Tomáš Divia, Indra Oosting, and Gerard Wolters

In this study, we investigated the relation between the different stages of women trafficking (i.e. recruitment, entrance, accommodation, labor, and finance) and the structure of five criminal networks involved in women trafficking in the Netherlands (Ns ranging from 6 to 15). On the one hand, it could be argued that for efficiency and avoidance of being detected by law enforcement agencies, the network structure might align with the different stages, resulting in a cell-structured network with collaboration between actors within rather than across stages. On the other hand, criminal actors might prefer to collaborate and rely on a few others, whom they trust in order to circumvent the lack of formal opportunities to enforce collaboration and agreements, resulting in a core-periphery network with actors also collaborating across stages. Results indicate that three of the five networks were characterized by a core-periphery structure, whereas the two other networks exhibit a mixture of both a cell-structured and core-periphery network. Furthermore, using an Exponential Random Graph Model (ERGM), we found that actors were likely to form ties with each other in the stages of recruitment, accommodation, and exploitation, but not in the stages of transport and finance.

European Journal of CriminologyOnlineFirst, November 28, 2021

By The Mixed Migration Centre and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees

“A Roadmap for Advocacy, Policy Development and Programming: Protection in Mixed Movements along the Central and Western Mediterranean Routes 2021” is an edited volume that presents key recommendations from more than 40 researchers, protection actors, policy-makers and people with a displacement experience from North, West, East and the Horn of Africa as well as Europe and North America, who came together in February 2021 for a Policy Workshop convened by the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and Mixed Migration Centre (MMC). Recommendations are drawn from 25 research papers aimed at informing policy, programming and advocacy. The volume aims to be a roadmap for strategic engagement with different asylum and migration stakeholders at local, national and international levels. It offers concrete ways forward for a number of issue-areas key to the protection of people on the move: the important role of local authorities and community-based approaches to protection, the need for a stronger focus on children and youth on the move, and more sustainable approaches to combatting trafficking in persons, to name a few.

Mixed Migration Centre and United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees : 2021. 132p.

By The Mixed Migration Centre

This study focuses on the protection experiences of Ethiopian nationals, travelling east out of Ethiopia via irregular overland journeys towards Saudi Arabia for labour employment. This so-called Eastern Route has been the major mixed migration route for Ethiopian irregular labour emigration for well over a decade. A limited number of Ethiopians also apply for asylum with UNHCR in Yemen but the vast majority travel on north to the Yemen/Saudi border.

Ravenstone Consult, 2023. 72p.

By R. Evan Ellis

In late June and early July, three separate events highlighted the growing risk that the political, health, economic, and security crisis in Venezuela could come to a head in the coming months, which would have grave consequences for its 6 neighbors in the region. First, two figures affiliated with the regime, Diosdado Cabello and Tarek El-Aissami, tested positive for Covid-19, with the prospect that Nicolás Maduro himself—with whom El-Aissami met—could be next. Second, the Maduro regime excluded three of the four political parties opposing him—Popular Will, Justice First, and Democratic Action—from National Assembly elections to be held in December; it also replaced their leaders with regime loyalists, decisively closing one of the few remaining possibilities for a democratic exit to the political crisis in the country. And finally, a report by the United Nations Commission on Human Rights on illegal mining in Venezuela highlighted the degree to which the national territory is controlled not by Nicolás Maduro or Juan Guaidó, but by criminal organizations. Beyond the greater Caracas area, Venezuela has devolved into a series of criminal fiefdoms bound not by an allegiance to Maduro or Guaidó but rather by a shared interest in the continued absence of effective governance; this enables those with guns to persist in their criminal enterprises, from narcotics and illegal mining to extorting desperate Venezuelans seeking to cross the border or to send remittances to their loved ones. It is difficult to imagine a country with a more intractable array of problems. Cut off from political solutions or other mechanisms to release the mounting pressures of its economic, political, health, and security crises, and amidst increasingly shrill warnings given more rhetoric than meaningful action by the international community, the country is poised to deteriorate into violence and chaos. This is bound to unleash millions of refugees beyond the estimated five million or more who have already left—much to the detriment of Venezuela’s neighbors, as well as the United States, which lies just across the Caribbean.

Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), 2020. 6p.

By Melissa Bull, Ross Coomber, Leah Moyle, Lisa Durnian and Wendy O’Brien

In Australia, threshold quantities of illicit drugs act as an indicator of supply offences in distinguishing traffickers from users. This is problematic because it can be difficult for the courts to discriminate between heavy users or ‘social suppliers’ and ‘dealers proper’. Currently, there is no systematic analysis of how the judiciary in Australia navigate the relationship between different types of supply and the consistency and proportionality of the sentence applied. This analysis maps out how current sentencing practices respond to offenders involved in ‘social supply’ and ‘minimally commercial supply’ who are charged with drug trafficking. It makes recommendations that could inform future drug law reform, including that review is needed of the system of thresholds; that sentencing objectives of general and specific deterrence be reconsidered in cases of social supply and minimally commercial supply; and that consideration be given to expanding the scope of current diversion programs to accommodate the needs of the types of offenders and offending behaviour addressed in this study.

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. 2021. 15p.

AND Sentencing for social supply of illicit drugs in Australia. Report to the Criminology Research Advisory Council. 2021. 97p.

By David Borden

Dangerous Delays is the first published study on the characteristics of cannabis store robberies. The report was motivated by recurring reports of assaults on workers that follow a pattern: Robbers force workers to the back of the store, demanding they open the safe to obtain secured cash. Workers don't always know the combination, and robbers don't always believe them. Dangerous Delays was also motivated by Congress's renewed attention on the SAFE Banking Act this year, and by disagreements among legislators and advocates which delayed SAFE in the Senate last year. Those debates, while focused principally on social equity concerns, saw arguments made that had the effect of casting doubt on the role of cash in driving robberies of cannabis stores, or of the significance of cannabis store robberies as a whole. While SAFE was stalling in the Senate, Washington State's cannabis community was in the grip of an unprecedented surge in armed robberies of cannabis stores. This occurrence, which began in November 2021 and lasted 4 ½ months, saw nearly 100 reported robberies affect roughly 80 cannabis stores, and ended with three people dead. Uncle's Ike's, a Seattle-based cannabis store chain, since 2017 has compiled robbery reports, and some burglary reports, in the "Uncle Ike's i502 Robbery Tracker." This unique resource is what enabled us to carry out the research done for this report. Our analysis confirms that cash dominates as the target for cannabis store robberies. Product also plays an important role, but almost always in combination with cash; whereas cash on its own gets targeted close to 50% of the time, based on the incidents for which we could determine what was targeted. Most burglaries, by contrast, appear to only target product. In light of the pattern of assaults on workers described above, we classified robberies according to whether robbers targeted the back of the store, or limited their attention solely to the front. We also classified robberies according to four observed types of aggression that occur during armed robberies, which go beyond the minimum level of aggression inherent in robbery. Using statistical correlation measures, we found for the time period of the surge that robberies targeting the back of the store involved elevated aggression more often, and exhibited a larger average number of different aggression types, compared with robberies limited to the front of the store. Examination of individual incidents confirmed that in the great majority of cases, back of the store robberies only target the safe. We also found, however, that weapons fire during cannabis store robberies is complex. The two worst shootings during the Washington surge were driven in part by the 5 robbers' pursuit of cash, but also by physical altercations having ensued between robbers and the workers who were shot.

Washington, DC: StoptheDrugWar.org, 2022. 45p.

By Jonathan HL Rees The concept of fairness, often expressed as the requirement that athletes should be able to compete on a ‘level playing field’, is at the heart of elite professional sport. This requirement, in combination with athlete health, is cited as a rationale for the prohibition of doping, but what precisely constitutes doping is contested. The current World Anti-Doping Agency (WADA, the foundation directing global anti-doping efforts) prohibition-based system has been heavily criticised following many prominent regulatory failures, such as the Russian institutionalised doping scandal. This has left faith in antidoping at a particularly low ebb, with key stakeholders such as the athletes voicing concerns about WADA’s approach. Therefore, commentators have advanced suggestions for how the present system may be improved to make it better able to cope with the urgent demands placed upon it. This thesis builds upon such suggestions. In order to advance practical policy proposals, the thesis provides analysis of the concept of doping and how it should be defined and regulated in elite professional sport. It uses political-philosophical, bioethical, sports ethics and legal analysis to critically examine current regulatory structures and instruments. It argues that the existing policies are grounded in a contested ideological position – WADA’s ‘spirit of sport’ – which fails to account for the realities of elite professional sport, and furthermore that the regulations are inconsistent and incoherent on their own terms, leading to arbitrary policy determinations. Therefore, to advance a more appropriate ‘spirit of sport’ which can inform a system of morality and ethics for anti-doping regulation, this thesis draws upon the work of philosopher John Rawls to derive principles for sports governance. These principles are then used to inform practical policy proposals for more ethically and legally defensible anti-doping regulation which is appropriate for the demands of elite professional sport in the twenty-first century.

Bristol, UK: University of Bristol, 2021. 357p.

By Steven Dudley; Parker Asmann; Victoria Dittmar, Cecilia Farfán-Méndez, Michael Lettieri and Marcos Vizcarra 3

Marijuana legalization has expanded greatly across the United States, the primary destination for illicit drugs produced in Mexico. Today, two-thirds of the US population now has legal access to medicinal or recreational marijuana and the DEA says the majority of the marijuana its anti-drug officials seize is produced domestically. This has major implications for Mexico’s organized crime groups, who just 10 years ago were the main suppliers of marijuana to the United States. In the mountains of Sinaloa, long one of the country’s epicenters for marijuana production, a transformation is taking place. As prices have plummeted, small farmers are looking to other crops or leaving farming behind altogether and migrating to major urban centers. But the powerful organized crime groups operating in this region, most notably the Sinaloa Cartel, have adapted and turned to the mass production of synthetic drugs like methamphetamine and fentanyl. Not only that, but they’ve turned inward in an attempt to capitalize on Mexico’s growing -- and almost legal -- domestic market for marijuana.

Washington, DC: InSight Crime, 2022. 30p.

By Public Safety Canada

In the context of cannabis legalization, the Government of Canada introduced legislation to create new offences and provide additional tools to law enforcement to detect and deter drug-impaired driving (DID). Furthermore, to support the implementation of this new legislative framework, the Government invested $161M over five years initially to enhance training of frontline law enforcement officers in how to recognize the signs and symptoms of drug-impaired driving, build law enforcement capacity across the country, provide access to approved drug screening equipment (ADSE), develop policy, bolster research, and raise public awareness about the dangers of drug-impaired driving. An important part of this initiative is to inform Canadians on activities undertaken to address DID and their results. It is the purpose of this annual report. This is the third annual report on trends and patterns in DID. It is produced in cooperation with the provinces and territories, the RCMP, CBSA, and other partner agencies and stakeholders. Whenever possible, it updates data from the 2021 report. However, as in 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic resulted in a significant reduction in planned activities, in particular the training of law enforcement officers. Nevertheless, the report’s findings show that the federal initiative has continued to enhance law enforcement capacity to detect and deter DID. It has also continued to change Canadians’ attitudes towards driving after cannabis use. Furthermore, data from police and border-reported incidents as well as toxicological analyses among injured and fatally injured drivers indicates that the number of incidents involving drivers with drugs in their system, including cannabis, has been constantly increasing since 2008 as a proportion of all impaired driving incidents. Work to improve the completeness and comparability of data has continued in 2021. As a result, more data is now collected on the use and results of standardized field sobriety testing, more data on injured drivers is now available, and data from the use of approved drug screening equipment as well as coroners and medical examiners is also gradually improving.

Ottawa: Public Safety Canada, 2023. 59p.

By the Global Drug Policy Index

For decades, tracking how well - or badly - governments are doing in drug policy has been an elusive endeavour. In no small part, this is because data collection efforts by both governments and the UN have been driven by the outdated and harmful goal of achieving a ‘drug-free society’. The success of drug policies has not been measured against health, development and human rights outcomes, but instead has tended to prioritise indicators such as the numbers of people arrested or imprisoned for drug offences, the amount of drugs seized, or the number of hectares of drug crops eradicated. This wrong-headed focus of drug policy and, as a result, data collection has prevented a genuine analysis of whether drug policies have contributed to overarching policy goals such as achieving gender equality, reducing stigma and discrimination, protecting the rights of Indigenous peoples, or alleviating poverty. Marginalised communities who are disproportionately targeted by drug policies have remained largely invisible, while in many countries punitive drug control measures continue to operate unabated. The net result is that there is a severe dearth of accountability when it comes to the repressive approaches to drug control that most governments continue to employ. In this context, it is my absolute pleasure to welcome the first edition of the Global Drug Policy Index, a new tool which offers the first-ever data-driven global analysis of drug policies and their implementation in a systematic, comprehensive and transparent manner. The Index has been developed by civil society and community organisations, in partnership with academia. The 2 voice and experience of civil society and affected communities is critical for ensuring that policies respond to the needs and realities of people on the ground. In the worrying current context of shrinking civil society space, this civil societyled initiative is to be applauded. The power of the Global Drug Policy Index lies in its key objective: to score and rank how countries are faring in different areas of drug policy as identified in the UN report ‘What we have learned over the last ten years: A summary of knowledge acquired and produced by the UN system on drug-related matters’, 1 and derived from the landmark UN System Common Position on Drugs. 2 Using 75 indicators, the Index covers five dimensions ranging from criminal justice and extreme responses, to health and harm reduction, access to medicines, and development. Importantly, the Index seeks to capture drug policies in their implementation, rather than looking only at what is on paper. Throughout this report, you will hear stories from communities who have been directly affected by drug policies, often with serious and long-lasting effects on their lives and the lives of their loved ones. These powerful testimonies provide the Index with the nuance and real-life experiences that are generally lacking in exclusively data-driven research.

Global Drug Policy Index , 2022. 876p.

By The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime

In the 21st century, so far thousands of criminal assassinations have been committed worldwide. Although all the victims are privately remembered, most are publicly forgotten. This project features the profiles of 50 individuals who lost their lives due to their role as journalists, activists, police officers, community leaders and other work that exposed illegal activity or disrupted the status quo. Through these stories, we can begin to paint a broader picture of the assassinations phenomenon and the wide-ranging impact it has on countries, communities and families.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2020. 232p,

By Nina Kaysser and Ana Paula Oliveira

In July 2021, the assassination of Haitian president Jovenel Moïse made headlines. The media reported that a large number of foreign nationals had been involved in the murder, including 13 suspected Colombian contract killers, but the identity of those who ordered the killing remains unknown and is still the subject of investigation. Although the case received widespread international coverage, employing hitmen to carry out the assassination of prominent figures is not 2 a new phenomenon. All over the world, thousands of people are assassinated yearly, in silence. In many countries, assassinations have become a daily occurrence. Assassinations, or contract killings, are frequently used by criminal networks to achieve their political, economic and criminal interests. They enable criminal actors to maintain control over communities, allowing them to take over lucrative markets or infiltrate public institutions. They are also a way of silencing those who take a stand and threaten to challenge the status quo, or those who investigate and dismantle criminal activities. The negative impacts of this crime are severe, weakening society and the economy, and undermining democratic processes. Despite the harm they cause, assassinations are an understudied topic, and in particular how they link to organized crime. The GI-TOC has developed a unique and novel database on contract killings worldwide. The Global Assassination Monitor, a disaggregated data-collection project that is part of the GI-TOC’s Assassination Witness initiative, records hits and attempted hits. (To be classified as contract killings, the murders need to meet two criteria: they target specific individuals and they involve some form of contract, with the perpetrators receiving a reward for the killing.) The database draws on extensive research of international and national media sources, and the results of this analysis will be presented in the forthcoming report ‘Killing in silence: Monitoring the role of organized crime in contract killings’. The data indicates that assassinations are highly clustered in several ways. They are clustered geographically, with high concentrations in the Americas (accounting for 37% of all recorded cases) closely followed by Asia (which accounted for 33%). Africa accounted for 24% of cases while Europe accounted for only 6%. The data suggests that contract killings tend to flourish in environments where there is a strong presence of organized crime, power struggles, corruption and violence. Assassinations are also found to be deployed to target certain groups, especially activists, community leaders and politicians. And they cluster around specific motives or drivers, often related to political or economic interests. The findings point to the strength of the criminal groups who order these contract killings, and the way in which organized crime is often embedded in political and economic institutions. Despite the COVID-19 pandemic, with its restrictive measures in the form of lockdowns and border closures, contract killings continued unabated in 2020. In fact, the measures taken to contain the virus would appear to have created opportunities for assassinations to increase, at least in some areas. The findings highlighted in this research not only uncover the sheer magnitude of global organized-crime-related assassinations, but also help understand how this criminal phenomenon gravely impacts the social fabric of communities the world over. This initiative provides a first stepping stone in highlighting areas for further research and better responses to this crime, such as investigating links between the illicit firearms trade and how it relates to assassinations, strengthening investigatory and adjudicatory capacities, bolstering corporate responsibility, engaging with civil society and providing protection for activists.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2021. 112p.

By Beatriz Magaloni, Krist´of Gosztonyi, and Sarah Thompson

The monopoly of violence in the hands of the state is conceived as the principal vehicle to generate order. A problem with this vision is that parts of the state and its law enforcement apparatus often become extensions of criminality rather than solutions to it. We argue that one solution to this dilemma is to “opt out from the state.” Using a multimethod strategy combining extensive qualitative research, quasi-experimental statistical analyses, and survey data, the paper demonstrates that indigenous communities in Mexico are better able to escape predatory criminal rule when they are legally allowed to carve a space of autonomy from the state through the institution of “usos y costumbres.” We demonstrate that these municipalities are more immune to violence than similar localities where regular police forces and local judiciaries are in charge of law enforcement and where mayors are elected through multiparty elections rather than customary practices.

Stanford, CA: Stanford University, Department of Political Science, 2021. 44p.

By Kristina Amerhauser ̵and Walter Kemp

As the space for civil society appears to be shrinking in the Western Balkans, with organizations being under pressure from governments and increasingly concerned about their security, this report looks at organized crime and corruption in the region from a civil society perspective. It aims to give an overview of how civil society organizations in the Western Balkans deal with issues related to organized crime and corruption and highlights their main activities and concerns.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Organized Crime, 2021. 33p.