By April K. Lewis; Cindy Nguyen; Carrie Freshour; Cindy Schaeffer; Eric Slade

Findings and methodology are reported for an evaluation of the impact on school safety of a new comprehensive emotional and behavioral health crisis response and prevention (EBH-CRP) intervention implemented in Baltimore County (Maryland) public schools. The EBH-CRP intervention is a comprehensive training, organization, and support protocol for school and community stakeholders intended to increase school and community competence in preventing and responding to student emotional and behavioral health crises. The primary goal of the evaluation was to measure changes in specific school safety and discipline outcomes in intervention schools compared to schools that did not participate in the intervention. Data collection and analysis for the evaluation covered two intervention school years. The impact of the EBH-CRP intervention on stakeholder knowledge and preparedness to address emotional and behavioral health across the continuum was measured by comparing pre-post change in diverse stakeholder perceived knowledge and preparedness to address emotional and behavioral health concerns in intervention schools compared to non-participating schools. Intervention school participants in specific training components also reported on their pre-post change in knowledge, preparedness, and benefits of the EBH-CRP intervention over the project period.

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  Poisson regression models predicted student suspensions, office referrals, bullying reports, and juvenile justice referrals. The evaluation encompassed participant and control middle schools and high schools. A secondary aim of the evaluation was to assess the impact of the EBH-CRP intervention on emotional and behavioral health crisis incidents and service-use outcomes. A cost-benefit analysis assessed the net benefits (dollar benefits minus costs) of the EBH-CRP intervention. Schools that implemented the EBH-CRP model had fewer student suspensions and office referrals in intervention year 2, and they were more often recognizing, assessing, and addressing emotional and behavioral crises among students.

Final Report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2019. 56p.

By Joshua R. Polanin, Dorothy Espelage, Jennifer K. Grotpeter

This is the Final Summary Overview of the methodology and findings of a study with the goal of finding, collecting, and synthesizing all available published and unpublished research reports that quantitatively analyze the longitudinal relationship between a measure of school violence and later mental health, school performance, or crime/delinquency outcomes. The study used state-of-the-art systematic review and meta-analysis methods to assess the variation in the relationships across studies through multiple-meta-regression modeling. These methods included combining effect sizes by estimating a random effects model with robust variance estimation. A total of 131 research reports from 114 independent studies were included in this meta-analysis. The findings indicate that experiences of various types of school violence are related to adverse outcomes in mental health, school performance, and crime/delinquency. This study distinguished the effects that stem from perpetrating school violence from those attributed to being a victim of school violence. The perpetration of school violence was strongly linked to numerous mental health issues, poor academic performance, and involvement in criminal/delinquent behaviors; on the other hand, being a victim of school violence was associated with only adverse mental health outcomes. Thus, strategies to prevent school violence should view student perpetrators of school violence as having mental health needs, being disconnected from school, and being resistant to school policies. Victims of school violence should be viewed as at risk for mental health disorders, including suicidal ideation.

Washington, DC:  U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2020. 30p.

By Moriah Taylor, Jeremy Bilfield, Zoe Livengood, Melissa Sickmund

This study examined factors influencing decisions that lead from a school-based incident to exclusionary discipline, an arrest, and a referral to the juvenile court. Phase 1 involved interviewing groups of key stakeholders including school administrators, district administrators, discipline coordinators, juvenile court judges and other staff, law enforcement officers, Positive Behavior Intervention Support coordinators, and child welfare agencies to understand their approaches to behavior management. For each set of interviews, researchers used the information from the structured interviews to create diagrams outlining the sequence of potential decisions involved in responding to behavior incidents. This report presents the qualitative analysis resulting from Phase 1.

Pittsburgh, PA:  National Center for Juvenile Justice, 2019. 45p. 

By Jillian J. Turanovic, Travis C. Pratt, Teresa C. Kulig and Francis T. Cullen

This is the Final Summary Overview of the methodology and findings of a meta-analysis of empirical literature on school violence to determine the key individual-, school-, and community-level factors that influence violence and related problems (victimization, offending, and aggressive behavior) within primary and secondary (K-12) schools. This study's analyses are based on 8,551 effect sizes identified from 693 studies of school violence. The authors note that this is the largest meta-analysis on this issue conducted in the field of criminal justice and is among the largest compiled in the social sciences. A total of 31 predictors of school violence were assessed at the individual, institutional, and community levels. Separate analyses were conducted in assessing the major predictors of any victimization at school, bullying victimization, violent victimization, any aggressive/delinquent behavior at school, bullying perpetration, violent offending, and bringing a weapon to school. The research reviewed indicates that the strongest and most consistent risk factors for various forms of aggression/delinquency at school are antisocial behaviors, deviant peers, victimization, peer rejection, and antisocial attitudes. The strongest predictors for victimization at school are prior victimization, low social competence, peer rejection, violent school context, and negative school climate. LGBT students and those with disabilities are at higher risk for victimization at school. School target-hardening practices, such as security cameras, metal detectors, and school resource officers or security personnel were not found to have any association with any type of violence or victimization at school. 18 tables, 37 references, and a listing of the studies reviewed.

Final report to the U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2019. 63p.

By Véronique Irwin. Ke Wang and Alexandra Thompson

Report on Indicators of School Crime and Safety: 2021 provides the most recent national indicators on school crime and safety. The information presented in this report serves as a reference for policymakers and practitioners so that they can develop effective programs and policies aimed at violence and school crime prevention. Accurate information about the nature, extent, and scope of the problem being addressed is essential for developing effective programs and policies. This is the 24th edition of Indicators of School Crime and Safety, a joint effort of the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) and the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). This report provides summary statistics to inform the nation about current aspects of crime and safety in schools.

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Education, and Bureau of Justice Statistics, Office of Justice Programs, U.S. Department of Justice, 2022. 39p.

By Jillian J. Turanovic and Sonja E. Siennick

Although school violence is on the decline, it remains a significant concern for the general public, policymakers, and researchers. This report commissioned by the National Institute of Justice (NIJ) takes a comprehensive look at the state of the research on school violence and includes additional discussions about research on serious violence and studies that were funded by NIJ’s Comprehensive School Safety Initiative. It is based on an empirical review of 55 meta-analyses and a supplemental review of the methods and findings of 362 recent research studies. The research found that the strongest predictor of school violence perpetration was delinquent/antisocial behavior. Other strong predictors were attention deficit hyperactivity disorder, child maltreatment, peer rejection, and moral disengagement. The reviews identified several other moderately strong predictors of school violence, including deviant peers, callous unemotional traits, narcissism, exposure to domestic violence, agreeableness (inverse association), prosocial behaviors (inverse association), positive school climate (inverse association), and victimization.

Washington, DC: U.S. National Institute of Justice, 2022. 86p.

By Hunter S. Thompson

California, Labor Day weekend… early, with ocean fog still in the streets, outlaw motorcyclists wearing chains, shades and greasy Levi’s roll out from damp garages, allnight diners and cast-off one-night pads in Frisco, Hollywood, Berdoo and East Oakland, heading for the Monterey peninsula, north of Big Sur… The Menace is loose again, the Hell’s Angels, the hundred-carat headline, running fast and loud on the early morning freeway, low in the saddle, nobody smiles, jamming crazy through traffic and ninety miles an hour down the center stripe, missing by inches… like Genghis Khan on an iron horse, a monster steed with a fiery anus, flat out through the eye of a beer can and up your daughter’s leg with no quarter asked and none given; show the squares some class, give em a whiff of those kicks they’ll never know… Ah, these righteous dudes, they love to screw it on… Little Jesus, the Gimp, Chocolate George, Buzzard, Zorro, Hambone, Clean Cut, Tiny, Terry the Tramp, Frenchy, Mouldy Marvin, Mother Miles, Dirty Ed, Chuck the Duck, Fat Freddy, Filthy Phil, Charger Charley the Child Molester, Crazy Cross, Puff, Magoo, Animal and at least a hundred more… tense for the action, long hair in the wind, beards and bandanas flapping, earrings, armpits, chain whips, swastikas and stripped-down Harleys flashing chrome as traffic on 101 moves over, nervous, to let the formation pass like a burst of dirty thunder.

New York: Ballantine Books, 1966. 186p.

By Hunter S. Thompson

California, Labor Day weekend… early, with ocean fog still in the streets, outlaw motorcyclists wearing chains, shades and greasy Levi’s roll out from damp garages, allnight diners and cast-off one-night pads in Frisco, Hollywood, Berdoo and East Oakland, heading for the Monterey peninsula, north of Big Sur… The Menace is loose again, the Hell’s Angels, the hundred-carat headline, running fast and loud on the early morning freeway, low in the saddle, nobody smiles, jamming crazy through traffic and ninety miles an hour down the center stripe, missing by inches… like Genghis Khan on an iron horse, a monster steed with a fiery anus, flat out through the eye of a beer can and up your daughter’s leg with no quarter asked and none given; show the squares some class, give em a whiff of those kicks they’ll never know… Ah, these righteous dudes, they love to screw it on… Little Jesus, the Gimp, Chocolate George, Buzzard, Zorro, Hambone, Clean Cut, Tiny, Terry the Tramp, Frenchy, Mouldy Marvin, Mother Miles, Dirty Ed, Chuck the Duck, Fat Freddy, Filthy Phil, Charger Charley the Child Molester, Crazy Cross, Puff, Magoo, Animal and at least a hundred more… tense for the action, long hair in the wind, beards and bandanas flapping, earrings, armpits, chain whips, swastikas and stripped-down Harleys flashing chrome as traffic on 101 moves over, nervous, to let the formation pass like a burst of dirty thunder.

New York: Ballantine Books, 1966. 186p.

By Edward Winterhalder and Wil De Clercq

From years of bloody conflict to probationary Bandidos membership, this memoir recalls the life and times of an outlaw biker from Oklahoma and his quest to add to the Bandidos Nation. The Rock Machine, founded by Salvatore Cazzetta, had every intention of standing up against the Hells Angels. Heavily outnumbered, the Rock Machine appealed to the worldwide Bandidos Motorcycle Club, who rivaled the Hells Angels in terms of membership and strength. In January 2000, the Rock Machine ceased to exist and became a probationary Bandidos chapter. Winterhalder was assigned this transition and, at 46 years of age, was considered an elder statesman in the outlaw biker world. He was the founder and former president of the Oklahoma Bandidos and a confirmed biker for 25 years. Furthermore, he possessed a keen knowledge of jurisprudence and was an astute businessman who owned and operated a multi-million dollar construction management company. Starting with the arrest and unsuccessful deportation proceedings, and leading to more intrigue, assassinations, and double-crosses, Winterhalder found his life spiraling further and further out of control.

Toronto: ECW Press, 2008.

By Paul Cherry

The Quebec-chartered “Nomad” chapter of the Hells Angels had two specific goals: to monopolize the Quebec drug trade; and to expand that trade across other parts of Canada. Their war against rival dealer gangs escalated to a boiling point, taking the lives of dozens of gangsters and innocent people as it played itself out openly on Montreal’s streets. Little did the Nomads know that at the height of achieving their goals, they would also be months away from a lengthy police investigation to shut them down. The trials that followed revealed seven years of conflict and murder initiated by Maurice “Mom” Boucher, the man who was at the epicentre of this war. One criminal trial in particular turned out to be one of the longest in Canadian history. It meant convincing a jury to accept the notion that a biker gang works on the same principle as a pirate ship — even the cook knows what their common goal is. The “biker trials” brought out informants on both sides of the conflict, who, for a variety of reasons had turned on the gangs they had previously sworn loyalty to. Their testimonies revealed the arrogance of the Nomads in their pursuit of a monopoly over Quebec’s illegal drug trade. Now, Cherry reveals the inside story of the biker culture and the biker trials.

Toronto: ECW Press, 2005.

By Thomas Barker

Biker Gangs and Organized Crime examines the reported criminal behavior of the entire spectrum of 1% biker clubs and members. It identifies the clubs whose members have been involved in criminal behavior and classifies their behaviors as individual, group, or club- sponsored/condoned behavior. While other books examine the criminal exploits of one or more of what are called the ''Big Five'' biker clubs because of their size and sophistication, or the sensational crimes of lesser known 1% biker clubs or club members, this book pays attention to the criminal activities of individuals, groups and chapters of other clubs as well. The book is based on journalistic accounts and autobiographies of former and present members of biker clubs, academic/scholarly works, law enforcement/government reports, articles from newspapers and biker websites, and a content analysis of federal and state court cases regarding bikers and motorcycle clubs.

Newark, NJ: Matthew Bender & Company, Inc., 2007. 198p.

By Klaus von Lampe and Arjan Blokland

Outlaw motorcycle clubs have spread across the globe. Their members have been associated with serious crime, and law enforcement often perceives them to be a form of organized crime. Outlaw bikers are disproportionately engaged in crime, but the role of the club itself in these crimes remains unclear. Three scenarios describe possible relations between clubs and the crimes of their members. In the “bad apple” scenario, members individually engage in crime; club membership may offer advantages in enabling and facilitating offending. In the “club within a club” scenario, members engage in crimes separate from the club, but because of the number of members involved, including high-ranking members, the club itself appears to be taking part. The club can be said to function as a criminal organization only when the formal organizational chain of command takes part in organization of the crime, lower level members regard senior members’ leadership in the crime as legitimate, and the crime is generally understood as “club business.” All three scenarios may play out simultaneously within one club with regard to different crimes.

Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2020. 58p.

By Ross Coulthart and Duncan McNab

Telling the bloody, insider’s story of the international drug and weapons smuggling operations of the feared Bandidos gang, this chilling tale is the first time that an insider has told the true story of the bike gangs that dominate the drug and illegal weapons trade across the globe. For 10 years, Steve Utah was a Bandidos insider, a trusted confidante of senior bike gang members along the east coast of Australia. He arranged their security, cooked their drugs, and witnessed meetings in which overseas weapons smuggling was planned. Utah loved the wildness of the Bandido life and their contempt for the law, but as he plummeted deeper into the heart of the group, his life started to spiral out of control. He witnessed vicious beatings, helped dump corpses, and saw men executed in front of his eyes. In a desperate attempt to regain control of his life, he resorted to the unthinkable—he rolled over to the federal police and told them all he knew about the Bandidos. This shocking, unflinching, tragic story is his confession, and possibly his dying gasp, for he knows that inevitably the Bandido code will be honored and he will be silenced.

Crows Nest, NSW: Allen & Unwin, 2008. 316p.

By Jerry Langton

You'll never meet the bikers in this book or visit the mythical rust belt city of Springfield. But through the eyes of Ned "Crash" Aiken, you will experience the real world of the outlaw biker gang-a world shaped by desperation, casual brutality and fascinating rites of passage. Biker follows the career trajectory of "Crash" from his days as a small-time high school drug dealer to his rapid rise through the ranks of a biker gang that is rapidly and brutally expanding its territory and criminal connections. Aiken's story relates how an outlaw biker sees his gang from the inside. It is an experience shaped by seamy and ruthless characters waging a never ending battle to establish their supremacy. From drug running and gun sales, to prostitution and allegiances forged by violence, this is a struggle played out within biker gangs the world over. And as the reader discovers in this intense docudrama, this is not the romantic freewheeling beer-fest version of the Hells Angels, but a sleazy existence that draws social outcasts like moths to a flame.

New York: Wiley, 2009. 256p.

By Thomas Barker

This brief covers the unique crime group of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs. Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs are adult criminal associations composed of “bikers” living a deviant lifestyle that includes individual, group, and club criminal behavior. These groups are sometimes called one percenters, due to the American Motorcycle Association statement that ninety-nine percent of motorcyclists are law abiding citizens. While many may be familiar with the reputation of the Hells' Angels, many may not realize the wide network of other Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs or the extent of their involvement in criminal activities. The brief includes a breakdown of the criminal networks and activities of these groups, which operate similarly to an organized crime group. It also covers the evolution of motorcycle clubs to motorcycle gangs. It examines the recent trend of American-based motorcycle gangs into international organized crime activities. This book will be of interest to researcher studying criminology, particularly organized crime and criminal networks, as well as international and comparative law and public policy.

Cham: Springer Nature, 2014. 58p.

By Mark Lauchs, Andy Bain, Peter Bell

Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs are increasingly seen as a threat to communities around the world. They are a visible threat as a recognizable symbol of deviance and violence. This book discusses the social context within which Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs and groups have emerged and the implication of labelling these groups as deviant and outlaw. There is no doubt that members of these clubs have been involved in serious criminal activity and this book explores whether gang and organised crime theory can effectively explain their criminal activities. Importantly, the book also assesses policing and political responses to the clubs' activities. It argues that there is an increasing need for national and international cooperation on the part of law enforcement agencies with various levels of government as well as the private sector. Importantly, the book offers suggestions for the best responses to the crimes committed by members of Outlaw Motorcycle Gangs.

Basingstoke, Hampshire, UK: Palgrave Macmillan, 2015. 113p.

Edited by Tereza Kuldova , Martín Sánchez-Jankowski

This edited collection offers in-depth essays on outlaw motorcycle clubs and street gangs. Written by sociologists, anthropologists and criminologists, it asks the question of how the self-proclaimed ‘outlaws’ integrate into society. While these groups may cultivate a deviant image, these original studies show that we should not let ourselves be deceived by appearances. These ‘outlaws’ are, paradoxically, well integrated into mainstream society. The essays read the relationship of these groups to the media, law enforcement and society through the lens of their strategies of ‘scheming legality’ and ‘resisting criminalization’. These reveal most strikingly how the knowledge of social codes, norms and mechanisms is put to use by these groups. This groundbreaking volume provides answers to previously understudied questions through well-researched case studies drawn from across Europe and the United States.

Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2018. 234p.

By Dennis Rodgers, Robert Muggah, and Chris Stevenson

Violence is on the upswing in Central America, with the region currently exhibiting some of the highest rates of reported criminal violence in Latin America and indeed the world (Moser and McIlwaine, 2004). The recent Global Burden of Armed Violence report estimates the annual global homicide rate to be around 7.6 per 100,000, yet in the Americas the figure exceeds 20 per 100,000, and in Central America it is almost 30 per 100,000 (Geneva Declaration Secretariat, 2008). Not surprisingly, perhaps, homicide is described as one of the primary regional public health issues (WHO, 2008a; Briceño-León, 2005, p. 1629). Many factors have shaped this particular panorama of violence, which is both heterogeneous and dynamic. The World Bank, for example, attributes the rise in Central American violence to ‘a complex set of factors, including rapid urbanization, persistent poverty and inequality, social exclusion, political violence, organized crime, post-conflict cultures, the emergence of illegal drug use and trafficking and authoritarian family structures’ (World Bank, 2008a, p. 3).S

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  The UN Office on Drugs and Crime, for its part, emphasizes the role of geography and weak institutions as aggravating rates of violence; with almost 90 per cent of the United States’ cocaine supply inevitably passing through weak Central American states from Andean production centres, it is little wonder that organized crime violence is deeply entrenched (UNODC, 2008, p. 38). Most of this regional violence tends to be perpetrated and experienced among young men between 15 and 34 years of age.1 These statistics are not necessarily surprising considering that the most prominent aspect of the new landscape of Central American violence is the gang phenomenon. Although gangs have long been a feature of Central American societies, they have come to the fore in the region in an unprecedented manner since the early 1990s.2 Estimates of the total proportion of contemporary regional violence attributable to gangs vary widely—from 10 to 60 per cent3 —as they have been accused of a whole slew of crimes and delinquency, ranging from mugging, theft, and intimidation to rape, assault, and drug dealing. There have even been attempts to link them to revolution and global terrorism. A 2005 US Army War College publication, for example, contends that Central American gangs constitute a ‘new urban insurgency’ that has as ultimate objective ‘to depose or control the governments of targeted countries’ through ‘coups d’street’ (Manwaring, 2005; 2006).4 Along similar lines, Anne Aguilera, head of the Central America office of the International Narcotics and Law Enforcement Affairs branch of the US State Department, asserted in an interview published in the Salvadoran newspaper La Prensa Gráfica on 8 April 2005 that gangs were ‘the greatest problem for national security at this time in Central America’ (Bruneau, 2005). Although gangs are unquestionably a significant contemporary concern in the region, such sensationalist pronouncements suggest that they remain profoundly misunderstood.5 The purpose of this Occasional Paper is to debunk some of these myths and present a balanced assessment of the causes, costs, and interventions relating to Central American gang violence.

Geneva: Small Arms Survey, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, 2009. 44p.

By Michael Lohmuller

This paper examines the relevance of prevailing gang paradigms as it relates to the case of El Salvador. It is particularly concerned with the concept of ‘Third Generation Gangs,’ which holds that Salvadoran street gangs are becoming sophisticated political actors seeking to maintain an international reach, and are increasingly capable of confronting the state. El Salvador is in the midst of a violent upheaval. In 2012, El Salvador’s two main street gangs signed a truce, which was tacitly endorsed and facilitated by the government. However, following the breakdown of the truce, violence in El Salvador has rapidly escalated, with the gangs increasingly targeting security forces. This paper discusses whether this rising violence is indicative of the gangs’ collective maturation process into a ‘Third Generation Gang,’ or, alternatively, if autonomous spasms of violence by individual gang factions as a means of self-preservation are being misinterpreted as a collective maturation process.

Washington, DC: Insight Crime, 2015. 31p;.

By Douglas Farah and kathryn Babineau

The Mara Salvatrucha (MS 13) gang is now a tier one criminal, political, military and economic threat in the Northern Triangle.1 While it employs differing strategies from country to country, the organization nonetheless competes with – and often defeats – the state in important theaters of operation. The evolution was described by one gang expert in El Salvador as moving from “gangsters to political conspirators,” visible in the spikes in gang-driven homicide rates (up to 40 a day when necessary) when the gangs are seeking to pressure the government for concessions on key issues. This study focuses on the MS 13 in Honduras and El Salvador, where it represents an existential threat to the viability of the state. In both countries, the gang has achieved new levels of power and sophistication, via increased revenues from its control of multiple steps in the cocaine supply chain. Now, the MS 13 is not solely involved in transporting cocaine; it also unloads shipments arriving by air from Venezuela and in Honduras runs laboratories that transform coca paste – mostly from Colombia - to hydrochloric acid (HCl).2

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  While Mexico, Venezuela, and Colombia absorb the vast majority of the U.S. attention and resources paid to the Western Hemisphere, the evolution of the MS 13 poses a challenge that could greatly weaken the security of the U.S. southern border. The threat is at least as complex and real as those posed by structures in Mexico and the United States, and far harder to overcome due to the lack of political will and functioning institutions in the Northern Triangle. In order to successfully meet this challenge from the next generation MS 13, the United States and its limited number of reliable allies in the region must adopt a new and different strategy that treats the organization as a fully functional transnational organized crime (TOC) group with increasingly strong political components.

Washington, DC: William J. Perry Center for Hemispheric Defense Studies, 2018. 32p.