By European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA), Eurostat and European Institute for Gender Equality (EIGE) 

  This report presents, for the first time, selected key results of the EU gender-based violence survey based on data from all 27 Member States. Across the EU-27, 114 023 women were interviewed about their experiences. The report focuses on the prevalence of various forms of violence against women in the EU. The EU gender-based violence survey also collected specific data about women’s experiences of violence, including on the consequences of violence and contacts with different services that provide assistance to victims, as survivors of violence. Data on both the prevalence of violence and the consequences of violence will be analysed in detail in the survey report that Eurostat, FRA and EIGE will publish in 2025. In this report, the results are presented in four chapters, starting with the overall prevalence of physical violence or threats and/or sexual violence by any perpetrator. This is followed by two chapters that focus on violence perpetrated by women’s intimate partners and by other people (non-partners). The fourth chapter examines women’s experiences of sexual harassment at work. Finally, the report includes an annex that summarises the survey data collection methodology  

 Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union, Luxembourg  2024. 48p.

By Anita Franklin, Louise Bradley, Jo Greenaway, Sarah Goff, Sarah Atkins and Lucy Rylatt

Children and young people with SEND have specific vulnerabilities due to communication, learning or neurodivergent needs which are often unmet by current service structures. These needs are often not recognised or well understood by multi agency services who rarely receive specific training in communicating or working with this group of children. Many of these children and young people have not had their needs formally diagnosed, and many are on long waiting lists for diagnosis and assessments. This group of children and young people often experience; higher rates of poverty, social and school exclusion, isolation, bullying and discrimination. They are also over-represented in the care system and face particular challenges when housed in unregulated accommodation. This is coupled with often high levels of unmet needs and generally a lack of empowerment and agency. All indicators which correlate to increased risk of exploitation.

This qualitative exploratory study sought to provide evidence to identify and address gaps in safeguarding policy, guidance and legal frameworks in relation to specific risks of modern slavery for children and young people with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND) in England and Wales (aged up to 25 years). Furthermore, the study sought to explore whether policies and guidance provide the mechanisms for appropriate strategic planning and practical responses to modern slavery for this group of children and young people.

Key findings

1. Despite children and young people with special educational needs and disabilities (SEND)/additional learning needs being at increased risk of exploitation and trafficking, there is inadequate attention to the specific needs of young people with SEND in national safeguarding or modern slavery policy.

2. A lack of robust training may mean that practitioners may not be aware of the impact and interrelation between SEND and modern slavery.

3. There is a lack of data collection and a lack of understanding of modern slavery and SEND, impacting on opportunities for prevention and early identification, or to understand the scale and nature of how SEND and modern slavery interact.

4. There are missed opportunities for early intervention and disrupting patterns of exploitation, for example when responding to reports from parents of missing episodes for young people with SEND.

5. Engagement with education services is one of the most significant factors in keeping children with SEND safe from exploitation. Practitioners and parents were very clear that the most significant factor in keeping children and young people safe from modern slavery was their engagement within an education system that met their SEND needs.

6. Responding well and responding early requires parents’ concerns being listened to, with training and multi-agency support being in place.

Recommendations

1. The Department for Education should update the Safeguarding Disabled Children and Young People Guidance

2. Implementation of Safeguarding Children with SEND champions.

3. The UK government should improve information sharing and data collection that helps agencies understand prevalence and nature of SEND on children and young adults’ safeguarding needs

4. The Home Office and DfE should jointly commission and roll out national multi-agency mandatory training across all services to address lack of understanding of modern slavery and SEND amongst frontline workers and managers across statutory and voluntary sectors.

5. The Department for Education should support the earlier identification of SEND and support to meet needs through multi-agency working.

6. The Department for Education should lead multi-agency work to prevent school breakdowns and establish accountable safeguarding processes for young people with SEND.

7. The Home Office and Department for Education should support local safeguarding partnerships to work with parents as a resource for protection and to fund and produce resources to support parents.

8. Local Safeguarding Partnerships should undertake an urgent review of how risk is assessed in children and young people with SEND.

9. The Department for Education and the Home Office should update guidance and develop training to support improved practice concerning missing children and young people with SEND.

10. Local Authorities should reduce distant out of authority placements and their breakdown as a response to exploitation and trafficking.

11. All agencies should improve professional understanding of communication and behaviours of children and young people with SEND.

London; Modern Slavery and Human Rights Policy and Evidence Centre,  2024. 56p.

By Mar Negreiro  

Online child sexual abuse materials (CSAM) and grooming practices (manipulation aimed at exploiting and abusing people), now increasingly targeting younger children, have been proliferating at an alarming rate. In 2023, the more than 36.2 million reports of suspected online child sexual abuse represented a historical peak.Reports of groomingrose by more than 300% between 2021 and 2023. Most activities detected were hosted in Europe. In response to this situation, on 11 May 2022 the European Commission adopted a proposal for long-term rules to prevent and combat child abuse. The Commission proposal would require interpersonal communication services, such as webmail messaging services and internet telephony, as well as others, to proactively detect online CSAM materials and activities involving child grooming. However, this poses many concerns regarding privacy, security and law enforcement investigations. The proposal also provides for the establishment of an EU centre to support the implementation and supervision of the new rules. In the European Parliament,the file has been assigned to the Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE).Parliament adopted the LIBEreport at first reading on 22 November 2023, along with the committee recommendation to enter into interinstitutional negotiations. The Council is still working on its common position under the Hungarian Presidency, where a blocking minority of countries persists.  

Luxembourg: EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service, 2024. 12p.

By Hanna-Mari Lahtinen , Kirsi Honkalampi, Tegan Insoll, Juha Nurmi, et al.

The dark web has become a more prevalent platform for the distribution of child sexual abuse material (CSAM). Most CSAM users remain undetected by law enforcement, and little is known about the population not convicted.ObjectiveThe aim of the study was to contribute to the research on CSAM users by investigating the differences between CSAM users who self-report having been charged for sexual offenses against a child or an adult and those who self-report not having been charged of such offenses.Participants and settingWe analyzed anonymous survey data from 2384 respondents who sought CSAM on the dark web. Most of the respondents were young males (18–34-year-olds) searching for material depicting girls. The sample was divided into three groups: 1) those who admitted to having been charged for sexual offenses against children (CS offenders, n = 474); 2) those who admitted to having been charged for sexual offenses against adults (AS offenders, n = 620); and 3) those who admitted to no charges (NC group, n = 1290).MethodsWe used multinomial logistic regression analysis to analyze differences in self-reported behavior and motivation to access CSAM between the three groups.ResultsThose who had a previous history of violent offenses, had groomed children online, had physical contact with children, and searched for material depicting infants and toddlers were significantly more likely to belong to the CS or AS offenders group.ConclusionsWe found significant differences between the groups in their individual, motivational, and behavioral characteristics that have important implications for investigating sexual crimes and assessing and treating sexual offenders.

Unpublished report, 2024. 32p.

By Linda Jepkoech Kimaru ,Cheng Cheng Hu, Sudha Nagalingam, Priscilla Magrath, Elizabeth Connick, Kacey Ernst, and John Ehir

Adherence to antiretroviral therapy (ART) is crucial for achieving and maintaining viral suppression in people living with HIV (PLWH). While individual factors affecting HIV viral suppression have been extensively studied, there is less attention on community-level factors, specifically perceived neighborhood disorder. This study aims to assess the relationship between perceived neighborhood disorder and achieving virologic suppression among people living with HIV. One hundred and eighty-eight PLWH 18 years of age and older from two HIV clinics completed a cross-sectional study. We assessed perceptions of neighborhood disorder, ART self-efficacy, social support, alcohol and drug use, depression, HIV stigma, provider-patient relationship, demographics, and length at the zip code. HIV viral loads were obtained from the clinical record. The analysis involved the use of Fisher’s Exact test, Spearman’s Rank test, Wilcoxon rank sum test, and Firth logistic regression. All analyses were conducted using STATA 17. Most participants were male (79%), white (62%), and identified as non-Hispanic (66%). Individuals with no perceived neighborhood disorder had median scores of 10 for integration and perseverance in ART self-efficacy. Those with high perceived disorder displayed decreased scores of 8.4 and 8.3 for integration and perseverance respectively. Both integration and perseverance showed statistically significant negative correlations with perceived neighborhood disorder, (Spearman’s rho -0.2966; p<0.000 and -0.2387; p = 0.0010 respectively). Individuals with virologic suppression (n = 167) reported significantly lower perceived neighborhood disorder scores (median = 0.9 [IQR: 0.2–2.0]) compared to those without virologic suppression (n = 10, median = 3.2 [IQR: 2.4–4], p = 0.0012). The study highlights a notable correlation between perceived neighborhood disorder, ART adherence self-efficacy, and virologic suppression. This indicates that improving HIV treatment outcomes needs to extend beyond individual-level factors and include strategies to address neighborhood-level conditions. Public health policies and programs should consider the broader social and environmental contexts in which people living with HIV reside.

PLOS Glob Public Health, 2024, 13p.

By Stewart Boiteux & Adam Teperski

To examine the operation of the NSW Domestic Violence Electronic Monitoring (DVEM) program, and to estimate the association between DVEM program participation and recidivism. METHOD Entropy balancing was used to match 226 DVEM participants on parole with 768 parolees who met observed program eligibility conditions but did not participate in the program. Using multivariate probit regression, four recidivism outcomes were compared between offenders participating in DVEM and the matched offender sample, including the probability of any reoffending, domestic violence reoffending, Apprehended Domestic Violence Order breaches, and the probability that an offender on a community order was imprisoned for a new offence or breach of the conditions of their order. RESULTS Offenders participating in DVEM were around 7 percentage points (p.p.) less likely to return to custody within a year. DVEM participants were also significantly less likely to reoffend with any offence (7.1 p.p.), a domestic violence offence (10.5 p.p.), and an ADVO breach (8.7 p.p.). While the study assessed many factors related to both DVEM placement and reoffending, it is unable to exclude the possibility that unobserved variables and/or factors related to participation in DVEM may be influencing the results. CONCLUSION DVEM participation is associated with significant reductions in the probability that an offender reoffends and/or is imprisoned within a year of release.

(Crime and Justice Bulletin No. 255). Sydney: NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research. 2023. 30p.

By  Leanne Lester, Zoe Callis and Paul Flatau

 As more data is being collected by Zonta House, the importance of linking the data, ensuring measurement tools are valid and reliable, and that all program outcomes are measurable has become paramount. This process has enabled UWA to assess the impact and effectiveness of Zonta House programs. Linking of data sources The linking of Penelope and SHIP data enabled a complete evaluation of Zonta House programs. It is recommended that processes be developed to ensure the accuracy of data entry into both Penelope and SHIP systems. As the linking is done through birth dates and Statistical Linkage Keys, it is imperative that birth dates and client names are entered correctly into both systems. Mapping program logic to available data By mapping the program logic to available data we were able to ascertain that all outcomes were measurable using both internal (Penelope) and external (SHIP and Department of Communities) hosted data sources. Measuring program logic outcomes The results of the data analysis show Zonta House are performing well and achieving their outcomes in the crisis and transitional accommodation programs, Recovery Support, Outreach Support, Positive Pathways, Future Employment Connections, and Positive Pathways programs. Understanding a woman’s journey through Zonta House By mapping the flow of a woman’s journey through Zonta House we were able to determine common pathways of program engagement, and pathways of engagement which were more likely to lead to a woman’s exit from Zonta House. It is recommended that Zonta House encourage engagement with programs such as Safer Pathways, Recovery Support, Positive Pathways and Outreach Support programs as soon as possible within a woman’s journey through Zonta House. Reliability and validity of the Life Matrix In this study we explored the potential value for the Life Matrix to be used as a routine measure at Zonta House. Of particular interest was whether the Life Matrix was reliable and valid. Five domains of the Life Matrix (emotional wellbeing; social wellbeing; community and cultural involvement; mental health; and physical health) showed a reliable underlying theme of wellbeing and contribute to the Revised Total Life Matrix Score. Validity was tested against the Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS 21), with significant correlations in the expected direction showing convergence between the two instruments. Clients in the moderate/severe/ extremely severe band had significantly lower Revised Total Life Matrix Scores than those in the normal and mild bands, also demonstrating convergence. The Life Matrix domains are significantly correlated with SHIP variables. The Life Matrix is a reliable and valid tool and is recommended for use. Optimisation of visualisation Many limitations were found when trying to extract and display data from the Penelope system. To enable effective visualisation of data, it is recommended that work is done directly with the developers of Penelope to access and customise visualisations  

Perth: Centre for Social Impact The University of Western Australia 2021. 57p.

By Leanne Lester, Ami Seivwright, Paul Flatau, Emma Crane, and Kiara Minto

This report presents an analysis of client outcomes with a view to understanding the impact of Zonta House and provides a statistical analysis of the validity and reliability of the Life Matrix tool developed and used by Zonta House to measure clients’ wellbeing at intake and exit.

As with many community agencies, Zonta House manages a number of programs and uses different platforms to store its data. As with other agencies funded to undertake Specialist Homelessness Services (SHS) programs (which are jointly funded by the Commonwealth and State/Territory governments), Zonta House utilises the Specialist Homelessness Information Platform (SHIP) to capture data. At the same time, Zonta House captures client outcomes information on SHS clients using the popular Penelope client management platform, which also is the platform for storing client service and outcomes across a myriad of other programs designed to provide a holistic service response to the needs of women and children experiencing family and domestic violence. This data capture includes Zonta House’s innovative Life Matrix client outcomes approach.

After extracting and cleaning the data, CSI UWA undertook reliability and validity testing of the Life Matrix tool used by Zonta House as a case management and outcomes measurement tool.

Perth: Centre for Social Impact, University of Western Australia, 2021, 44p.

By Gemma Hamilton, Dirkje Gerryts, Brianna Chesser

The Alexis Family Violence Response Model (Alexis-FVRM) is a coordinated police and social services response to recidivist family violence in Victoria. Following the success of the pilot program, the Alexis-FVRM was expanded to include multiple regions in the South-Eastern metropolitan corridor of Melbourne and is currently active across multiple police divisions.

The evaluation aimed to explore the effectiveness of the Alexis-FVRM since the rollout to other police divisions across Victoria. It also sought to provide an overview of the type of support provided by the Alexis-FVRM, and an exploration of engagement rates and modes of engaging victim-survivors and respondents.

Overall, the Alexis-FVRM provided a range of support to a diverse pool of respondents and victim-survivors in several police divisions across Victoria. The evaluation results are largely positive regarding the efficacy of the Alexis-FVRM. The evaluation results indicate that the Alexis-FVRM helped to reduce the risk of family violence for many of the respondents and affected family members.

Key findings

78% of victim-survivor participants reported that the Alexis-FVRM helped to reduce family violence in their lives.

The risk levels for respondents significantly reduced following Alexis-FVRM intervention. 66% had lower risk levels at case closure compared to their initial risk ratings.

Alexis-FVRM practitioners reported successful contact with respondents in 83% of cases, with assertive outreach used in 85% of cases.

For over a third of respondents (36%), their case was closed because their needs had been met by the Alexis-FVRM.

Melbourne: RMIT University 2025. 26p.

By The Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability

Violence against, and abuse, neglect and exploitation of, people with disability in Australia occur in multiple forms and affect almost every aspect of many people’s lives. This volume of our Final report provides an account of the nature and extent of the violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation people with disability experience in different settings and contexts and across their different life stages. It sets out what occurs in people’s homes and other residences, at school, at work, while socialising, when going about everyday life and when engaging with services and supports. It examines violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation perpetrated by individuals and resulting from systemic and structural barriers, practices and failures. It illustrates how this can alter the life trajectories of people with disability and affec

Key points Violence and abuse • Across all age groups, a greater proportion of people with disability experience violence than people without disability. People with disability also experience violence more frequently. • Rates of violence are particularly high for: ◦ women with psychological or intellectual disability ◦ First Nations women with disability ◦ young women with disability. • More than half of people with disability aged 18 to 64 (55 per cent) have been physically or sexually abused since age 15 compared with 38 per cent of adults without disability in that age group. • People with disability who experience violence are more likely to know the perpetrator than people without disability who experience violence (81 per cent compared with 60 per cent). They are more likely to experience violence in all relationships, including with intimate partners, family members, friends and co-workers. • Forty-six percent of people with disability have been subjected to violence by a stranger. Neglect • Neglect of people with disability occurs in multiple forms. It includes deprivation of basic necessities of life; disability-specific forms of neglect, such as a failure to provide assistance with daily activities; and being excluded from quality settings and services, including education and health care. It includes a failure to provide an environment in which an individual can thrive, and being denied the right to develop personal relationships, friendships or engage in community activities. • Neglect also occurs through failures to prevent the risk of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. • Data on neglect of people with disability is limited. Exploitation • People with disability have shared experiences of financial and sexual exploitation by other individuals. Exploitation also occurs through ‘capturing’ of a person’s NDIS services and through payment of very low wages. Data on exploitation is also limited. Practices that deny or diminish autonomy, health and wellbeing • People with disability are disproportionately subjected to practices that deny them their autonomy and can have adverse impacts on their health and wellbeing. These include restrictive practices, such as being physically and chemically restrained; guardianship and administration; and indefinite detention. Segregated environments • Some people with disability have no choice but to live, attend school, work or socialise in completely segregated environments. Forced segregation and limiting people’s access to the community are forms of abuse and neglect.1 Intersecting experiences • Individuals and groups of people with disability experience intersecting forms of discrimination and disadvantage. This includes First Nations, culturally and linguistically diverse, and LGBTIQA+ people with disability. Life outcomes • People’s life trajectories and life outcomes can be profoundly influenced by violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation. ◦ An estimated 400 deaths each year of people with intellectual disability aged 20 and above are considered potentially avoidable. ◦ Nearly half (47 per cent) of working-age people with disability are not in the labour force, a rate that has not substantially changed in 25 years. Costs of violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation • In addition to the high personal cost to people with disability, violence, abuse, neglect and exploitation have a significant cost to Australian society more broadly. In total, this is estimated to be at least $46 billion annually.

Sydney: The Royal Commission into Violence, Abuse, Neglect and Exploitation of People with Disability 2023. 312p.

By CSE Aware

  The United Nations and other experts have highlighted that women with learning disabilities (LDs) are at higher risk of experiencing gender-based violence (GBV) because of the lifelong isolation, dependency and oppression they often they experience. These inequalities also put them at risk of commercial sexual exploitation (CSE). Despite global recognition of these impacts, in Scotland to date there is very limited evidence and information on how commercial sexual exploitation affects women with learning disabilities. In the recent report Unequal, Unheard, Unjust: But not Hidden Anymore,the Scottish Commission forPeoplewithLearningDisabilities (SCLD) highlighted SEason of the types of GBV women with learning disabilities experienced. What’s more, this groundbreaking report specifically recommended that the Scottish Government “commission national research examining the commercial sexual exploitation of women with learning disabilities in Scotland,” noting the lack of documented information. While some information does exist about learning disabled women’s experiences of selling or exchanging sex, it is mostly anecdotal and has not been documented nor analysed to truly understand the effects on this population and the effectiveness of, andgaps in, service responses.The present report was born from therecognition that there is a significant knowledge gap on the issue of CSE and its intersection with this particularly vulnerable group of women. Whilst the present report is not the much needed full-scale research which SCLD and ourselves are calling for (see recommendations), it does provide initial findings and recommendations from the exploratory researchweconductedoverthecourseofthreemonths. The Aims Of This research were to: Collect and document evidence of learningisabledwomen’sexperiencesof sellingorexchangingsex. Understandthedynamicsofwomen’s involvement and their specific needs. Explore service responses and challenges and opportunities when addressing women's experiences and needs. Produce Initial Recommendations thattheScottishGovernment and organisations canuseas abasis to design service and policy responses that meet theneeds women with LDs impacted byCSE.

Glasgow: CSE, 3035. 32p.

By Sasha Murray,  Sarah Welland, Madeleine Storry

For victims who have experienced a serious criminal offence in England and Wales, the Crown Court is a vital part of their journey to receive justice. This is where jury trials are conducted to reach a verdict on whether the defendant is guilty of the crime or not. This report comes following a record number of outstanding cases at the Crown Courts in England and Wales. 2 At the end of September 2024, 73,105 cases were outstanding and almost a quarter (23%) of these had been outstanding at the Crown Court for over a year and 8% had been outstanding for over two years. This is a considerable increase since the end of March 2020, when just 7% of cases were outstanding for over a year and 2% of cases were outstanding for over two years. 3 This means an increasing number of victims are waiting extended lengths of time for justice. This report explores how these unprecedented delays in the Crown Court system impact on victims of crime, victims’ services, and the wider criminal justice system. The findings are based on primary research conducted by the Office of the Victims’ Commissioner in 2024, including a survey and interviews with victims and a survey with victim services staff. Based on these findings, the Victims’ Commissioner makes key, actionable recommendations for justice agencies and policy makers to consider. About the research This report aims to: • Understand the experiences of victims of all crime types who are navigating the Crown Court system in England and Wales amidst a record backlog. • Identify the impact of the Crown Court backlog on victims, the criminal justice system and victim services. • Understand victims’ experiences of support and communication whilst navigating the Crown Court backlog. Findings from the research The Crown Court system is experiencing an unprecedented backlog meaning victims commonly face delays and adjournments. • In the latest official statistics, a quarter of trials listed at the Crown Court had to be rearranged on the day of trial. • Further data, provided by HMCTS, showed that the number of completed Crown Court cases that had been rearranged more than three times on the day of trial, was four times higher in 2023/24 than it was in 2019/20. 4 • In our research, we found that of those victims who had been given a trial date, nearly half (48%) had this date changed at some point in their criminal justice journey and 26% of these victims had the date changed four or more times. For  victims often navigating the criminal justice system for the first time, this worsened an already stressful and traumatic process. The delays in the Crown Court cause debilitating stress and trauma for victims. • Our research highlighted how the Crown Court backlog caused immense stress for victims, prompting a deterioration in physical and mental health. Some victims resorted to drug and alcohol use or self-harm to cope, while other victims reported attempting suicide as it was too difficult to continue. • We found that while victims were still involved in the criminal justice process, they were unable to move on and prevented from recovering from the crime. • Additionally, when victims experienced repeated adjournments, the emotional distress and the necessity to re-live the trauma for each additional listing further exacerbated their trauma. The Crown Court backlog damages victims’ lives and futures. • We found that whilst enduring the prolonged waits for Crown Court trials, many victims were unable to maintain their daily functioning. Their lives were subsequently further disrupted by repeated adjournments. • Our findings also highlighted the impact of the Crown Court delays on victims’ employment. Victims often had to take periods of time off work for each trial listing, and some were unable to work or were signed off sick due to the stress of the delays. This had significant financial implications for some victims, particularly those who were self-employed. • The delays also adversely affected younger victims, as it disrupted their education and put their lives on hold during significant periods of their development. Our findings also highlighted the impact on victims’ interpersonal relationships. The turmoil of the Crown Court delays sometimes led to relationship breakdowns, at a time when a victim’s support network was vital. • We also heard how the delays in the Crown Court system impacted on other legal processes. For example, delays to trials concluding caused issues with Family Court proceedings, applications to the Criminal Injuries Compensation Authority (CICA) and eviction orders. The effectiveness of the criminal justice system and victims’ confidence in its ability to deliver justice is at risk due to the delays in the Crown Court system. • Our findings highlighted how increased waiting time for trials heightened the risk of victims’ memories fading and therefore, the quality of their evidence diminishing. • The increased waits also meant supportive prosecution witnesses became more likely to withdraw. • In addition, victims’ faith and trust in the criminal justice system was damaged, leading to disengagement from with the criminal justice process and in many cases, an entire withdrawal. • Where victims persevered with the criminal justice process, they often felt justice did not prevail. We were informed of cases where the time taken for the trial to take place meant the defendants’ sentence had already been served, either on remand or through bail conditions. We were also told of instances where the Crown Prosecution Service had dropped charges due to cases no longer being in the public interest and where defendants had died before the trial could take place. • For many victims, their experiences of the Crown Court backlog left them unwilling to engage with the criminal justice system in the future. High-quality support helps victims to stay engaged with the criminal justice process amidst the Crown Court delays, however the delays impede support organisations’ ability to provide this support. • Despite support being vital for their engagement, we found that for some victims, the delays prevented them accessing support. Some rape and sexual offence victims were advised not to seek therapy until after trial. However, the delays in cases coming to court resulted in long periods without support, further delaying their recovery. • We also found that the delays led to an increased demand for support services. This was due to an increased number of victims waiting for court and increased victim support needs due to the impact of the Crown Court delays. Many staff reported unsustainable caseloads and many support services had to implement waiting lists. Many services also raised concerns about the quality and consistency of support provision being compromised as a result of the overwhelming demand. • Our research highlighted the negative impact of the Crown Court backlogs on the wellbeing and job satisfaction of support staff, with some at risk of burnout and leaving their roles. This further exacerbated issues with support accessibility, quality, and consistency. Poor communication compounds the impact of the Crown Court backlog on victims. • Our research highlighted that poor initial expectation management of how long a case can take to get to trial and a lack of communication whilst victims waited for trial worsened victims’ experiences. • We also found that many victims experienced trials being adjourned at very short notice and with minimal or no explanation. This added to the emotional distress they experienced navigating an already challenging process. Key recommendations This report contains 19 recommendations that are grouped into three overarching aims. We have identified a key recommendation for change to help achieve each of these aims: 1. Improve the victim experience of the criminal justice system. o The government to explore how victims whose case is going to trial might be given a single point of contact to improve communication and ensure their Victims’ Code entitlements are delivered. 2. Make court processes more transparent and efficient. o The restoration of an Independent Courts’ Inspectorate so that the operation of the Court Service is subject to rigorous independent scrutiny. 3. Ensure victim services can provide support to victims as they wait for the case to get to trial. o Providing emergency funding to victim support services to help them cope with increased caseloads arising from the court backlog crisis.  

London: Victims Commissioner, 2025. 73p.

By Greg Hannah, Caroline Harper, Heather James and Grace Whitehead, under the direction of Oliver Lodge.

 Definitions of the term ‘violence against women and girls’ (VAWG) vary, but the government defines it as “acts of violence or abuse that we know disproportionately affect women and girls”. It covers crimes including rape and other sexual offences, stalking, domestic abuse, ‘honour’-based abuse (including female genital mutilation, forced marriage and ‘honour’ killings), ‘revenge porn’ and ‘upskirting’.  Over one in four women are estimated to be victims of sexual assault or attempted assault in their lifetime, and one in 12 women are victims of VAWG each year, although the actual number is likely to be much higher. The National Police Chiefs’ Council reported that, in 2022-23, 20% of all police-recorded crime was related to violence against women and girls. The victim was female in 86% of all police-recorded sexual offences in the year to March 2022. In the year ending December 2023, over 97% (23,723) of people convicted of sexual offences were male, and crimes are often committed by someone known to the victim. 3 Violence against women and girls can have long-term impacts on victims, affecting them physically, mentally, socially and financially. It is estimated that the economic and social cost of domestic abuse could be as high as £84 billion. The Home Office last estimated the societal cost of rape cases in 2018, based on 2015-16 data, when it estimated that the 122,000 rape cases reported that year could have a societal cost of around £4.8 billion.  In 2021, the then government introduced its strategy, “Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls” (the VAWG Strategy), which outlined a series of commitments focused on: • prevention – to deliver long-term cultural and societal change; • supporting victims – to increase support for victims and survivors including providing support services that are run by and for the communities they serve; • pursuing perpetrators – to transform the criminal justice response to ensure all perpetrators of offences against women are brought to justice; and • building a stronger system – working with multiple government departments to develop a joined-up system across health, justice, law enforcement, housing, social care and education. In 2021, the Domestic Abuse Act received Royal Assent, and in 2022 the Home Office published a separate “Tackling Domestic Abuse” Plan (the Domestic Abuse Plan)   The Home Office leads on the government’s response to tackling VAWG, including domestic abuse. However, achieving progress requires the commitment of multiple government departments. There are important roles for the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government, the Ministry of Justice and other parts of the criminal justice system, the Department for Education and NHS England in, for example, identifying victims and supporting them to feel safe, educating young people in safe relationships and ensuring justice through the courts and prison systems.  The new government has committed to halve the prevalence of VAWG within a decade as part of its ‘mission’ to make streets safer. The Home Office will lead this mission and is developing a new VAWG strategy. In this report, we have examined the Home Office’s leadership of the 2021 “Tackling Violence Against Women and Girls” Strategy (the VAWG Strategy) and the 2022 “Tackling Domestic Abuse Plan” (the Domestic Abuse Plan), to identify lessons to support the delivery of the government’s ambition to halve violence against women and girls. Key Findings Progress against the 2021 strategy  Violence against women and girls is a serious and growing problem. In 2023-24 the prevalence of sexual assault against women aged 16 to 59 in England and Wales (the percentage of the population estimated to have suffered a sexual assault each year) was higher than in 2009-10 (4.3% and 3.4% respectively). Conversely, the prevalence of domestic abuse against women was lower (9.2% and 7.4% respectively). Over the same period incidents of rape and sexual assault against women and girls recorded by police have increased almost fourfold, from 34,000 to 123,000, although this can in part be explained by improved recording of these crimes. The societal landscape against which these crimes are committed has also become increasingly complex and in recent years online harms (such as revenge porn) have been recognised as crimes in themselves (paragraphs 1.2, 1.4, 1.7 to 1.9 and Figures 1 and 2). 8 To date, the Home Office has not led an effective whole-system response. Successfully addressing the harms caused by VAWG requires the coordinated effort and commitment of many government departments. But the cross-departmental governance in place did not ensure all departments were prioritising the VAWG Strategy’s aims and were pulling in the same direction. The Home Office created a dedicated team to lead the VAWG Strategy, but it has found it challenging to get buy-in from other government departments. The Home Office’s Officials’ oversight group, established to progress the Strategy, did not meet until a year after the VAWG Strategy’s launch. The Home Office has since revised its governance, which has been welcomed by some departments. While strong ministerial support can encourage cross-government working, the Ministerial oversight group for the VAWG Strategy only met four times in three years (paragraphs 1.10, 3.4 to 3.8). 9 The Home Office has not had a full understanding of the scale of resources committed to tackling VAWG across government, limiting its ability to prioritise efforts. As the lead department for tackling VAWG, the Home Office needs to understand the capacity and resources other bodies are committing to the VAWG Strategy so it can effectively coordinate and oversee their work. The Home Office has not centrally coordinated funding for VAWG across government and, in contrast with the 2021 illegal drugs strategy, the relevant departments did not prepare a joint spending review bid during the period of implementing the VAWG Strategy. Our analysis suggests other government departments spent at least £979 million between 2021-22 and 2023-24. The Home Office has historically underspent its own budget allocated to the VAWG Strategy, by an average of 15% between 2021-22 and 2023-24 (paragraphs 2.5 to 2.9 and Figure 7).  The lack of a consistent definition for VAWG across public bodies and their approaches to measuring the scale of VAWG crimes has made it difficult to measure progress in a consistent way. The Home Office’s definition of VAWG includes all victims, across all ages and genders, whereas police forces only include women and girls. The Home Office told us it uses estimates from the Crime Survey for England and Wales to measure prevalence, which does not include children under the age of 16, even though they are included in the Strategy. The Home Office does not consider police-recorded crime an accurate indicator of the prevalence of VAWG, since it is likely to under-report crimes: the police only record one crime per victim/perpetrator relationship, even where multiple VAWG crimes are committed. This, in addition to gaps in data for some VAWG crime types such as ‘honour’-based abuse, limits the data available to measure progress. A consistent definition and approach to measuring the scale of VAWG crimes across all of government and policing would help to create a better shared understanding of the scale of the challenge the government is trying to address (paragraphs 3.16 to 3.21 and Figure 12).  

London: National Audit Office, 2025. 69p.

By Thorn in partnership with Burson Insights, Data & Intelligence 

Since 2019, Thorn has focused on amplifying youth voices to better understand their digital lives, with particular attention to how they encounter and navigate technologyfacilitated forms of sexual abuse and exploitation. Previous youth-centered research has explored topics such as child sexual abuse material (CSAM)1 —including that which is self-generated (“SG-CSAM”)—nonconsensual resharing, online grooming, and the barriers young people face in disclosing or reporting negative experiences. Thorn’s Emerging Threats to Young People research series aims to examine emergent online risks to better understand how current technologies create and/or exacerbate child safety vulnerabilities and identify areas where solutions are needed. This report, the first in the series, sheds light specifically on young people’s perceptions of and experiences with deepfake nudes. Future reports in this initiative will address other pressing issues, including sextortion and online solicitations. Drawing on responses from a survey of 1,200 young people aged 13-20, this report explores their awareness of deepfake nudes, lived experiences with them, and their involvement in creating such content. Three key findings emerged from this researc.  1. Young people overwhelmingly recognize deepfake nudes as a form of technology-facilitated abuse that harms the person depicted. Eighty-four percent of those surveyed believe that deepfake nudes cause harm, attributing this largely to the emotional and psychological impacts on victims, the potential for reputational damage, and the increasingly photorealistic quality of the imagery, which leads viewers to perceive—and consume—it as authentic. 2. Deepfake nudes already represent real experiences that young people have to navigate. Not only are many young people familiar with the concept, but a significant number report personal connections to this harm—either knowing someone targeted or experiencing it themselves. Forty-one percent of young people surveyed indicated they had heard the term “deepfake nudes,” including 1 in 3 (31%) teens. Additionally, among teens, 1 in 10 (10%) reported personally knowing someone who had deepfake nude imagery created of them, and 1 in 17 (6%) disclosed having been a direct victim of this form of abuse. 3. Among the limited sample of young people who admit to creating deepfake nudes of others, they describe easy access to deepfake technologies. Creators described access to the technologies through their devices’ app stores and accessibility via general search engines and social media 

El Segundo, CA  Thorn, 2025. 32p.

By Anne Summers, Thomas Shortridge, Kristen Sobeck

Whichever way you look at it, many women are paying a huge economic price in addition to the physical, emotional and psychological damage done to them by domestic violence. It is no accident that employment and education – the pathway to better employment – are targeted by perpetrators as a prime means of depleting or even destroying women’s ability to be financially self-sufficient.

The data used in this report enables the authors, for the first time, to quantify the economic impact of domestic violence on Australian women. The report sets out in detail how large numbers of women have not attained a degree, have left the labour force, have reduced their working hours, or have taken time off work– all because of domestic violence.

The authors identify changes that need to be made across the following areas: paid domestic violence leave policie tthe operation of paid domestic violence leave multiple avenues of support are needed support to (re-)enter employment the Leaving Violence Program.

Sydney: University of Technology Sydney 2025. 52p.

By European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, FRA; European Institute for Gender Equality

  This report presents, for the first time, selected key results of the EU gender-based violence survey based on data from all 27 Member States. Across the EU-27, 114 023 women were interviewed about their experiences. The report focuses on the prevalence of various forms of violence against women in the EU. The EU gender-based violence survey also collected specific data about women’s experiences of violence, including on the consequences of violence and contacts with different services that provide assistance to victims, as survivors of violence. Data on both the prevalence of violence and the consequences of violence will be analysed in detail in the survey report that Eurostat, FRA and EIGE will publish in 2025. In this report, the results are presented in four chapters, starting with the overall prevalence of physical violence or threats and/or sexual violence by any perpetrator. This is followed by two chapters that focus on violence perpetrated by women’s intimate partners and by other people (non-partners). The fourth chapter examines women’s experiences of sexual harassment at work. Finally, the report includes an annex that summarises the survey data collection methodology  

Vienna: FRA 2024. 48p.

By The  European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights = FRA

This paper sets out some of the key challenges and concrete solutions in the implementation and enjoyment of victims’ rights that have emerged from FRA’s research over the past decade on how victims of crime have accessed their rights in practice across the EU. The findings are intended to inform and support the work of key stakeholders with respect to the revised Victims’ Rights Directive and related legislative files that address various victims’ rights. Those include the Directive on combatting violence against women and domestic violence, the Directive on preventing and combating trafficking in human beings and protection of its victims, the Directive on combating the sexual abuse and sexual exploitation of children and child pornography, the Directive on combatting terrorism, and the Compensation Directive.

Based on existing FRA data, the paper brings together key findings from FRA’s quantitative and qualitative research on victims of crime relating to three areas:

• Reporting crime

• Protection from secondary victimisation

• Victim support services.

The paper highlights challenges and solutions in each of these areas, drawing directly from FRA’s published work.

Empirical evidence concerning victims’ enjoyment of their rights in practice, and the challenges they face, emerges from data that FRA has gathered using a variety of methodologies; namely:

1. Large-scale quantitative surveys collecting data from tens of thousands of victims (based on interviews in person or carried out online; some surveys covering all EU Member States and others a selection of countries); and

2. In-depth qualitative research that involves the testimony of victims but also practitioners who deal directly with victims within the criminal justice system (e.g. police, prosecutors, judges, lawyers, victim support services).

See list of relevant FRA publications at the end of this section.

The solutions outlined in this paper, drawn from existing FRA findings, are based on practices in various EU Member States that have proven to be effective in responding to the practical needs of victims and to improving their ability to access their rights. These findings can assist the EU institutions and Member States in identifying actions that could be taken in these three areas to guarantee the rights, support and protection of victims of crime.

Vienna: European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights, FRA, 2024. 39p.

By Daniel Tolstrup, Sarah T. Roberts, Ruth Deya, George Wanje, Juma Shafi, Jocelyn R. James, Geetanjali Chander, R. Scott McClelland, Susan M. Graham

Aim

Unhealthy alcohol use is often correlated with experiences of intimate partner violence (IPV). We investigated how different types of IPV (sexual, physical, emotional, and financial) were associated with unhealthy alcohol use among women engaged in sex work in Mombasa, Kenya.

Methods

This cross-sectional study included 283 HIV-negative women who engaged in sex work recruited from an ongoing cohort study. Modified Poisson analysis was used to assess associations between recent (≤ 12 months) or past (> 12 months) experiences of sexual, physical, emotional, or financial IPV and unhealthy alcohol use defined as an Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test score ≥ 8.

Results

Among 283 participants, 34.6 % had unhealthy alcohol use. Physical (62.5 %), emotional (60.4 %), and financial (66.4 %) IPV occurred more frequently than sexual IPV (43.8 %). Adjusted risk ratios (ARR) for relationships between physical and financial IPV and unhealthy alcohol use were elevated but not statistically significant. Compared to participants who had not experienced sexual IPV, those who had experienced recent or past sexual IPV had an increased risk of unhealthy alcohol use (ARR 1.56, 95 % confidence interval [1.09, 2.23] and ARR 1.48, 95 % confidence interval [0.97, 2.25], respectively).

Conclusion

Sexual IPV was associated with unhealthy alcohol use among Kenyan women who engage in sex work. Physical, emotional, and financial IPV were also highly prevalent in the study population, though not associated with unhealthy alcohol use. These findings affirm the potential benefit of providing integrated IPV and alcohol treatment services focused on recovery after experiences of IPV for this vulnerable population.

Drug and Alcohol Dependence Reports, Volume 14, March 2025, 7p.

By Cintya Lanchimba, Juan Pablo Díaz-Sánchez and Franklin Velasco

Introduction: This econometric analysis investigates the nexus between household factors and domestic violence. By considering diverse variables encompassing mood, depression, health consciousness, social media engagement, household chores, density, and religious affiliation, the study aims to comprehend the underlying dynamics influencing domestic violence. Methods: Employing econometric techniques, this study examined a range of household-related variables for their potential associations with levels of violence within households. Data on mood, depression, health consciousness, social media usage, household chores, density, and religious affiliation were collected and subjected to rigorous statistical analysis. Results: The findings of this study unveil notable relationships between the aforementioned variables and levels of violence within households. Positive mood emerges as a mitigating factor, displaying a negative correlation with violence. Conversely, depression positively correlates with violence, indicating an elevated propensity for conflict. Increased health consciousness is linked with diminished violence, while engagement with social media demonstrates a moderating influence. Reduction in the time allocated to household chores corresponds with lower violence levels. Household density, however, exhibits a positive association with violence. The effects of religious affiliation on violence manifest diversely, contingent upon household position and gender. Discussion: The outcomes of this research offer critical insights for policymakers and practitioners working on formulating strategies for preventing and intervening in instances of domestic violence. The findings emphasize the importance of considering various household factors when designing effective interventions. Strategies to bolster positive mood, alleviate depression, encourage health consciousness, and regulate social media use could potentially contribute to reducing domestic violence. Additionally, the nuanced role of religious affiliation underscores the need for tailored approaches based on household dynamics, positioning, and gender.

Front. Psychiatry, 2023, 13p.

By The Australian Law Reform Commission

Sexual violence is one of the most common and serious harms confronting Australia today. When it comes to sexual violence and the justice system there are significant challenges. 9 out of 10 women who have experienced sexual violence do not report to the police. Where there is engagement with the justice system, between 75–85% of reports to police do not proceed to charge. Even fewer reports proceed to court. Once in court, many people report experiencing the justice system as re-traumatising.

This report examines a range of issues with the aim of strengthening and harmonising sexual assault and consent laws in Australia and considers ways to promote just outcomes for people who have experienced sexual violence, including minimising retraumatisation.

The report's 64 recommendations seek to ensure that more people who have experienced sexual violence can access the justice system, meaningfully engage with it and reach a just outcome.

Key findings

Under-engagement with the justice system to be the most significant problem with the justice system’s response to sexual violence.

The justice system is failing to meet the twin goals of access to justice and accountability: it is not supporting those who have experienced sexual violence to engage with the justice system, nor holding those who use sexual violence to account.

Key recommendations

The Australian Government, together with state and territory governments, should fund relevant organisations (including sexual violence services, community legal centres, Aboriginal Community Controlled Organisations, Legal Aid Commissions, and participating legal firms) to provide independent legal services, justice system navigators, and safe places to disclose.

The Australian Government should commission a national inquiry to address the impact of factors such as mandatory sentencing provisions, sentencing discount regimes, and consequences following conviction (such as sex offender registration) on sexual offence matters proceeding to trial rather than resolving via guilty pleas, and measures that may promote early resolution.

The National Judicial College of Australia should be funded to manage and staff an ongoing research team and locate a member of the research team in each of the trial courts to coordinate the building of a shared evidence base.

Flinders Lane, VIC: Australian Law Reform Commission 2025. 72p.