By Alexander Meleagrou-Hitchens and Moustafa Ayad

In May 2019, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) issued an intelligence bulletin which included one of the first official acknowledgments of what they and other similar agencies in the West identified as an emerging violent extremist threat.  It warned that “anti-government, identity-based, and fringe political conspiracy theories” were playing an increasing role in motivating domestic extremists to commit criminal, sometimes violent, acts. Since then, officials have also noted the emergence of individuals acting on the basis of “salad bar ideology” extremism, a term used in 2020 by FBI Director Christopher Wray to describe the nature of some of the recent violent extremist threats. Their ideologies, according to Director Wray, “are kind of a jumble…a mixture of ideologies that don’t fit together.”  He went on to say that some extremists “take a mish mash of different kinds of ideologies often that don’t fit coherently together, and sometimes are even in tension with each other, and mix them together with some kind of personal grievance,” to justify their attack. Director Wray concluded that “it’s more about the violence than it is about the ideology.”

Washington, DC: George Washington University, Program on Extremism, 2023. 39p.

By Arie Perliger, Catherine Stevens, and Eviane Leidig

Despite the growing complexity of the online misogynist landscape and important efforts to study some misogynist groups through singular case studies, scholars have a limited understanding of the distinctions between the various relevant misogynist communities in terms of their rhetorical, operational, and social facets. The current research aims to address this gap by employing a multi-layered analytical framework of different misogynist communities. We begin with a comprehensive literature review conceptualising extreme misogyny with an overview of the current misogynist spaces and ideological narratives. Consequently, we sample the online ecosystem of extreme misogyny both within and across these communities while utilising a multi-categorical tool in order to identify the discursive, organisational, and operational distinctions between various misogynist communities. Our findings reflect substantial differences between the various misogynist communities in terms of their legitimacy to violence, the conceptualisation of their adversaries, ideological vision’s time orientation, and overall operational discourse.The 

The Hague: International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT), 2023. 36p

By Robert Nozick

In this brilliant and widely acclaimed book, winner of the 1975 National Book Award, Robert Nozick challenges the most commonly held political and social positions of our age—liberal, socialist, and conservative.

[“Nozick’s] faculties of reasoning and imagination are rare; his learning is enormous and interconnected. . . . His ability to surround a subject, to anticipate objection, to see through weakness and pretense, to extract all the im­plications of a contention, to ask a huge number of rele­vant questions about a seemingly settled matter, to en­large into full significance what has only been sketched by others, is amazing.”           —George Kateb. The American Scholar

“No contemporary philosopher possesses a more imagina­tive mind, broader interests, or greater dialectical abilities than Robert Nozick.”        —Harper’s

“A brilliant and important book, bound to contribute no­tably both to theory and, in time, to the good of society.”—W. V. Quine. Harvard University

NY. Basic Books. 1974. 376p. CONTAINS MARK-UP

By Mitchell D. Silber; Arvin Bhatt

This report instructs policymakers and law enforcement officials, both in Washington and throughout the Nation, regarding the threat of and countermeasures for U.S. residents/citizens becoming radical jihadists intent on committing violent attacks in the United States.

In order to test whether the same framework for understanding the radicalization of individuals into jihadists abroad applies within the United States, the authors of this paper analyzed three post-9/11 U.S. "homegrown" terrorism cases and two cases based in New York City. The study found that although Al-Qaeda and its jihadist radicalism have provided the inspiration and ideology for some terrorist activity of U.S. residents, the direct command and control of these "homegrown" terrorists by al-Qaeda has been the exception. Regardless of where and with whom radicalization occurs, this study identified four stages of the radicalization process, each with its distinct set of indicators. The four stages are pre-radicalization, self-identification, indoctrination, and "jihadization." In the pre-radicalization stage, the majority of the individuals who become radicalized have lived ordinary lives without any criminal history. Self-identification is the phase in which individuals, influenced by both internal and external factors, begin to explore Salafi Islam, which gradually draws them away from their old identity as they bond with like-minded individuals. This reinforces their new identity as a follower of Salafi Islam. Indoctrination is the phase in which an individual progressively intensifies his/her beliefs. "Jihadization" is the phase in which members of a cell commit to their primary duty to be "holy warriors" against all viewed as enemies of Salafi Islam. Considering the sequencing of these behaviors and the need to identify those entering this process at the earliest possible stage, this makes intelligence the critical tool in thwarting an attack or preventing the planning of attacks.

New York: New York City Police Department, 2007. 90p.

By Alex P. Schmid

In this Research Paper, Research Fellow Dr. Alex P. Schmid seeks to clarify some conceptual issues that tend to obscure the debate about how best to counter violent extremism. The main focus of this Research Paper is on obtaining a clearer understanding of what “Islamist extremism” entails in the context of the ongoing debate on allegedly “acceptable” non-violent extremists and “unacceptable” violent extremists. The author discusses a number of conceptualisations of religious extremism in the context of liberal democracies and also distinguishes, inter alia, between merely “not (yet) violent” militancy and principled non-violent political activism in the Gandhian tradition. The author argues that the distinction between “non-violent extremism” and “violent extremism” is not a valid one. The paper provides a set of twenty indicators of extremism that can be used as an instrument for monitoring extremist statements and actions, with an eye to challenging and countering such non-democratic manifestations.

The Hague: The International Centre for Counter-Terrorism, 2014. 31p.

Edited by Serafettin Pektas, and Johan Leman.

Jihadist militants keep being a global threat. Many observers suggest that a transformation is likely to happen in their organisation, operation, mobilisation, and recruitment strategies, particularly after the territorial decline of the “Caliphate” of the “Islamic State.” This volume explores different aspects of the future trajectories of militant jihadism and the prospective transformation of this movement in and around Europe. The authors analyse the changing jihadist landscape and networks, and the societal challenges posed by both returned foreign terrorist fighters and those who have not returned to their countries of origin. Other topics of discussion are cyber jihadism, jihadist financing, women's position in and relevance for contemporary jihadism, the role of prisons in relation to radicalisation and militancy, and the changing theological dynamics. Based on recent empirical research, Militant Jihadism offers a solid scholarly contribution to various disciplines that study violence, terrorism, security, and extremism.

Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2019. 233p.

By Cas Mudde.

Though the extreme right was not particularly successful in the 1999 European elections, it continues to be a major factor in the politics of Western Europe. This book, newly available in paperback, provides a comprehensive and detailed analysis of the extreme right in the Netherlands (Centrumdemocraten, Centrumpartij'86), Belgium (Vlaams Blok) and Germany (Die Republikaner, Deutsche Volksunion). On the basis of original research - using party literature - the author concludes that though individual parties might stress different issues, the extreme right party family does share a core ideology of nationalism, xenophobia, welfare chauvinism, and law and order. The author's research and conclusions clearly have broader implications for the study of the extreme right phenomenon and party ideology in general, and the book should be of interest to anyone studying or researching in the areas of European politics, political ideologies, political parties, extremism, racism or nationalism.

Manchester, UK; New York: Manchester University Press, 2020. 225p.