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Loyalty Disarmament and the Undocumented

By Pratheepan Gulasekaram

Since the Supreme Court’s District of Columbia v. Heller decision in 2008, lower federal courts have wrestled with Second Amendment claims raised by categories of people excluded from gun possession. Among those cases, several have been brought by noncitizens challenging their prosecutions under 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(5), the federal criminal ban on possession by unlawfully present noncitizens. In the post-Heller § 922(g)(5) cases, judges have opined on whether unlawfully present noncitizens were among “the people” who had the right to bear arms and whether the government regulation met the appropriate level of constitutional scrutiny. More recently, however, the Supreme Court abandoned the tiers of scrutiny approach. In New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen in 2022, the Court prescribed a novel historyfocused inquiry in its stead. Since then, the federal government and several lower federal courts have sought to justify present-day gun restrictions by searching for historical antecedents created to address analogous public policy concerns in analogous ways. In conducting that historical inquiry for § 922(g)(5), several courts have conjured Revolutionary War–era statutes that disarmed Loyalists to the British Crown. This Piece explains why such an analogy is a poor fit, arguing that the respective statutes serve incommensurate purposes and operate in materially different ways. It concludes with the suggestion that continued reliance on Bruen’s methodology (and attendant analogies to Loyalist disarmament) portends diminished and precarious constitutional protections for noncitizens with regard to their self-protection and, more broadly, other fundamental constitutional guarantees.

125 Colum. L. Rev. F. 29 (2025), 21p.

Old Standards, New Challenges: Keys to Addressing Internet Disinformation in Inter-American Jurisprudence

By PAULA ROKO

On May 3, 2020, as part of World Press Freedom Day and just a few months into an unprecedented health emergency, the UN Secretary-General stated that disinformation had become the “second pandemic.” More recently, a resolution of the United Nations Human Rights Council described disinformation as “a threat to democracy.” In the Inter-American sphere, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (hereinafter, IACHR) highlighted that the region is at a turning point, characterized in large part by a widespread deterioration of public debate fueled by disinformation. Although there is currently no jurisprudence in the Inter-American system that directly analyzes disinformation on the Internet, it is possible to find some insights in contentious cases, advisory opinions, and substantive reports from the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (hereinafter, the Court) that shed light on the standards that should guide potential legal disputes on this issue. This document analyzes some of the various standards that the Inter-American Commission and the Court have developed when studying the application of Article 13 of the American Convention, which could be significant for analyzing disinformation in the region. It focuses on states’ international obligations, both to act and to refrain from action concerning disinformation, as derived from Inter-American jurisprudence. The document is based on the premise that any executive, legislative, or judicial state measure that attempts to address this issue must consider a protective view of the right to freedom of expression due to the predominant role this right plays in democratic societies. As noted by the Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression, Irene Khan, “The right to freedom of opinion and expression is not part of the problem; it is the objective and the means for combating disinformation.” The paper will first provide the conceptual framework for disinformation. It will then analyze standards on the right to freedom of expression emerging from: (i) contentious cases of the Inter-American Court; (ii) advisory opinions of the Inter-American Court; (iii) substantive reports of the Inter-American Commission; and (iv) thematic reports of the Inter-American Commission, which, as soft law instruments, have provided the first legal reflections on the subject within the Inter-American human rights system. The development of the various standards and their application to disinformation will be organized thematically, for which eleven (11) relevant categories have been selected for study. The work also systematizes—as conclusions and recommendations—the main guidelines or directives the Inter-American human rights system provides for states in their approach to this issue.

CELE Research Paper No. 63, 42p.

The Not-Smuggling Problem: The Effects of The United States' Overbroad Definition of Migrant Smuggling on Migrant Families

By Valeria Martinez

By signing and ratifying the United Nations Protocol Against the Smuggling of Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, the United States promised to the international community and to its citizens that it would adhere to a legal criminal definition of migrant smuggling that protects migrant families by only targeting in its language the organized offenders that aim to benefit financially or materially. After it made this promise, the United States did not amend 8 U.S.C. § 1324 to conform fully with the protocol. Contrary to the demands of the protocol, the statute does not establish as an element of the base offense of migrant smuggling intent for financial or material benefit. Instead, a prosecutor can decide whether to charge as a migrant smuggler one family member who assists another in entering unlawfully to the United States. The repercussions of this overbroad understanding of migrant smuggling are felt most in the immigration context in which a mother entering unlawfully into the United States while holding her infant is barred from seeking legal admission to the United States. This Article analyzes the protocol and finds that the United States falls short of its promise. I argue for amending 8 U.S.C. § 1324 and I propose that the United States extend the protocol's targeted migrant smuggling definition to its immigration statutes.

Republished May 01, 2024, 35p.