By The International Justice Mission and University of Nottingham Rights Lab.

In 2021 International Justice Mission (IJM), together with the University of Nottingham Rights Lab, a world-leading human trafficking research institution, launched the Scale of Harm project to develop and implement a mixed-methodology providing prevalence estimates of trafficking of children to produce CSEM, including via livestreaming, in the Philippines. This is the full report of the methodology, findings, and recommendation from the very first national survey and study. You can the Summary Report below.

International Justice Mission, 2023. 78p.

By Vivian Dedase-Escoton, Suisan Walker, Dawn Schurter, Eliezer Moreno, Nathaniel Diaz, and Shiella Silva

Online sexual exploitation of children is a rampantly growing global crime, particularly in the Philippines which is known as the “global hotspot” of OSEC cases (IJM, 2020, p. 60) and ranked amongst the top ten producers of child sexual exploitation material (CSEM) (UNICEF, 2017a). Online sexual exploitation of children refers to a broad category of online sex offending that includes, but is not limited to, possession or distribution of previously produced CSEM, enticing children to “self-produce” new CSEM, and grooming children for later contact abuse. The unique nature and demographics of victims and perpetrators of this form of abuse which include the very young age of children victimized, the overwhelming number of families directly involved in the crime, the acceptance and tolerance of this form of exploitation in communities involved, as well as the high-risk for potential re-victimization of victims, present challenges in aftercare support, particularly in reintegration of survivors. In addressing the issues of online child sexual abuse, the preventive, protective, and supportive interventions for children should be extended to families and communities who are the key players in perpetrating this crime (ASEAN, 2016; UNICEF East Asian Pacific Regional Office [EAPRO], 2016; United Nations Office of Drugs and Crime [UNODC], 2015). This holistic approach is fundamental to ensuring survivor’s restoration, sustained recovery, and successful reintegration. This study examined the environmental context – individual, family, community, and societal level – of the survivors to: (1) provide a comprehensive understanding of the risk factors that facilitate online sexual exploitation of children in individuals (victims), families, and communities impacted by this form of abuse, and determine gaps in the system that affect the effective delivery of interventions and support services for survivors; (2) determine the factors that contribute to successful reintegration of survivors including the interventions and support services that need to be provided at each level of system. And lastly, (3) identify alternative care options for survivors who cannot be reintegrated to their family and community. Employing a qualitative approach, key informant questionnaires were distributed to 55 respondents composed of 19 non-offending family members and 18 neighbors of selected Aftercare Participants including 18 service providers that have knowledge of and involvement with survivors of online sexual exploitation. Further, five focus group discussions among government and non-government service providers with a total of 40 participants from NCR, Region IV-A, Region III, and Region VII were conducted. These areas represent the regions with the highest number of IJM online sexual exploitation of children clients in 2018. Findings determined the following key risk factors that facilitate online sexual exploitation of children in individuals (victims), families, and communities involved in this form of abuse

International Justice Mission - IJM, 2020. 77p.

By Stephen Merchant, Greg Wilson

In 2023 the Government commissioned a ‘first principles’ independent review of the Australian Criminal Intelligence Commission (ACIC) and associated Commonwealth law enforcement arrangements.

The review assessed the effectiveness of the ACIC’s legislative framework and found that comprehensive reform was needed to ensure ACIC could operate effectively as Australia’s national criminal intelligence agency. The review recommended ACIC shift away from its existing law enforcement and investigative functions towards providing unique intelligence on serious and organised crime to Commonwealth, state and territory law enforcement agencies.

The independent review’s recommendations set out a blueprint to transform the ACIC in response to the significant and ongoing threat of serious and organised crime. The Government has agreed or agreed in-principle with 27 of the 29 recommendations - as set out in the government response.

Key recommendations

• Undertake robust legislative reforms to address significant deficiencies in the existing legislative frameworks and ensure the ACIC has appropriate powers for the collection of intelligence.

• Incorporate appropriate oversight and safeguards for the ACIC, including in relation to its use of coercive powers.

• Reinvigorate national governance and coordination arrangements for responding to serious and organised crime.

• Reinforce the independence of the Australian Institute of Criminology.

BARTON, ACT : Attorney-General's Department (Australia), 2024. 68p.

By Martina Prpic with Melissa Eichhorn

Children are human beings with rights and dignity. Children's rights are human rights. Owing to their fragility and vulnerability, children also require specific protection, however, which involves providing them with an environment where they are safe from any situation that could potentially expose them to abuse. Violence against children, as defined in Article 19 of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, can take many forms (physical, sexual or emotional abuse or neglect) and can take place in different settings, such as at home, at school, in institutions, online, etc. Most child abusers are familiar to their victims. The short- and long-term consequences of abuse in terms of human, economic and social costs can be severe and extremely harmful. The extent of violence against children in the EU is difficult to assess, but current estimates give cause for great concern. The nature of the problem depends on various factors, including the personality profiles of victims and perpetrators as well as their surroundings. Certain categories of children, such as those with disabilities, those living in special institutions or those who are unaccompanied migrants, are particularly vulnerable. However, violence is avoidable and preventable. Effective policies to address this problem require a multi-sectoral approach involving different stakeholders at various levels. At international level, the United Nations and the Council of Europe have taken a number of measures to safeguard the rights of children, and more specifically to protect them from violence. The Convention on the Rights of the Child is crucial in this effort. According to its Article 19, children are entitled to protection from all forms of violence, and Member States are required to take all appropriate measures to ensure this protection. In recent years, the EU has been stepping up its measures to protect children. With the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty, child protection has been recognised as a specific EU goal. While Member States are primarily responsible for child protection systems, the EU also plays an important role, since it is required to promote initiatives to protect children's rights. Its actions directly influence the relevant laws and policies implemented by the Member States in this area. Various parties are involved in raising awareness about violence against children, the importance of effective EU support for national child protection initiatives and the mainstreaming of child protection. Through its numerous initiatives, such as the continuously renewed EU strategy on the rights of the child and the 2024 Commission recommendation on integrated child protection systems, the EU continues to emphasise its commitment to protecting children and supporting Member States' actions and the exchange of best practice.

Brussels: EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service, 2024. 31p.

By Tse Yang Lim, Huiru Dong, Erin Stringfellow, Zeynep Hasgul, Ju Park, Lukas Glos, Reza Kazemi, and Mohammad S Jalali

Fentanyl and its analogs contribute substantially to drug overdose deaths in the United States. There is concern that people using drugs are being unknowingly exposed to fentanyl, increasing their risk of overdose death. This study examines temporal trends and spatial variations in the co-occurrence of fentanyl with other seized drugs.

Methods

We identified fentanyl co-occurrence (the proportion of samples of non-fentanyl substances that also contain fentanyl) among 9 substances or substance classes of interest: methamphetamine, cannabis, cocaine, heroin, club drugs, hallucinogens, and prescription opioids, stimulants, and benzodiazepines. We used serial cross-sectional data on drug reports across 50 states and the District of Columbia from the National Forensic Laboratory Information System, the largest available database on the U.S. illicit drug supply, from January 2013 to December 2023.

Findings

We analyzed data from 11,940,207 samples. Fentanyl co-occurrence with all examined substances increased monotonically over time (Mann-Kendall p < 0.0001). Nationally, fentanyl co-occurrence was highest among heroin samples (approx. 50%), but relatively low among methamphetamine (≤1%), cocaine (≤4%), and other drug samples. However, co-occurrence rates have grown to over 10% for cocaine and methamphetamine in several Northeast states in 2017–2023.

Interpretation:

Fentanyl co-occurs most commonly with heroin, but its presence in stimulant supplies is increasing in some areas, where it may pose a disproportionately high risk of overdose.

Lancet Reg Health Amicas, . 2024 Sep 27;39:100898. doi: 10.1016/j.lana.2024.100898

By Michael J. Rosenfeld

U.S. Merit Systems Protection Board (USMSPB) surveys document a decline of more than 50 percent between 1987 and 2016 in the percentage of women working for the federal government who have been sexually harassed (narrowly or broadly defined) in the prior two years. This decline has been underappreciated due to the infrequency of USMSPB surveys and the delayed release of the USMSPB report based on the 2016 survey. The decline in workplace sexual harassment of women has taken place across all federal agencies and at all workplace gender balances. While, in 1987, there was a strong positive correlation between male predominance in the workplace and women’s report of sexual harassment, this association was greatly diminished by 2016. The formerly substantial gender divide in attitudes toward sexual harassment was also mostly diminished by 2016. By extrapolating the USMSPB surveys of federal workers to the entire U.S. workforce, I estimate that 4.8 million U.S. women were harassed at work in 2016 (using a narrow definition of harassment) and 7.6 million U.S. women were harassed at work in 1987 when the female workforce was substantially smaller. More than 700 women were sexually harassed at work in the United States in 2016 for every sexual harassment complaint filed with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The observed decline in sexual harassment has implications for theories about law and social change ”

Sociological Science 11: 934-964, 2024.

By Nicolás Zevallos Trigoso, Jaris Mujica, and Christian Campos Vásquez

Coca legalization in Peru could reshape the economy, drug control policies, and even the influence of organized crime, but the implications are complex. This report explores how moving from prohibition to a regulated market affects not only the legal framework but also the ground reality for coca growers, consumers, and law enforcement. Legalization doesn’t just mean lifting restrictions; it involves constructing a regulatory structure that acknowledges coca as both a cultural staple and a consumer good.

The study reveals that while legalization could reduce the criminalization of coca production, it also creates new challenges. Ensuring a legal supply chain for coca derivatives, from cultivation to sale, demands extensive state oversight—a task complicated by limited resources and a history of challenges with other legal commodities like timber and gold. Moreover, organized crime could exploit the gaps in regulation, adapting to the legal framework while maintaining parallel illegal operations.

The analysis dives into four major areas of impact: changes in drug policy, shifts in organized crime dynamics, effects on the local economy of coca growers, and potential shifts in consumer patterns. The findings suggest that legalization could reduce repressive policing but require intensified regulatory control, putting immense pressure on Peru’s state capacity. Organized crime may also adapt to the new structures, blending illegal activities with legal coca businesses.

This study also highlights lessons from other industries that have moved from illicit to regulated markets, providing a balanced view of possible outcomes. While coca legalization could offer a path away from prohibition’s punitive approach, the transition to a regulated market could mean ongoing challenges.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2024 24p.

By Max Daly ̵ Patrick Shortis

There has been a groundbreaking shift in the global drug trade, pioneered in Russia and now spreading globally. Unlike traditional drug trafficking models, this system leverages darknet markets and cryptocurrency for anonymous transactions, allowing buyers to retrieve drugs from hidden physical locations, or “dead drops,” rather than direct exchanges. Driven by large platforms such as Kraken, Mega, and Blacksprut, Russian darknet markets control 93% of the global share, generating approximately $1.5 billion in revenue in 2023 alone. This dominance marks a new era for organized crime, with Russia’s digital drug economy vastly surpassing traditional Western darknet markets in scope and influence.

The rise of Russia’s dead drop drug trade stems from several unique national factors: restrictive anti-drug policies, strained Western trade relations, and a strong technological foundation. Enabled by these conditions, the dead drop model has reshaped how drugs are distributed in Russia. Drug transactions now involve no face-to-face interactions; instead, orders are placed online, paid for with cryptocurrency, and retrieved from secret locations across cities within hours. This system, offering convenience and anonymity, has seen synthetic drugs—especially synthetic cathinones like mephedrone—overtake traditional imported substances like cocaine and heroin in Russia. As the report highlights, these potent synthetic drugs are cheap, easy to manufacture, and readily distributed through Russia’s vast delivery networks.

The report further underscores the severe social impacts of this model on Russian society, particularly among young people. Youth are drawn into this high-tech drug economy, often working as couriers or “kladmen” for online shops—a job that comes with high risks, including violence, criminal charges, and addiction. Violence has become endemic in the system, with enforcers, known as “sportsmen,” meting out harsh punishments for couriers suspected of theft or negligence. This pervasive violence, combined with the easy availability of highly addictive synthetic drugs, is fueling a public health crisis and contributing to rising incarceration rates among young Russians.

Beyond Russia, the report warns that this drug trade model is now expanding across borders, posing public health and security risks. It’s affecting Russian youth heavily, leading to violence, criminalization, and increased synthetic drug dependence. Understanding Russia’s darknet markets offers insight into the future of drug trafficking worldwide. Authorities and international bodies must adapt to address the growing influence of this high-tech, anonymous, and highly organized trade system.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2024. 53p.

By Phil Williams

By 2040, organized crime may thrive like never before, exploiting climate crises, geopolitical conflicts, and technological advancements. Our latest report reveals a chilling forecast where criminal networks operate as shadow governments, shielded by authoritarian regimes and empowered by rapid technological evolution.

This “fifth wave” of organized crime, as coined by author Phil Williams, will capitalize on scarcity markets, leveraging disruptions in essential resources like water, minerals, and energy caused by climate change. Criminal networks are expected to infiltrate legitimate markets, blurring lines between lawful and illicit activities and using scarcity as a driving force for growth.

The report suggests that by leveraging emerging tools such as artificial intelligence, autonomous vehicles, and 5G technology, criminal organizations will achieve new levels of sophistication, making it difficult for law enforcement to counter their reach and resilience. Meanwhile, geopolitical tensions are likely to exacerbate the situation, as some authoritarian regimes utilize criminal networks as extensions of state power, offering them safe havens and strategic support in exchange for destabilizing activities abroad.

The findings raise urgent questions about global readiness to combat organized crime’s possible evolution. “The Fifth Wave” challenges policymakers, law enforcement agencies, and international organizations to rethink their approach to organized crime in a rapidly shifting world. It underscores the importance of proactive strategies that go beyond traditional crime-fighting tactics, advocating for comprehensive international collaboration, adaptive policy-making, and innovative technology to address this deeply entrenched threat.

As crime increasingly infiltrates legal economies, emerging as a powerful economic and social force, international collaboration and innovative strategies will be vital to mitigate this emerging threat. This threat requires an unprecedented global response.

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2024. 30p.

By The Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel

This report describes very shocking things about the lives, distress and pain of children who had horrific abuse perpetrated on them, by adults who should have cared for them and kept them safe. What is even more disturbing is that safeguarding agencies were unable to listen, hear and protect these children. This report, and the evidence on which it is based, stands as both an invitation and a challenge to government and professionals, to respect and recognise the voices and experiences of the children at the heart of this review, so that children in the future might receive the help and protection that should be their undeniable right. Forty years on from the publication of the Cleveland Report (1988), we must ask why the sexual abuse of children in the family environment provokes undoubted and profound professional unease, and in so doing, systematically silences and shuts out children from the protection and support they need. More recently the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (IICSA) evidenced the countless ways in which organisations, professionals and government have too often denied and deflected attention from the realities of child sexual abuse. This was powerfully demonstrated in the courageous testimonies of adult survivors in IICSA’s Truth Project. Over the past 20 years or so, the light on the sexual abuse of children within families has gradually dimmed. We have witnessed a worrying evaporation of the skills and knowledge that professionals (leaders and practitioners) must have to work confidently and sensitively in this complex area of practice. This dilution of focus and expertise may be partly explained by the greater public and professional attention on the sexual abuse of children in institutions, by ‘famous’ people and on the sexual exploitation of children outside their home. This was undoubtedly urgently required, but it may also have drawn our eyes away from the more common experience for children, of sexual abuse in their families. Despite commonalities between different types of sexual abuse, the ‘othering’ and moral outrage that can accompany media attention on extra-familial sexual abuse has perhaps distracted attention from the more commonplace nature of familial abuse. In turning our attention away from the latter, we have undermined the confidence and capability of professionals to identify and respond to sexual abuse in families.

In over a third of the reviews, the people who harmed children (98% of whom were men) were known to pose a risk of sexual harm. The risk of harm was known (and often over many years) but ignored, denied or deflected. Therefore, it is often not a matter of professionals not knowing about the risk of abuse, but rather of a system that simply does not see, notice and comprehend this type of risk. The review highlights too that shame, fear and concern about betraying their families means that children struggle to tell others what is happening. A profound change is overdue in how professionals, in their different roles, engage with and talk to children about abuse. This involves wholesale change in training, supervision and leadership. These challenges are not about the failings of individuals or one agency to do their job. They are systemic and of a multi-agency nature. This is emphasised by the fact that in 2022/23 just 3.6% of children on child protection plans were there because of a primary concern about child sexual abuse (and tellingly this is at its lowest for a very long time). This may be because of institutionalised avoidance and disinclination to name sexual abuse as a concern, and also because safeguarding agencies are failing to notice when children are at risk of this form of harm. It may also reflect a system that too often is criminal justice led. A national strategic response, led by government, is needed. This will involve investment in better working together, not only between the trinity of safeguarding partners (local authorities, police and health) but also with schools and other education providers, with the criminal and family justice system (including probation), and with the third sector. The voices and testimonies of the children at the heart of this report make plain that we cannot turn our minds away from acknowledging the reality of sexual abuse for too many children. The child whose quote forms this review’s title reminds us of our responsibilities to notice what is happening to children. If we do not, then those perpetrating abuse will continue to wield their corrosive and abusive power in many children’s lives.

London: Child Safeguarding Practice Review Panel, 2024. 139p.

By Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe

This publication was prepared as part of the Organization for Security and Co-operation’s (OSCE) Gender Issues Programme project “WIN for Women and Men: Strengthening Comprehensive Security through Innovating and Networking for Gender Equality”, in co-operation with the United Nations Population Fund’s (UNFPA) Regional Office for Eastern Europe and Central Asia. This mapping is based on a combination of a desk review and interviews with key stakeholders in each of the five countries in Central Asia. The results of the mapping are presented first as regional trends and tendencies, followed by findings per country. Programs aimed at changing the violent behaviour of perpetrators are important elements in preventing gender-based violence and ending impunity. The aim of this document is to look into existing programs and trends and offer a set of recommendations for further engagement in Central Asia.

Vienna: OSCE, 2024. 27p.

By Cory Schnell

This study presents a new perspective on the influence of time and the reoccurrence of crime problems at micro-places. I examined 342,690 aggravated assault incidents reported to the Chicago Police Department from 2001 to 2020 using a longitudinal repeat and near-repeat research design combined with cumulative incidence graphs across different temporal windows. There are two distinct periods to observe the revictimization of violence at micro-places. There is immediate risk after an incident within a week followed by a longer period with lower risk across 2 to 4 years when crime often routinely circles back to the same locations. Future research should continue to refine understanding of cyclical patterns or the “life course” of crime at micro-places to enhance the efficacy of place-based crime prevention strategies.

Security Journal (2024) 37:1483–1508

By The  Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC)

Gender-based violence against women and girls and its most extreme manifestation —femicides, feminicides, or gender-related killings of women and girls—1 are a dramatic illustration of the persistent structural challenges of gender inequality that affect women and girls in Latin America and the Caribbean. Bulletin No. 3 on feminicide violence presents the official statistics submitted by the region’s countries to the Gender Equality Observatory for Latin America and the Caribbean on cases of femicides, feminicides and gender-related killings of women reported in 2023. This bulletin is part of the UNiTE by 2030 to End Violence against Women campaign of the Secretary General of the United Nations, aimed at preventing and eliminating gender-based violence against women and girls worldwide. The campaign calls on governments, civil society organizations, women’s organizations, youth, the private sector, the media, and the entire United Nations system to join forces and tackle the global pandemic of violence against women and girls. The publication of this third bulletin coincides with the commemoration of two key milestones in the process of garnering commitments from States to guarantee the human rights of women and girls and the right to a life free of violence: the thirtieth anniversary of the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action, adopted at the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995, and the thirtieth anniversary of the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (Convention of Belém do Pará), the first human rights treaty to establish the right of women to a life free of violence in both the public and private sphere, and to identify gender-based violence against women as a violation of human rights. The standards and commitments established in these instruments are also reflected in the Regional Gender Agenda, which consolidates agreements signed by governments at different sessions of the Regional Conference on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean since 1977 (see diagram 1). Another key instrument in the region is the Montevideo Consensus, adopted at the first meeting of the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean. The Consensus is a robust road map to promote the safeguarding of sexual and reproductive rights, gender equality and a rights-based approach (ECLAC, 2013).   

Bulletin No, 3 Santiago de Chile; Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) , 2024. 20p.

By Dana Stripling; Rick Dierenfeldt; Grant Drawve; Christina Policastro; Gale Iles

An extensive body of literature has described the influence of neighborhood characteristics, including socio-economic deprivation, residential turnover, and racial/ethnic composition on gun crime. There have been limited efforts, however, to examine the extent to which these effects might vary based on the nature of gun crime—particularly in communities outside of major cities like Chicago or St. Louis. This study attempts to address this issue through the application of negative binomial regression and equality of coefficients tests to data obtained from the crime logs and American Community Survey data of a medium-sized city in the Southeastern U.S. Specifically, this study examines (in)equality in the structural covariates of gun crimes when these offenses are disaggregated by gang-involved gun crime versus non-gang involved gun crime. Results indicate that the relative influence of neighborhood structural characteristics varies by gun crime type, illustrating the need for disaggregated measures for developing effective policy and assessment.  

The University of Tennessee at Chattanooga Chattanooga, Tennessee , 2023. 56p.  

By Sarah A. Font and Reeve Kennedy

Despite sufficient evidence to conclude that maltreatment exposure affects the risk of crime and delinquency, the magnitude and specificity of effects of child maltreatment on crime and delinquency and the mechanisms through which those effects operate remain poorly identified. Key challenges include insufficient attention to the overlap of child maltreatment with various forms of family dysfunction and adversity and a lack of comprehensive measurement of the multiple, often comorbid, forms of child maltreatment. We then consider the potential impacts of the child welfare system on the maltreatment–crime link. Because the child welfare system typically provides voluntary, short-term services of unknown quality, it likely neither increases nor reduces risks of delinquency and crime for most children who are referred or investigated. For the comparatively small (although nominally large and important) subset of children experiencing foster care, impacts on delinquency and crime likely vary by the quality of environments within and after their time in care—issues that, to date, have received too little attention.

Annu. Rev. Criminol. 2022. 5:371–96

By Anthony A. Braga, Elizabeth Griffiths, Keller Sheppard, and Stephen Douglas

One of the central debates animating the interpretation of gun research for public policy is the question of whether the presence of firearms independently makes violent situations more lethal, known as an instrumentality effect, or whether determined offenders will simply substitute other weapons to affect fatalities in the absence of guns. The latter position assumes sufficient intentionality among homicide assailants to kill their victims, irrespective of the tools available to do so. Studies on the lethality of guns, the likelihood of injury by weapon type, offender intent, and firearm availability provide considerable evidence that guns contribute to fatalities that would otherwise have been nonfatal assaults. The increasing lethality of guns, based on size and technology, and identifiable gaps in existing gun control policies mean that new and innovative policy interventions are required to reduce firearm fatalities and to alleviate the substantial economic and social costs associated with gun violence.

Annual Review of Criminology, Vol. 4 (2021), pp. 147–164

By Tim Newburn

This review explores those varied bodies of work that have sought to understand crowd behavior and violent crowd conduct in particular. Although the study of such collective conduct was once considered central to social science, this has long ceased to be the case and in many respects, the study of protest and riot now receives relatively little attention, especially within criminology. In addition to offering a critical overview of work in this field, this review argues in favor of an expanded conception of its subject matter. In recent times, scholarly concern has increasingly been focused on questions of etiology, i.e., asking how and why events such as riots occur, with the consequence that less attention is paid to other, arguably equally important questions, including how riots spread, how they end, and, critically, what happens in their aftermath. Accordingly, as a corrective, the review proposes a life-cycle model of riots.

ANNUAL REVIEW OF CRIMINOLOGY, Vol. 4 (2021), pp. 53–73

By Lisa Featherstone -  Cassandra Byrnes .· Jenny Maturi -  Kiara Minto · Renée Mickelburgh - Paige Donaghy  

This open access book examines the ways that consent operates in contemporary culture, suggesting it is a useful starting point to respectful relationships. This work, however, seeks to delve deeper, into the more complicated aspects of sexual consent. It examines the ways meaningful consent is difficult, if not impossible, in relationships that involve intimate partner violence or family violence. It considers the way vulnerable communities need access to information on consent. It highlights the difficulties of consent and reproductive rights, including the use (and abuse) of contraception and abortion. Finally, it considers the ways that young women are reshaping narratives of sexual assault and consent, as active agents both online and offline. Though this work considers victimisation, it also pays careful attention to the ways vulnerable groups take up their rights and understand and practice consent in meaningful ways.

Cham: Springer Nature, 2024. 138p.

By The Children’s Commissioner for England

This report draws together research from focus groups with teenagers aged 13-19 and a survey of 1,000 young people aged 16-21. Of the 64% who said that they had ever seen online pornography: • We find that pornography exposure is widespread and normalized – to the extent children cannot ‘opt-out’. The average age at which children first see pornography is 13. By age nine, 10% had seen pornography, 27% had seen it by age 11, and half of children who had seen pornography had seen it by age 13. • We also find that young people are frequently exposed to violent pornography, depicting coercive, degrading or pain-inducing sex acts; 79% had encountered violent pornography before the age of 18. Young people expressed concern about the implications of violent pornography on their understanding of the difference between sexual pleasure and harm. Indeed, this report finds that frequent users of pornography are more likely to engage in physically aggressive sex acts. • Pornography is not confined to dedicated adult sites. We found that Twitter was the online platform where young people were most likely to have seen pornography. Fellow mainstream social networking platforms Instagram and Snapchat rank closely after dedicated pornography sites. At the time of publication, the UK’s landmark Online Safety Bill is making its way through Parliament. It holds the promise of, finally, regulating pornography sites and ensuring that they implement robust age verification to protect children. Now is a vital moment to ensure that we understand the impact of pornography on children’s lives, and to legislate for a commensurate response. This report is published as the Online Safety Bill passes through Parliament. The legislation, as currently drafted, imposes important age verification requirements (technical measures to establish someone’s age) on platforms which host pornography to prevent under-18s from accessing adult content online. The research contained within this report syntheses data from a nationally representative survey of over 1,000 young people aged 16-21 in England and two focus groups with teenagers aged 13-19. All research was conducted between November 2022 and January 2023 by the Children’s Commissioner’s Office (CCo) with an aim of understanding the prevalence of pornography exposure (both intentional and unintentional) among young people and its impacts on children’s safety and wellbeing. Differences between groups are only reported where they were statistically significant. The Commissioner intends for this report to aid Parliamentarians as they make crucial decisions about the protection of children from harmful content, including pornography, through the Online Safety Bill. The Commissioner also hopes that findings from this research will support the regulator, Ofcom, in their future enforcement regime, as well as parents, teachers and other key professionals, to understand and protect children from pornography’s impacts. The main research findings are set out below. Unless otherwise indicated, figures refer to young people who have ever viewed pornography. • Pornography consumption is widespread among children. The average age at which children first saw pornography was just 13 years old. • Many children are first exposed to pornography at a very young age. A significant minority of children access pornography at very young ages: 10% had seen it by age nine, 27% had seen it by age 11 and 50% of children had seen it by age 13. • Children often stumble accidentally across pornography online; 38% of 16-21-year-olds said that they had accidentally come across it online. In focus group discussions, young people told the CCo that accidentally viewing pornography for the first time made them feel ‘confused’, ‘insecure’, ‘troubled’ and ‘curious’. Chillingly, some young people spoke about the role of sexualised cartoons, depicting popular children’s characters and which appear in pop-up ads, in actively grooming young children towards adult pornography. • A significant minority of young people are sent explicit images involving a person known to them in real-life. Girls are disproportionately the target of ‘self-generated’ pornography, 51% of girls aged 16-21 had been sent or shown explicit content involving someone they know in real-life, compared to 33% of boys. • Twitter is the platform where the highest percentage of children had seen pornography; 41% of young people reported having seen it on Twitter. Dedicated pornography sites came next (37%), followed by Instagram (33%), Snapchat (32%) and search engines (30%). • Many young people seek out pornography online. Half (50%) of survey respondents, 58% of boys and 42% of girls, aged 16-21 said that they sought out online pornography themselves. • A significant proportion of males are frequent users of pornography. A fifth (21%) of males aged 16-21 viewed content at least once a day in the 2 weeks prior to the survey, compared to just 7% of girls. This is suggestive of a dependency which carries its own risk of interrelated harms. • Boys and those who first viewed online pornography at age 11 or younger were significantly more likely to become frequent users of pornography, consuming it twice or more per week. Focus group participants told us that pornography was sought for several reasons; sexual gratification, curiosity and to ‘learn’ about sex, and pressure to ‘fit in’ with peers. • Children are frequently exposed to violent pornography. The majority, 79%, of 18-21-yearolds had seen content involving sexual violence before turning 18. Early exposure to pornography and frequent consumption significantly increased the likelihood of viewing violent content. Young people are significantly more likely to see violence perpetrated against a woman (65%) than against a man (29%) in pornography. • A significant proportion of young people seek out violent pornography; 36% of young adults had sought out content involving at least one act of sexual violence. Again, a young age of first exposure and frequent consumption of pornography were predictors in the likelihood of actively seeking out violent content for sexual gratification.   

London: Children's Commissioner for England, 2023.   48p.

By Alice M. Ellysona , Emma Gauseb, Vivian H. Lyonsd, Julia P. Schleimerb, Kimberly Dalveb, Margaret R. Kuklinskid, Sabrina Oesterlef , Elizabeth H. Weybrightg, Ali RowhaniRahbara 

Abstract Objectives.—This study builds on prior research showing a strong relationship between handgun carrying and delinquent behaviors among urban youth by examining the association between handgun carrying trajectories and various types of violence in a rural sample. Methods: This study uses data from a longitudinal cohort study of 2,002 public school students in the United States from 12 rural communities across 7 states from ages 12–26 (2005–2019). We used logistic regressions to assess associations of various bullying and physical violence behaviors with latent trajectories of handgun carrying from adolescence through young adulthood. Results.—Compared to youth with very low probabilities of carrying a handgun in adolescence and young adulthood, trajectories with high probabilities of handgun carrying during adolescence or young adulthood were associated with greater odds of using bullying (odds ratios (ORs) ranging from 1.9–11.2) and higher odds of using physical violence during adolescence (ORs ranging from 1.5–15.9) and young adulthood (ORs ranging from 1.9–4.7). These trajectories with higher probabilities of handgun carrying were also associated with greater odds of experiencing physical violence like parental physical abuse and intimate partner violence, but not bullying. Conclusion and implication.—Experiencing and using bullying and physical violence were associated with specific patterns of handgun carrying among youth growing up in rural areas. Handgun carrying could be an important focus of violence prevention programs among those youth 

Prev Med. 2023 February ; 167: 107416. doi:10.1016/j.ypmed.2022.107416.