MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

By Willam G. Staples

In "The Culture of Surveillance: Discipline and Social Control in the United States," readers are invited to delve into the intricate web of surveillance practices that shape modern American society. From the omnipresence of security cameras to the extensive monitoring of online activities, this book explores how surveillance mechanisms permeate various facets of daily life, influencing individual behavior and societal norms.

Through a critical lens, the author examines the implications of this pervasive culture of surveillance on concepts of privacy, freedom, and social control. By uncovering the mechanisms through which surveillance operates as a form of discipline, the book challenges readers to question the power dynamics at play and reflect on the implications for democracy and individual autonomy.

"The Culture of Surveillance" offers a thought-provoking analysis of how surveillance practices not only monitor but also mold behavior, shedding light on the complex interplay between technology, power, and control in the United States. This timely exploration serves as a valuable resource for anyone interested in understanding the dynamics of contemporary society and the challenges posed by the ever-evolving culture of surveillance.

St. Martin's Press, 1997, 144 pages

United States. Department Of Defense

From the document: "The National Defense Industrial Strategy (NDIS) - the first of its type to be produced by the Department of Defense - provides a path that builds on recent progress while remedying remaining gaps and potential shortfalls. This NDIS recognizes that America's economic security and national security are mutually reinforcing and, ultimately, the nation's military strength depends in part on our overall economic strength. This comprehensive NDIS aims to answer the question: How do we prioritize and optimize defense needs in a competitive landscape undergirded by geopolitical, economic, and technological tensions?"

Washington DC. United States. Department Of Defense . 2023. 80p.

By R. Evan Ellis

With its 128 million people and GDP of $1.26 trillion, Mexico is strongly connected to the United States through geography, commerce, and family. What happens in Mexico directly affects the security and prosperity of the United States, and vice versa. Mexico, not China, is the United States’ largest trading partner, with $614 billion in bilateral commerce in 2019. That interchange is now reinforced by the implementation of the United States-Mexico-Canada-Agreement (USMCA), which feeds and is fed by enormous U.S. investment—$101 billion in 2019, according to the U.S. Department of Commerce. Those commercial ties sustain the presence of 1.5 million U.S. citizens living in Mexico. The performance of the Mexican economy, local conditions, and the effectiveness of its governance thus affect American jobs, investment, security, and lives. Beyond commerce, activities related to illegal drugs—ranging from the movement of cocaine to the production of opioids and synthetics to the distribution of fentanyl (although originating in China)—involve, at least in part, Mexico-based drug gangs and Mexican territory, just as Mexicans are victimized by weapons illegally smuggled into the country from the United States. The United States depends substantially on the efforts by and cooperation with the Mexican military and law enforcement to help combat narcotraffickers and organized crime in all of its forms.

Washington, DC: Center for Strategic and International Studies, 2020. 11p.

By Manuela Brunero, Matthew Burnett Stuart, Olivier Guiryanan, Danielle Hull, Alice Robert

The report Perceptions of climate change and violent extremism: Listening to local communities in Chad has been produced by the United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute (UNICRI) in partnership with SWISSAID. Building upon UNICRI’s previous research it explores the lived experiences of community members and their perceptions on the role climate change and degradation of natural resources have in exacerbating local conflicts, as well as the impact of climate change on violent extremist groups’ recruitment narratives. The research is based on primary data collected through more than 100 in-depth interviews across four provinces of Chad — Hadjer-Lamis, Lac, Logone Occidentale and Mandoul. The report specifically analyses the effects of climate change at two interconnected levels: the direct consequences as experienced on productive activities such as agriculture, herding, and fishing, and the indirect consequences affecting coping mechanisms, social cohesion, and recruitment and propaganda by violent extremist groups. In doing so, this initiative elevates the often unheard voices of those most vulnerable and directly affected by the dual interacting threats of climate change and violent extremism. This report represents a crucial preliminary step in laying the groundwork for further research and for the development of local initiatives to prevent and counter violent extremism that take into consideration overlapping climate and security challenges.

Torino, Italy: United Nations Interregional Crime and Justice Research Institute, 2022. 104p.

By Beka Parsadanishvili, Ana Leladze

Recent events in Georgia - including the acts of violence committed against media representatives in July 2021 at a street rally organised by Georgian far-right groups and the arrest of 5 young people upon charges of joining a terrorist organisation in the Pankisi Gorge on 24 August - indicate that not only is violent extremism actively disseminated in the territory of Georgia, but it also endangers the national security architecture. This research report provides a detailed description of the key characteristics of the jihadist and far-right narratives disseminated in Georgia. It is noteworthy that this document does not study far-left narrative as it has been less violent and fairly infrequent in Georgia. In order to study violent extremist narrative disseminated in the territory of Georgia, semi-structured interviews were conducted with subject-matter experts, content and language of the disseminated narrative were intensively studied through qualitative and quantitative, relevant literature as well as secondary and tertiary data were researched and processed.

Tbilisi: Georgian Centre for Strategy and Development (GCSD),2022. 74p.

By Eden Cole

Commissioned by the Georgian Centre for Strategy and Development (GCSD) as a component of a four-year multi-tier programme on ‘Enhancing the Capacity of Georgia in Preventing Violent Extremism and Radicalization’ funded by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Norway, this Handbook was developed to facilitate Georgia’s ‘Permanent Interagency Commission on Elaboration of the National Counterterrorism Strategy (CNCS)’ Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) policy development and cooperative programming processes. In a field crowded with documentation and narratives on diverse P/CVE approaches, this Handbook’s objective is to focus the audience’s attention on counter-terrorism and P/CVE best practice at international and European levels. At the same time, the Handbook enables practitioners from state institutions to sustain institutional P/CVE knowledge and to develop capacity to address P/CVE issues across Georgian society. The Handbook can also be used for training purposes, as well as by other stakeholders to develop their own capacity to implement projects aimed at understanding and limiting the threat of violent extremism. Beginning with an introduction to the evolution of terrorism over the last fifty years, the Handbook outlines the challenges of terrorism to democratic states, and the legal and policy dimensions of effective counter-terrorism and extremism prevention. The Handbook then addresses specific thematic issues, including institutional frameworks for P/CVE, cooperation between state and society, radicalization prevention, the return of foreign terrorist fighters and their families, and broader counter-terrorism and P/CVE communication challenges. Placing an emphasis on developing original material and incorporating a variety of relevant and easily accessible best practice materials, the aim across all seven chapters is to ensure that a ‘Whole-of-Society’ approach to P/CVE issues is emphasised in a user-friendly format. Against the background of fifty years of terrorism, democratic societies are still exposed to a variety of risks posed by local and strategic terrorism. Although waves of terrorism occur in peaks and troughs, as contested and ungoverned spaces continue to harbour often well-funded and supplied terrorist and insurgent groups, social and technological developments compound the significant risks posed by even small terrorist movements and cells.

Tbilisi: Georgian Centre for Strategy and Development (GCSD), 2019. 77p.

By Mitchell D. Silber; Arvin Bhatt

This report instructs policymakers and law enforcement officials, both in Washington and throughout the Nation, regarding the threat of and countermeasures for U.S. residents/citizens becoming radical jihadists intent on committing violent attacks in the United States.

In order to test whether the same framework for understanding the radicalization of individuals into jihadists abroad applies within the United States, the authors of this paper analyzed three post-9/11 U.S. "homegrown" terrorism cases and two cases based in New York City. The study found that although Al-Qaeda and its jihadist radicalism have provided the inspiration and ideology for some terrorist activity of U.S. residents, the direct command and control of these "homegrown" terrorists by al-Qaeda has been the exception. Regardless of where and with whom radicalization occurs, this study identified four stages of the radicalization process, each with its distinct set of indicators. The four stages are pre-radicalization, self-identification, indoctrination, and "jihadization." In the pre-radicalization stage, the majority of the individuals who become radicalized have lived ordinary lives without any criminal history. Self-identification is the phase in which individuals, influenced by both internal and external factors, begin to explore Salafi Islam, which gradually draws them away from their old identity as they bond with like-minded individuals. This reinforces their new identity as a follower of Salafi Islam. Indoctrination is the phase in which an individual progressively intensifies his/her beliefs. "Jihadization" is the phase in which members of a cell commit to their primary duty to be "holy warriors" against all viewed as enemies of Salafi Islam. Considering the sequencing of these behaviors and the need to identify those entering this process at the earliest possible stage, this makes intelligence the critical tool in thwarting an attack or preventing the planning of attacks.

New York: New York City Police Department, 2007. 90p.

By Dean Wilson, Jen Rose and Emma Colvin

Young people’sright to access public space safely and without discrimination has been an ongoing focus of YACVic’s advocacy work over the years. Young people are still typically viewed with suspicion when ‘hanging-out’ in public spaces. Unfortunately, in spite of the introduction of the Victorian Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities, policy and laws are still developed that seriously breach young people’s rights, particularly when it comes to the regulation of public space. It is for this reason that YACVic was very happy to partner with Monash University to explore in more detail the experiences of young people with surveillance in public. Young people who are experiencing homelessness or other forms of social disadvantage or marginalisation experience breaches of several of their human rights. Their right to housing, as described by Article 25 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, is breached. Theymay well be denied their right to education as a consequence of the strain homelessness places on their lives. Their right to safety is regularly compromised by virtue of not having access to safe, private spaces. Further breaches of their right to safely access public spaces free from harassment and discrimination simply compounds their disadvantage and exacerbates their vulnerability. We have a responsibility to develop policy that does not serve to further marginalize young people who are already highly vulnerable.

Melbourne, AUS: Youth Affairs Council of Victoria and the School of Political and Social Inquiry, Monash University, 2010. 57p.

Under the Convention, Parties undertake to co-operate between them and encourages similar co-operation between public authorities and independent sports organisations to prevent violence and control the problem of violence and misbehaviour by spectators at sports events. To this end, it sets out a number of measures, namely: close co-operation between police forces involved; prosecution of offenders and application of appropriate penalties; strict control of ticket sales; restrictions on the sale of alcoholic drinks; appropriate design and physical fabric of stadia to prevent violence and allow effective crowd control and crowd safety. A Standing Committee established by the Convention is empowered to make recommendations to the Parties concerning measures to be taken.

European Treaty Services No.120. Strasbourg. 1985. 7p.

Edited by Anastassia Tsoukala, Geoff Pearson, Peter T.M. Coenen

This book brings together a number of perspectives on how different European states have responded to the phenomenon of football crowd disorder and violence, or “hooliganism”. It applies a comparative legal approach, with a particular focus on civil and human rights, to analyze domestic legislation, policing and judicial responses to the problem of “football hooliganism” in Europe. Academics and legal professionals from eight different European countries introduce and analyze the different approaches and draw together common themes and problems from their various jurisdictions. They offer insights into the interactions between (domestic) politicians, law enforcers and sports authorities.

The Hague: Asser Press, 2016. 181p.

By Steve Fosdick and Peter Marsh

This book provides a highly readable introduction to the phenomenon of football hooliganism, ideal for students taking courses around this subject as well as those having a professional interest in the subject, such as the police and those responsible for stadium safety and management. For anybody else wanting to learn more about one of society's most intractable problems, this book is the place to start. Unlike<span class='showMoreLessContentElement' style='display: none;'> other books on this subject it is not wedded to a single theoretical perspective but is concerned rather to provide a critical overview of football hooliganism, discussing the various approaches to the subject. Three fallacies provide themes which run through the book: the notion that football hooliganism is new; that it is a uniquely football problem; and that it is predominantly an English phenomenon. The book examines the history of football-related violence, the problems in defining the nature of football hooliganism, the data available on the extent of football hooliganism, provides a detailed review of the various theories about who hooligans are and why they behave as they do, and an analysis of policing and social policy in relation to tackling football hooliganism.

London; Willan, 2005. 232p.

By Great Britain. Ministry of Housing and Local Government. Working Party on Crowd Behaviour at Football Matches; J. Lang

In May 1968 the Football authorities, at your instigation, organised a WorkingParty, under my Chairmanship, to examine the problems associated with football crowd behaviour, in the hope that it would be possible to offer advice and guid-ance to football clubs and other interested parties which might lead to someimprovement. The Working Party was dealing with a subject which has been discussed almostad nauseam during recent years. Not unexpectedly the Working Party has notfound a single simple solution for a problem which is often due to a combinationof factors, which is liable to arise on any occasion when large crowds assemble,especially if the circumstances are exciting, and which is a form of social malaisenot at all unusual in the state of relaxed discipline which is a feature of modernsociety. Probably the three most important of the findings of the Working Party are: (1) Maximum co-operation between a football club and the police. (2) Absolute acceptance of the decision of the referee by everybody. (3) The provision of seats in place of standing accommodation for spectators.

London: HMSO, 1969. 18p.

By Giovanni Carnibella, Anne Fox, Kate Fox Joe McCann, James Marsh, Peter Marsh

The report contains an up-to-date review of research and theoretical approaches to football violence in Europe. The historical development of the problems in various countries is outlined. Specific attention is given to the role of the media, the emergence of overt racism at football matches and the alleged influence of alcohol consumption on violent behaviour. The content of each section of the report is summarised below. ES.2 History The game of football has been associated with violence since its beginnings in 13th century England. Medieval football matches involved hundreds of players, and were essentially pitched battles between the young men of rival villages and towns - often used as opportunities to settle old feuds, personal arguments and land disputes. Forms of ‘folk-football’ existed in other European countries (such as the German Knappen and Florentine calcio in costume), but the roots of modern football are in these violent English rituals. The much more disciplined game introduced to continental Europe in 1900s was the reformed pastime of the British aristocracy. Other European countries adopted this form of the game, associated with Victorian values of fair-play and retrained enthusiasm. Only two periods in British history have been relatively free of football-related violence: the inter-war years and the decade following the Second World War. The behaviour now known as ‘football hooliganism’ originated in England in the early 1960s, and has been linked with the televising of matches (and of pitch-invasions, riots etc.) and with the ‘reclaiming’ of the game by the working classes. In other European countries, similar patterns of behaviour emerged about 10 years later, in the early 1970s. Some researchers argue that a similar ‘proletarianisation’ of the game was involved, but there is little consensus on this issue, and much disagreement on the extent to which continental youth were influenced by British hooligans

Oxford, UK: Social Issues Research Centre, 1996. 168p.

By Schultze-Kraft, Markus.

Following on from the World Bank’s World Development Report 2011 on conflict, security and development, a debate has emerged about the role of so-called ‘external stresses’ in generating ‘new’ forms of violence and insecurity in poor and fragile countries.

The Bank posits that the combination of internal stresses (e.g. low income levels, high youth unemployment) and external stresses (e.g. cross-border conflict spillovers, illicit drug trafficking) heightens the risk of different forms of violence, which are not confined to inter-state and civil war but range from communal conflicts to criminal violence and terrorism.

Brighton, UK: Institute of Development Studies, 2013. 15p.