By Cynthia Lum, Charles Wellford, Thomas Scott, Heather Vovak, Jacqueline A. Scherer and Michael Goodier

This eight-agency case study analyzes the characteristics of four high-and four low-performing police agencies, as measured by their long-term crime clearance rates. High and low performers were identified through a systematic assessment of 30 years of clearance rates of robberies, aggravated assaults, burglaries, and homicides for the largest 100 police departments in the United States. Researchers then conducted in-depth case studies of eight of these agencies—four of the highest and four of the lowest ranking in terms of their investigative practices. Comparisons of high-and low-performing agencies reveal differences in organizational structure; leadership and resources; selection, training, and performance review for investigators; case assignment and investigative processes; and community interactions. These findings provide direct guidance to agencies seeking to strengthen their investigative organization and practices.

Police QuarterlyVolume 27, Issue 2, June 2024, Pages 135-157

By Sally M. Evans, Bethany A. Jones, Daragh T. McDermott

Literature regarding trans and gender diverse (TGD) prisoners’ experiences of prison custody is limited. Reviewing international literature enables a better understanding of these experiences and how effectively TGD policies are implemented. This systematic review employed PRISMA and ENTREQ guidelines to enhance transparency in reporting the synthesis of qualitative and mixed-methods research. Seventeen papers were included and through meta-ethnographic synthesis three overarching themes emerged: structural, interpersonal and intrapersonal. Recommendations include reducing reliance on survival strategies by TGD prisoners through implementation of policies which meet TGD prisoners’ needs and to enabling better informed decision making regarding housing. Further research into lived experiences would allow for a better understanding of what currently works, how services could be improved, and identify potential training needs.

The Howard Journal of Crime and Justice

Early View, June 2024. 

By Moutasem A. Zakkar,Se Lim Jang,Fariba Kolahdooz,Sarah Deck,Christina Gillies,Adrian Wagg,Sangita Sharma

Interactions with the police can impact an individual’s short and long-term physical, mental, and social wellbeing, as well as levels of violence and unrest within a community. As such, this study aimed to explore experiences with the police among individuals experiencing socioeconomic disadvantages in Edmonton, Canada. For this qualitative study, participants (n = 39) were recruited from an emergency shelter for women, a drop-in community organization supporting individuals experiencing socioeconomic disadvantages, and a centre providing settlement support for newcomers to Canada. During the recruitment process, the research information sheet, including the scope and goals of the study, was presented, and participants who had any experience with the police were recruited. Each participant joined one of seven focus groups, during which experiences with the police were discussed; data from the focus groups were analyzed utilizing thematic analysis. Factors that contributed to satisfactory experiences with the police included the police demonstrating responsiveness and compassion, as well as an individual’s understanding of police work. Factors that contributed to unsatisfactory experiences included the experiences of discrimination, stigmatization, and disrespect during interactions with the police. Participants suggested that community-police relationships could be improved by police being less judgemental and suspicious in their approach, undergoing regular training in sociocultural sensitivity, and being more open in their communication and community outreach. Overall, adopting a less discriminatory and more empathetic approach within a police force is essential for creating and maintaining a positive community-police relationship. By considering the socioeconomic context of people’s behaviours and actions, police can better support the health and wellbeing of individuals and communities.

PLOS Global Public Health, June 2024.

By Adam Rowh; Marissa Zwald; Katherine Fowler,  Shane Jack,  Carlos Siordia, Josh Walters

Firearm-related deaths and injuries have increased in recent years. Comprehensive and timely information on firearm injuries and the communities and geographic locations most affected by firearm violence is crucial for guiding prevention activities. However, traditional surveillance systems for firearm injury, which are mostly based on hospital encounters and mortality-related data, often lack information on the location where the shooting occurred. This study examined annual and monthly rates of emergency medical services (EMS) encounters for firearm injury per 100,000 total EMS encounters during January 2019–September 2023 in 858 counties in 27 states, by patient characteristics and characteristics of the counties where the injuries occurred. Overall, annual rates of firearm injury EMS encounters per 100,000 total EMS encounters ranged from 222.7 in 2019 to 294.9 in 2020; rates remained above prepandemic levels through 2023. Rates were consistently higher among males than females. Rates stratified by race and ethnicity were highest among non-Hispanic Black or African American persons; rates stratified by age group were highest among persons aged 15–24 years. The greatest percentage increases in annual rates occurred in urban counties and in counties with higher prevalence of severe housing problems, higher income inequality ratios, and higher rates of unemployment. States and communities can use the timely and location-specific data in EMS records to develop and implement comprehensive firearm injury prevention strategies to address the economic, social, and physical conditions that contribute to the risk for violence, including improvements to physical environments, secure firearm storage, and strengthened social and economic supports.

  Morbidity and Mortality Weekly Report, June 20, 2024 / 73(24);551–557

By MEGAN T. STEVENSON

This Article is built around a central empirical claim: most reforms and interventions in the criminal legal space are shown to have little lasting effect when evaluated with gold standard methods. While this might be disappointing from the perspective of someone hoping to learn what levers to pull to achieve change, I argue that this teaches us something valuable about the structure of the social world. When it comes to the type of limited-scope interventions that lend themselves to high-quality evaluation, social change is hard to engineer. Stabilizing forces push people back toward the path they would have been on absent the intervention. Cascades—small interventions that lead to large and lasting changes—are rare. And causal processes are complex and context dependent, meaning that a success achieved in one setting may not port well to another. This has a variety of implications. It suggests that a dominant perspective on social change—one that forms a pervasive background for academic research and policymaking—is at least partially a myth. Understanding this shifts how we should think about social change and raises important questions about the process of knowledge generation. 

Boston University Law Review,  [Vol. 103:2001) 2023.

By Susanne Dell and Graham Robertson

Summary of main points

•The Maudsley Monographs are a series of publications that report on work carriedout in the Institute of Psychiatry and the associated Hospital.

•The monographs cover both clinical problems and scientific fields relevant topsychiatry.

•This particular monograph focuses on offenders in Broadmoor Hospital.

•The authors of the monograph are Susanne Dell and Graham Robertson.

•The monograph includes references to various studies and publications related toforensic psychiatryand the treatment of offenders.

•The authors express gratitude to Dr. Paul Bowden, Dr. Adrian Grounds, and othersfor their input and assistance in the preparation of the monograph.

Oxford University Press, 1988, 170 pages

By Amnesty International

This document is a report published by Amnesty International in 1983. It discusses political killings by governments and provides information on responsibility, official cover-up, disappearances, and mass liquidation. It also includes case studies on political killings in Guatemala, Indonesia, Kampuchea, Uganda, Argentina, India, and Libya. There port examines international legal standards and remedies for extrajudicial executions and highlights the work of the International Conference on ExtrajudicialExecutions. It concludes with a list of participants and appendices containing resolutions and statements related to the prevention of crime and the treatment of offenders.

Amnesty International Publications, 1983 - 131 pagine

By Jody Armour

"Ngga Theory: Language, Unequal Justice, and the Law" by Jody Armour is a thought-provoking exploration of how language shapes perceptions within the criminal justice system. Armour delves into the complexities surrounding the use of the word "ngga" and its implications on issues of race, equality, and justice. This book challenges readers to confront uncomfortable truths about the ways in which language can perpetuate systemic inequalities in our society. With sharp analysis and compelling arguments, Armour prompts readers to reconsider the power dynamics at play in our legal system and broader social discourse. "N*gga Theory" is a timely and essential read for anyone seeking a deeper understanding of the intersection of language, race, and justice in America.

Los Angeles Review of Books, 2020, 224 pages

By Pamela Scully

The document provides a comprehensive examination of the social history ofAfrica, focusing on the impact of British slave emancipation in the ruralWestern Cape, South Africa, between 1823-1853. Here are the key insights:

Family and Slavery: It explores how familial relationships andboundaries were shaped and constrained under Cape slavery.

Apprenticeship Struggles: The document discusses the apprenticeshipperiod post-slavery, highlighting the conflicts over child labor and familyautonomy.

Post-Emancipation Dynamics: It analyzes the changes in family, labor,and gender relations following emancipation.

Racial and Gender Identities: The text delves into the complexities ofrace, gender, and sexual politics in colonial identities during thepost-emancipation era.These insights reflect the intricate interplay between social structures andindividual experiences during a transformative period in South African history.

Boydell & Brewer, Limited, 1997, 210 pages

By Melissa Serafin and Anne Li

Key findings and recommendations:  Firearm owners and national experts emphasized that firearm owners themselves are the most trusted messengers, including firearm-related groups and organizations (e.g., gun shops, hunting groups, firearm safety instructors). These messengers are best suited to provide legitimacy and ensure saliency of messaging efforts. ü National experts also described the importance of actively and authentically seeking partners within the firearm-owning community to collaborate on suicide prevention efforts Frame firearm suicide prevention messaging in a way that underscores gun rights. ü Firearm owners and national experts agreed that messaging should immediately convey the legitimacy of owning firearms. ü Additionally, messaging should avoid conveying the perception of anti-gun bias, including the idea that firearm access or ownership should be restricted. ü Firearm owners and experts also emphasized the importance of considering the heterogeneity of the firearm-owning community when crafting messaging and tailoring messages accordingly. Focus on raising mental health awareness, debunking myths, and addressing stigma. ü Firearm owners and national experts identified a need to improve understanding of mental health concerns; debunk myths about suicide, mental health, and mental health services; and address stigma. Additionally, they identified a need to help people have conversations about mental health and express concerns people may have about a loved one. ü They suggested incorporating content that could improve understanding of these topics within messaging efforts. ü However, some findings indicate that this type of information needs to be carefully crafted to ensure salience, as firearm owners may not view mental health and suicide as relevant to their personal lives. Share stories of lived experience. ü Firearm owners suggested incorporating real stories related to firearm suicide, seeking mental health support, and the potential consequences of unsafe storage. Additionally, they suggested that these stories should involve people with identities that firearm owners could identify with. ü They described how storytelling may be particularly effective in ensuring messaging resonates with firearm owners and dispelling myths about mental health, suicide, and safe storage.  

St. Paul: Wilder Foundation, 2022. 41p.

By  David Wells 

  • Over the past year and a half, the rapid expansion in the availability and accessibility of generative artificial intelligence (AI) tools has prompted a range of potential national and international security concerns, including the possible abuse of generative AI by terrorists and violent extremists. Terrorists and violent extremists have already started experimenting with generative AI, including by using a variety of tools to generate propaganda material. This experiment has been relatively limited so far. • An analysis of current or imminent iterations of generative AI tools suggests that they offer terrorists and violent extremists the potential to optimize some of their existing capabilities. Most obviously, generative AI can improve a range of propaganda-related tasks, including generating or modifying images, videos, audio, and text, as well as the use of translation and transcription tools. More worryingly, it may also allow terrorists and violent extremists to evade a key counter-measure used by major online platforms — the timely removal of terrorist content using its “digital fingerprint” (hash). • In other areas of terrorist methodology, the potential benefits of generative AI appear overstated, or dependent on either a significant advancement in the technology itself or the technological skills available to terrorist actors. For example, while generative AI can theoretically speed up and enhance research into terrorist targets or methodology, the frequency with which many generative AI programs provide inaccurate or made-up information presents potential risks for terrorist users. Although early indications of violent extremists customizing basic chatbots is concerning, creating a comprehensive, fully-functioning “terrorist GPT” to radicalize and recruit would currently require processing power and technical skills beyond those of most terrorist actors. Broader factors impacting how and when terrorists adopt new technologies must also be taken into account when considering the risks of generative AI being exploited. • Although understanding (and ultimately responding to) these use cases will be important, any analysis of the potential impact of generative AI on terrorism and violent extremism must include the broader societal impacts of the technology. Many of these potential impacts — which range from significant job losses and a severely degraded information environment to a bolstering of authoritarian regimes and a large-scale perpetuation of discrimination and biases — are extremely worrying in and of themselves. But they are also likely to contribute to conditions that are conducive to radicalization, and in which terrorist and violent extremist narratives can thrive. • The breadth of these direct and indirect challenges presents a compelling argument for the urgent development of a coordinated approach. A range of responses to the broader risks posed by AI are underway at national, regional, and international levels, including draft regulation, consultations, and nascent bi- and multilateral agreements. But few have focused to any great extent on the risks associated with terrorist use of generative AI. Stakeholders must remind themselves that while generative AI technology is new, many of the challenges it poses are not; moreover, many of the lessons learned over the past two decades of counter-terrorism and preventing and countering violent extremism (P/CVE) remain extremely relevant. These include the importance of multilateral cooperation, the centrality of both public-private partnerships and engagement with civil society organizations, and the need to respect human rights  

Washington, DC: Middle East Institute, 2024. 18p.  

By Stephane J. Baele and Lewys Brace

   Over the past decade, two major phenomena have developed in the digital realm. On the one hand, extremism has grown massively on the Internet, with sprawling online ecosystems hosting a wide range of radical subcultures and communities associated with both ‘stochastic terrorism’ and the ‘mainstreaming of extremism’. On the other hand, Artificial Intelligence (AI) has undergone exponential improvement: from ChatGPT to video deepfakes, from autonomous vehicles to face-recognition CCTV systems, an array of AI technologies has abruptly entered our everyday lives. This report examines ‘AI extremism’, the toxic encounter of these two evolutions – each worrying in its own right. Like past technological progress, AI will indeed be – in fact already is – used in various ways to bolster extremist agendas. Identifying the many opportunities for action that come with a range of AI models, and linking them with different types of extremist actors, we offer a clear overview of the numerous facets of AI extremism. Building on the nascent academic and government literature on the issue as well as on our own empirical and theoretical work, we provide new typologies and concepts to help us organize our understanding of AI extremism, systematically chart its instantiations, and highlight thinking points for stakeholders in countering violent extremism

Dublin:   

     VOX-Pol Network of Excellence, 2024. 82p.

By James Lewis, Sarah Marsden, Jmes Hewitt and Anne Peterscheck 

This report presents the findings of a systematic review of research on how, and under what circumstances, trauma might be implicated in individual journeys into, and out of, violent extremism. It builds on previous work carried out by the research team on these dynamics, including a scoping review of the literature (Lewis & Marsden, 2021), and a process of network development involving a series of workshops bringing together researchers, policymakers and practitioners to discuss the relevance of trauma and adversity to violent extremism. This process confirmed there was a nascent, but growing, body of research exploring this topic, and that there was significant practical and analytical utility in exploring these processes in greater depth. 
The analysis presented in this report develops this research programme in three ways:

1. Undertaking a systematic review of post-2000 empirical, academic research on trauma, adversity and violent extremism to better understand a) the prevalence of trauma in the life histories of violent extremists; and b) the relevance of trauma in interpreting pathways towards, and away from, violent extremism.

2. Examining the different ways in which trauma is implicated in radicalisation pathways by synthesising this research on trauma, adversity and violent extremism with radicalisation models identified in a separate systematic review. 

3. Exploring how applying a trauma-informed perspective to understanding journeys into and out of violent extremism might inform research and practice.

Overview of the Report

This report consists of eight sections. The next section provides an overview of the key concepts discussed in the report, before discussing the conceptual framework that underpins our analysis. This is followed by an overview of our methodology and by three analysis sections addressing the three objectives outlined above:

1. Section one sets out the evidence identified through the systematic review. Drawing on 159 studies, it discusses the different relationships that have been identified between trauma, adversity and violent extremism. 

2. The second section explores whether and how trauma is captured in existing radicalisation models. This draws on an analysis of 99 papers identified through a separate systematic review of radicalisation models (Corner & Taylor, 2023). 

3. The final section presents a more theoretical and conceptual analysis, reviewing the implications of these findings for research and practice. 

The report concludes by summarising the key conclusions, implications, and recommendations for researchers, policymakers, and practitioners.

Lancaster, UK:  Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats  - CREST, 2024. 

By Hanna Rigault Arkhis

This report sets out the findings of research into women’s online involvement in far-right extremism analysed through the lens of the Good Lives Model (GLM). It addresses the lack of research on the gendered nature of the needs that are being met when engaging in such spaces.

The findings are based on an analysis of a women only right-wing forum hosted by Stormfront, the oldest white nationalist online community. The results highlight which goods are pursued, what needs are met, and how norms around goods are constructed.

A range of goods were identified as important and were achieved in different ways.

• Healthy living is usually fulfilled through the creation of a white family and raising children according to white nationalist ideology.

• Community is found on Stormfront and sustained through a cluster of primary goods including play, pleasure, and relatedness.

• Ways of meeting the good of creativity include cultivating one’s appearance in a way that indicates support for their ideology.

• Agency is found through a variety of roles; usually that of the stay-at-home mother or as a promoter of white nationalist ideology, either online or offline.

• Stormfront women appear to seek knowledge and work due to a desire to serve the movement better. They also advocate for a 'softer' expression of their beliefs, that distances them from violence, principally to facilitate recruitment.

By testing the applicability of the GLM to an online platform, this research affords a better understanding of the opportunities provided by online extreme communities to fulfil women's needs. It demonstrates the utility of the GLM and its ability to help interpret the goods women attain through involvement in extremist spaces.

Understanding the goods and needs that online spaces fulfil has the potential to inform gender-responsive programmes to Prevent and Counter Violent Extremism (P/CVE). By highlighting the gendered nature of goods, the analysis illustrates that ‘gender blind’ programmes are unlikely to address the particular needs of women.

A GLM-informed analysis has the potential to inform P/CVE interventions by identifying the goods that might be relevant to certain communities, and the women who make them up, and using that understanding to identify interventions that make opportunities to achieve those goods in pro-social, positive ways more accessible.

Lancaster, UK:  Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats  - CREST, 2024.

By Claire Simonich, Will Tentindo, Vanessa Domenichelli, Ilan H. Meyer

  In this report, we describe findings of research conducted by scholars at the Williams Institute in collaboration with the Social Justice Legal Foundation (SJLF) that aimed to understand how transgender parole seekers fare in the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) parole hearings. As a result of a public records request by SJLF, we received transcripts of 42 parole hearings that took place between January 1, 2021 – February 28, 2022, in which persons seeking parole identified as transgender. Our analysis shows that • Transgender individuals, aged 30 – 76, for whom transcripts were provided, were granted parole at approximately the same rate as the general population of parole seekers during that period: 31% of the transgender individuals in our sample (13 of 42) were granted parole as compared with 34% of all parole seekers in 2021, as reported by the CDCR. • Approximately 43% (16 out of 37 with relevant data) of parole hearings for transgender individuals included misgendering and/or insensitive or biased comments. { { Examples of insensitive or biased statements included parole commissioners questioning whether the parole seeker would remain sober because the “LGBTQ community has big parties,” and one commissioner spending several minutes discussing whether a transgender woman is able to maintain an erection. Examples of misgendering include a parole seeker’s own attorney misgendering them, stating that he felt “weird” about using his client’s preferred pronouns. One nonbinary individual asked the commissioners to be addressed by name, but the commissioners pushed the individual to choose a pronoun. • Some commissioners appeared moved when parole seekers spoke about how challenges stemming from being closeted as a transgender person (prior to transition) contributed to criminal behavior or how a transition could facilitate rehabilitation. • Other commissioners had negative reactions to the transgender individuals before them. { { For example, one commissioner doubted that the incarcerated individual’s transgender status would make life easier on the outside, suggesting that because one parole seeker had never “lived in society as a transgender woman . . . surely it’s going to be difficult.” Another commissioner stated, without prompting, “I don’t want to offend anybody, but your whole . . . , how you identify, is going to be an issue in the community. Right? I mean, that’s going to cause stress.” • Having an explicit parole housing plan was an important factor in granting parole—10 of 18 (56%) people with a housing plan were granted parole as compared with 3 out of 24 (13%) individuals who did not have an explicit housing plan. • Although finding appropriate transitional housing is extraordinarily challenging for transgender individuals, parole commissioners heavily consider this factor in their parole determination.

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2023. 11p.

By Ayako Miyashita Ochoa,  Bianca D.M. Wilson,  Kimberly Fuentes,  Rae Jones,  Katherine Lee,  Moriah Macklin

   People who engage in sex work (PESW) are particularly vulnerable to criminalization even when seeking to report experiencing victimization. The health and safety of those engaged in sex work is further jeopardized as condoms have been historically used as evidence of sex work. California Senate Bill (SB) 233, taking effect on January 1, 2020, was meant to ensure that condoms cannot be used as probable cause for arrest nor used as evidence to prosecute a person for sex work. Nearly two years after its passage, we conducted interviews with twenty-five diverse individuals with experience engaging in sex work in Los Angeles County, a known locus for enforcement of a prior HIV felony solicitation. We sought to explore respondents’ interactions with law enforcement, their knowledge, beliefs, and experiences with the use of condoms as evidence of sex work, and their beliefs about criminalization risk and how that might impact condom possession and condom use in the context of their work. Through a group thematic review and individual coding (or categorizing) process, we identified the below key findings: • Respondents shared their perceptions about the risks of criminalization related to condoms in several ways. Some had detailed knowledge about rules and policies related to condom carrying and others had a general awareness of the possible risk of carrying condoms. • Respondents discussed that the information they received about criminalization regarding condom possession came primarily from other PESW. • Respondents discussed approaches to mitigating risk of police surveillance by either not carrying condoms at all and/or managing condom carrying through concealing techniques. • Some respondents who carried condoms, whether they tried to conceal them or not, discussed reasons for doing so, including resisting police control and reducing risk to protect their health, the health of their clients, and/or the health of their community and colleagues in sex work. • Generally, most respondents (80%) had not heard of any new law that restricted the use of condoms as evidence (SB 233). Further, reflecting the lack of awareness of the new law, condom-carrying behaviors seemed relatively unchanged. • Notably, most respondents carried condoms regardless of the risk of criminalization

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2023. 13p.

By Nathan Cisneros,  Moriah L. Macklin,  Will Tentindo,  Brad Sears

   The Williams Institute analyzed data from the state of Arkansas about individuals who came into contact with the state’s criminal system through allegations of HIV-related crimes. We analyzed both law enforcement arrest data and data from the state’s Department of Corrections and sex offender registries to understand the beginning and end stages of the criminalization cycle. In total, we estimate that at least 108 people have had contact with Arkansas’ criminal system because of allegations of HIV crimes. FINDINGS • There have been at least 119 charges at arrest for allegations of HIV-related crimes since 1990, including four charges for failure to disclose one’s HIV status to a medical professional. • Arrests continue to the present day, with the latest arrest in 2022—the latest year for which data were available. • Enforcement is highly concentrated by geography: { { 18% of all arrests originated with Little Rock Police Department, followed by Fort Collins Police Department (10%). Likewise, Pulaski County originated one-third of all HIV-related arrests, followed by Sebastian County with 12% of arrests, and Miller County with 5% of arrests. In contrast, most counties had one or no arrests. • The racial composition of people arrested for allegations of HIV-related crimes skews Black: Black people were 48% of all HIV-related arrests, but only 15% of the state’s population, and 43% of people living with HIV in the state: { Black men in particular were overrepresented—7% of the state’s population, 31% of people living with HIV, and 44% of HIV-related arrests. • Four in five arrests (80%) that proceeded to the prosecution phase resulted in a guilty outcome. Only one case resulted in a not guilty outcome, and the remaining cases had charges dropped or prosecutors declined to pursue the case. • The youngest person with an HIV-related conviction was 18 years old. • Fourteen people were currently on the sex offender registry for an HIV-related conviction in 2023. { Half of these people were Black men, although Black men made up only 22% of the overall sex offender registry. • Twenty-one people across two snapshots of people in Arkansas Department of Corrections (DOC) custody (in 2007 and 2023) had HIV-related convictions mandating a sentence: { { { The average sentence per count for the HIV-related conviction was 24 years. Four people only had HIV-related convictions; they had no other current or prior convictions. Black men were 57% of all people with an HIV-related DOC sentence, compared to 38% of all people in DOC custody.   

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2023. 26p.

By  Nathan Cisneros,  Will Tentindo,  Brad Sears,  Moriah Macklin,  Donovan Bendana

   The Williams Institute analyzed data from the state of Maryland about individuals who have been prosecuted for an HIV-related offense under Section 18-601.1 of the Maryland Health Code. These data were obtained from the Maryland State Administrative Office of the Courts. While previous comprehensive attempts to analyze the level of enforcement of Maryland’s HIV crime have identified less than six cases, our analysis revealed at least 104 prosecutions in the state because of an allegation of an HIV-related crime from 2000 to 2020. FINDINGS • In total, there have been at least 104 cases and at least 148 separate charges for “knowingly transferring HIV to another” in Maryland from 2000 to 2020. Among these 104 cases, three alleged only attempted “knowingly transferring HIV to another.” • We estimate that, from 2000 to 2020, between 82 and 104 people were charged with HIV related offenses in Maryland. • Arrests continue to the present, with the latest filing date in 2020. In fact, there were more cases from 2010 to 2020 than from 2000 to 2010. • Enforcement is highly concentrated by geography: Baltimore City alone accounted for nearly a third (32%) of all HIV-related cases in the state, followed by Montgomery County (19%) and Prince George’s County (18%). These three counties combined accounted for over two-thirds (69%) of all HIV-related cases. • The youngest person with an HIV-related conviction was 21 years old, and the oldest was 59 years old. The median age was 35 years old. • Men made up the overwhelming majority (86%) of people with an HIV-related charge. Men were over-represented in these cases as compared to the state population (49%), and the population of PLWH in Maryland (66%). We were not able to identify people who are transgender among these individuals. • Likewise, Black people made up the overwhelming majority of people with HIV-related criminal cases in Maryland. Black people were 82% of all HIV-related cases, but only 30% of the state’s population, and 71% of people living with HIV in the state. People were identified only as Black or white; we are not able to confirm whether people also identify as Hispanic/ Latino or multiple races. { Black men, in particular, are overrepresented—14% of the state’s population and 44% of people living with HIV, but 68% of HIV-related arrests. • Among cases with an HIV-related criminal charge where we have clear case outcomes, only 10% resulted in a guilty outcome on at least one HIV-related charge. { However, when looking at outcomes for any charge, HIV-related or not, 41% of these cases resulted in at least one guilty outcome. Media accounts from Maryland indicated that in some instances plea deals for defendants include dropping the HIV-related charge for a guilty plea on other charges

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2024. 22p.

By Nathan Cisneros,  Brad Sears,  Moriah L. Macklin

   The Williams Institute analyzed data from the state of Mississippi about individuals arrested for an allegation of an HIV-related offense under Section 92-27-14 of the Mississippi Criminal Code. The data were obtained from the Mississippi Department of Public Safety. While previous comprehensive attempts to analyze the level of enforcement of Mississippi’s HIV criminal law identified approximately 15 people charged with an HIV-related crime in the state, our analysis revealed at least 43 people arrested between 2004 and 2021. Given the limited data available, we estimate this to be an absolute minimum number of people arrested for an HIV-related crime in the state. FINDINGS • In total, there were at least 47 arrests and at least 52 separate alleged HIV-related criminal offenses between 2004 and 2021. • In total, at least 43 people were arrested for an allegation of an HIV-related offense between 2004 and 2021. • Arrests for HIV-related offenses in Mississippi continue to the present, with the latest filing date in these records in 2021 and media reports of arrests continuing through 2023. In fact, half of all arrests in the data received from the state occurred during the five years between 2017 and 2021. • Enforcement of HIV-related crimes appears to be concentrated around the state’s capital and most populous city, Jackson, and near the Gulf Coast. Almost 40% of arrests were from three counties: Harrison (15%), Hinds (13%), and Lamar (11%). • The youngest person arrested was 20 years old at time of arrest, and the oldest person was 60 years old. The median age at arrest was 34 years old. • Almost three-fourths of people arrested for an HIV-related offense in Mississippi were men. Men were 49% of the state’s population in 2021 but 71% of people living with HIV (PLWH) and 72% of HIV-related arrests. { { { In all, 28% of those arrested for HIV offenses in the state were women. As with that observed in other states’ record-keeping practices, the Mississippi data do not indicate if the person arrested was cisgender, transgender, or gender non-binary. • Most people arrested for an HIV-related offense in Mississippi were Black. Black Mississippians were 37% of the state’s population in 2021 and 73% of PLWH but 63% of all HIV-related arrests. In contrast, white Mississippians were 56% of the state’s population, 19% of PLWH, and 37% of HIV-related arrests. { In a pattern observed with many other states’ records, no one in the data was reported to be Hispanic/Latino or of any other racial group. • Looking at the interaction of race and sex, Black men comprised nearly half (47%) of all HIV related arrests. Black men were also 50% of PLWH in the state, even though they accounted for only 18% of the state’s population overall. { White women were over-represented in arrests at 12%. Although they are 28% of the state’s population, they are only 4% of PLWH.  

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2024. 19p.

HIV-related criminal incidents from 2000 to 2022

By Nathan Cisneros,  Brad Sears,  Will Tentindo

   This report provides an up-to-date look at the enforcement of HIV criminal laws in Ohio. The Williams Institute analyzed data from Ohio’s Incident-Based Reporting System (OIBRS) about HIV-related criminal incidents between 2000 and 2022. We also analyzed data on HIV-related criminal court cases between 2009 and 2022 from the Cuyahoga County courts system collected by that county’s Board of Public Health. Ohio has six laws that criminalize the conduct of people living with HIV (PLWH), including having sex without disclosing one’s HIV status, exposing others to bodily fluids more generally, engaging in sex work, and donating blood. Our analysis revealed that there have been at least 530 allegations of HIV-related criminal offenses across 447 separate incidents between 2000 and 2022 in Ohio. None of these incidents required actual transmission, the intent to transmit, or even conduct likely to transmit HIV in order to sustain a conviction. The findings presented in this report corroborate those from a recent study by staff at the Equality Ohio Education Fund and the Ohio Health Modernization Movement.1 Taken as a whole, the two reports find that from 2000 to the present, there have been hundreds of arrests and prosecutions for HIV-related crimes in Ohio. Together, they show a pattern of widespread and continued enforcement of HIV crimes. Enforcement is primarily concentrated in just a handful of counties across the state and disproportionately affects Black people and women in Ohio.  

Los Angeles: The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, 2024. 41p.