws are only exacerbated when CVE programs are run by an administration that is overtly hostile towards Muslims, and that includes within its highest ranks individuals known for their frequent and public denunciations of a faith that is practiced by 1.6 billion people around the world.8 CVE has been part of the conversation about counterterrorism for over a decade, but the approach became more prominent in the United States starting in 2011, when the White House issued its “National Strategy for Empowering Local Partners to Prevent Violent Extremism in the United States.” CVE aims to supplement law enforcement counterterrorism tactics such as surveillance, investigations, and prosecutions with a secondary set of prevention measures.

New York: Brennan Center for Justice, 2017. 80p.

By Sukhwant Dhaliwal and Liz Kelly

This is a literature review on what we know about the connections between radicalisation and violence against women and girls. We ran 85 searches of academic databases and used Google Scholar where there was little available through peer reviewed journals. The searches and this literature review focus on religious supremacist formations(otherwise known as fundamentalism) and racial/white supremacists(or Far Right and Alt-Right organisations and ideology). We begin by defining racial and religious supremacism and then discuss gendered approaches to preventing violent extremism. The main part of this literature review is structured according to five common themes: purity and imperialism; intimate partner and family violence; sexual violence; antifeminism; and masculinity.

London: London Metropolitan University, Child and Women Abuse Studies Unit, 2020. 49p.

By Melissa Johnston with Sara Meger

“Linkages between Violent Misogyny and Violent Extremism and Radicalization that Lead to Terrorism” (VERLT) provides concrete recommendations for further research and policy development, aiming to enhance gender-responsive approaches to preventing and countering VERLT in the OSCE area.

The policy brief findings and recommendations, and the gaps and existing good practices in addressing violent misogyny in P/CVERLT policy were discussed by a panel of government, civil society and academic experts.

Furthermore, in a small roundtable held after the launch, technical experts identified concrete recommendations for the OSCE and its participating States on how to mitigate risks related to violent misogyny in VERLT while applying human rights compliant and “Do No Harm” –approaches.

Vienna: Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, 2022. 19p.

By Jorg Kustermans

The Ministerial Committee of 25 March 2005 adopted the Radicalism Action Plan, motivated in part by the fact that several of the men who committed the attacks in Madrid had been radicalized in Belgium. Later that year, the relevance of such policy initiatives was confirmed when Muriel Degauque, a woman from Charleroi in Belgium, committed a suicide attack in Iraq. In Flanders, however, policy-makers only really focused on radicalization as a possible precursor of terrorism when it emerged, in the course of 2013, that a disproportionately high number of young Belgians had left for Syria to fight against the regime of Bashar Al-Assad. This was clearly a cause for concern, only increasing as the configuration of the Syrian conflict changed and it became clear that a large number of the Flemish combatants in Syria had joined the ranks of the Islamic State. …..Municipalities had already expressed discontent earlier about the lack of a Flemish (and federal) radicalization policy. This changed with the advent of a new Government of Flanders in 2014. Minister Liesbeth Homans, who is in charge of coordinating the Flemish radicalization policy, published a concept paper. On 14 January 2015, the Flemish Parliament established a committee to combat violent radicalization, which organised five hearings with experts and organizations with relevant experience. They discussed a wide range of topics and areas of responsibility under the headings of security, education, welfare and diversity. The Committee’s work has meanwhile given rise to a draft Flemish Parliament resolution.

Brussels: Flemish Peace Institute, 2015. 23p

By Martin Ewi, Liesl Louw-Vaudran, Willem Els, Richard Chelin, Yussuf Adam and Elisa Samuel Boerekamp

In 2016, the Global Terrorism Index (GTI) published by the Institute of Economics and Peace ranked Mozambique among the 51 countries in the world most affected by terrorism. Four years later, in 2020, the country had become one of top 15 most affected countries in the world. In Africa, the list includes countries such as Libya, Egypt, Cameroon, Mali, Somalia and Nigeria, which are renowned for terrorism. Mozambique was also rated among the three countries with the largest increases in terrorist deaths from the previous year. In 2021, it moved further up the ladder of notorious countries when the 2022 GTI ranked it 13th of 163 countries surveyed.

How and why did another African country with high potential for economic development and a promising democracy quickly descend into the abyss of instability? Was it a victim of the global franchising of terrorism or the result of deep-rooted internal grievances?

Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2022. 52p.