By Andrew D. Newton, Michelle Rogerson and Alex Hirschfield

This paper explores the relationship between the allocation of target hardening and burglary risk based on recent research in the City of Liverpool. Individual property‐level data from a range of sources was collated for each residential property in the city using a unique property reference number. This produced a rich data set enabling burglary and target hardening activity to be analysed through time at both the individual property‐level and across a variety of spatial units (e.g. super output areas, wards and regeneration areas). The results highlight an imperfect alignment between target hardening and burglary risk locations largely attributable to the influence of Liverpool’s area based regeneration initiatives. The paper makes the case for prioritising properties for target hardening based on a combination of the prior burglary history of individual properties, the burglary risk of an area, and existing levels of target hardening protection.

Huddersfield, UK: University of Huddersfield, 2008. 25p.

By Shannan Catalano

Presents findings from the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) on the characteristics of burglary, with comparisons between households where members were present and not present. It also examines the extent to which individuals in the residence are violently victimized when at home during these encounters. The NCVS classifies victimization as personal, rather than property crime, when a household member is present and experiences violence during a household burglary. This report classifies these violent burglaries differently so that they may be compared to traditionally classified burglaries. It also discusses crime characteristics such as household structure, location and type of residence, method of entry, time of day, type of violence, weapon use, injury, and reporting to police. Data on nonfatal violent victimization (rape/sexual assault, robbery, aggravated and simple assault) are drawn from the NCVS. Data on homicides are drawn from the Supplementary Homicide Report of the FBIs Uniform Crime Reporting Program.

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics. 2010. 13p.

By David W.M. Sorensen

During the 18-year period 1990 to 2007, the number of reported residential burglaries (indbrud i beboelse) was very stable. This changed in 2008 to 2010, when burglary increased by 30% (averaged over these three years) as compared to the previous 18-year average. Seen in its most extreme light, the number of reported burglaries in 2009 was 65.3% higher than in 2005. Little solid evidence exists as to why residential burglary increased so dramatically in 2008 and 2009. The current report examines this question using POLSAS data on 234,745 residential burglaries reported in Denmark during the six-year period 2005-2010, plus data on long term crime trends (1990-2010) and other social indicators. The report begins with a comparison of the rise in burglary to trends in overall Danish property crime. This reveals that the increase in burglary is far greater than that for any other major crime category. Burglary is therefore unique in this regard. Trends in Danish burglary are then compared to burglary trends in the EU and other Nordic countries to see if Denmark’s increase is part of a wider EU/Nordic phenomenon. The EU countries worst hit by the economic recession of 2008 experienced the sharpest increases in burglary. Denmark shares little in common with these countries, but shares much in common with Sweden, which also experienced a (far more modest) rise in burglary. In sum, domestic and international trend analyses reveal that the increase in Danish burglary probably has multiple causes emanating from both within and outside Denmark.

Copenhagen: Danish Crime Prevention Council, 2011. 64p.

By Amy Randall and Martin Gill

In a study commissioned by Churchill Home Insurance, Perpetuity Research interviewed 15 convicted burglars to help understand what factors motivate burglary. The report considers various aspects such as how targets are selected, the level of planning and the equipment used, the significance of security measures, and how stolen goods are sold on. It also covers how the interviewees perceived the legal change made in 2013 that clarified the rights of householders to use force to protect themselves or others in their homes. The report provides a fascinating insight in to the thought process of a small sample of those who have committed burglary

Tunbridge Wells, UK: Perpetuity Research and Consultancy International, 2014. 48p.

By Richard F. Culp, Phillip M. Kopp and Candace McCoy

Traditionally considered an offense committed against the property of another, burglary is nevertheless often regarded as a violent crime. For purposes of statistical description, both the Uniform Crime Reports (UCR) and the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) list it as a property crime. But burglary is prosecuted as a violent crime under the federal Armed Career Criminal Act, is sentenced in accord with violent crimes under the United States Sentencing Guidelines, and is regarded as violent in state law depending on varied circumstances. The United States Supreme Court has treated burglary as either violent or non-violent in different cases. This study explored the circumstances of crimes of burglary and matched them to state and federal laws. Analyzing UCR, NCVS, and the National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS) data collections for the ten year period 1998-2007, it became clear that the majority of burglaries do not involve physical violence and scarcely even present the possibility of physical violence. Overall, the incidence of actual violence or threats of violence during burglary ranged from a low of .9% in rural areas based upon NIBRS data, to a high of 7.6% in highly urban areas based upon NCVS data. At most, 2.7% involved actual acts of violence. A comprehensive content analysis of the provisions of state burglary and habitual offender statutes showed that burglary is often treated as a violent crime instead of prosecuting and punishing it as a property crime while separately charging and punishing for any violent acts that occasionally co-occur with it. Legislative reform of current statutes that do not comport with empirical descriptions of the characteristics of burglaries is contemplated, primarily by requiring at the minimum that the burglary involved an occupied building if it is to be regarded as a serious crime, and preferably requiring that an actual act of violence or threatened violence occurred in order for a burglary to be prosecuted as a violent crime.

New York: John Jay College of Criminal Justice, 2015. 97p.

By Paul F. Cromwell, James N. Olson and Di Aunn W. Avary

Information from 30 active burglars in an urban Texas metropolitan area of 250,000 population formed the basis of an analysis of the extent to which residential burglars use rational processes to choose burglary targets and the environmental factors that affect their choices.

The analysis also focused on the role of drug use, marketing strategies for stolen property, and the deterrence provided by the criminal justice system. The burglars were recruited by three informants referred from local criminal justice agencies. A researcher drove with each burglar to residential sites previously burglarized, and the burglar discussed and evaluated each site. Findings showed that burglars are opportunistic and that burglaries can be reduced by increasing the difficulty of committing the burglary, reducing the potential gain, and providing the illusion that the residence is occupied.

Washington, DC: U.S. National Institute of Justice, 1990. 236p.

By Pat Mayhew

This analysis looks at residential burglary as measured in the United States, Canada, England, and Wales, drawing principally on 1980's data derived from the U.S. National Crime Survey, and the British Crime Survey (which covers both England and Wales).

Among other cross-cultural burglary comparisons, the report presents findings showing U.S. householders to be more vulnerable to burglary than householders in either Canada or England and Wales. In addition to these substantive comparisons, the study focused major attention on methodological procedures required for comparing data gathered by surveys whose designs are substantially different. To improve comparability, the author 'reanalyzed' survey data to take account of five differences in the ways the surveys dealt with burglary data (differences in hierarchical classification procedures, series counting, types of property covered, respondent eligibility for reporting household crimes, and treatment of no-force attempts). The reanalysis process required to adjust for each of these differences is described. The study also made 'softer' adjustments, based on methodological literature, to moderate the effects of seven remaining differences for which more precise corrections through reanalysis were not possible. Finally, levels of burglary offenses recorded by the police were compared with the adjusted survey results for each country to determine which index provided the better measure of crime for cross-cultural analyses. The study concluded that adjusted survey rates -- though not without limitation -- permitted more accurate cross-cultural comparisons, due to incomparabilities in crime reporting and recording practices affecting police rate comparisons among the three countries. Footnotes, tables, figures, references, and appendixes.

Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Justice, 1987. 63p.

By David W.M. Sorensen

This report examines the distribution of residential burglary in Denmark. Specifically, it examines 31,081 completed burglaries (with entry or loss) at villas, apartments and farmhouses reported to police in 2002 by season/month/week of year, day of week, and hour of day. The report has two purposes: (1) to describe a method for estimating the temporal distribution of crimes - such as burglary and auto theft - that are difficult to pinpoint precisely in time, and (2) to provide an overview of the days and times when reported burglaries occur. The distribution of burglary across time is interesting because it suggests the days and times at which crime prevention efforts should be most effective.

Copenhagen: University of Copenhagen, School of Law. 2004. 36p.

By Trevor Bennett and Linda Durie

The report describes the work of the Domestic Burglary Task Force (DBTF) in Cambridge, which was established in July 1994 to examine the nature of residential burglary in Cambridge and to design and implement initiatives to prevent it. The group devised an overall strategy which was to divide the work into two stages: (1) a data-gathering stage, during which information about burglary in Cambridge was collected, and (2) a programme implementation stage, during which various projects were designed and implemented. The main findings of the data-gathering stage were that residential burglary in Cambridge was concentrated within specific wards to the north of the city and within specific ‘hot spots’ within these wards. The ‘hot spots’ and the ‘hot wards’ were characterised by high levels of repeat victimisation. There was some evidence that residential burglaries in the area were committed by local youths who lived in the same or adjacent wards and who selected the target areas as a result of convenience, easy access through footpaths and alleyways, and the perceived abundance of suitable targets. As a result of these findings, the DBTF identified the largest ‘hot spot’ in the north of the City, and the two wards which contained the ‘hot spot’, as the targeted area. One of the key principles of the overall programme strategy was that the nature of the solution to burglary in Cambridge should be based on sound knowledge of the nature of the problem. A number of seminars were organised for representatives of local agencies in order to identify burglary prevention strategies which would best match the nature of the problems identified. As a result of these seminars, a number of burglary prevention strategies were identified and implemented.

London: Policing and Reducing Crime Unit Research, Development and Statistics Directorate, 1999. 61p.

By Jerry H. Ratcliffe

In examining home addresses of burglars and the addresses of their targets, this study found that burglars did not, as expected, work in their own neighbourhood. Most burglars (77%) travelled away from their home suburb to do their work, travelling an average of five kilometres to their target. There was no evidence that physical boundaries separating suburbs, such as carriageways and parkland, acted as barriers inhibiting burglars’ movement. This has important implications for both urban design and crime prevention.

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2003. 6p.

By George Rengert and John Wasilchick

Residential burglar perceptions were classified into spatial and temporal components that form their routine activities in order to understand criminal activities from the criminal's point of view.

Burglar informants were selected from a large inner city (Philadelphia), a mid-sized city (Wilmington, Delaware), and suburban areas between these two cities. Each informant was asked to construct time diaries noting the time they awoke and what time they performed different activities for the following day. After the "next day" diary was kept, informants were asked to keep a similar diary for a future time that included a burglary. The process of searching for a burglary site has properties in common with the spatial search process involved in the real estate market. The objective of burglars' spatial search was to locate the best possible burglary site. Information sources used in burglaries included newspapers, friends and other contacts, jobs, and spatial research. Different burglars used different search strategies, and no urgency was involved in locating a crime site. As burglars searched for homes to burglarize, a sequence of homes was viewed, each with a set of attributes and locational factors. Once a successful burglary was committed, the information gained from the experience reinforced positive images the burglar had about a specific community. This made the same community more likely to be chosen for subsequent burglaries. The impact of residential burglary on the urban infrastructure is discussed, and time is viewed as an important concept in defining opportunities for crime in terms of spatial accessibility.

Philadelphia: Temple University, Department of Criminal Justice, 1988. 187p.

By Timothy Coupe and Max Griffiths

Residential burglary can be regarded as one of the most serious crimes, since, as well as being one of the more common forms of criminal behaviour, it also intrudes into the home and damages feelings of personal security, peace of mind and well-being. Because of this, it often has an impact on its victims, and others who fear burglary, that is out of proportion to the value of the property that is stolen. It is, therefore, important that residential burglary detection rates should be improved. As well as reducing the numbers of existing offenders at large, this should also serve to deter others contemplating burglary. Fewer burglaries should also ease public anxiety, and moderate home insurance costs which have risen sharply during the last decade. The purpose of this research was to identify ways of improving burglary detection rates, while maintaining, and, where possible, improving the quality of service provided to victims by the police. It involved the study of police operations, the offenders, the victims and their perceptions, the burgled dwellings and the property stolen, and the residential environment. It was concerned with how the police allocate resources and time to the investigation of residential burglaries, and with assessing the relative contribution of proactive and reactive policing (Audit Commission, ACPO & HMIC, 1993) to their detection. The principal objective was to assess the scope for adjusting existing operational procedures in order to optimise human resource deployment and primary detection rates, without degrading the victim’s perception of police effectiveness. The findings illustrate how police actions during the course of burglary investigations influence the victims’ view of the service they provide and form the basis for recommending appropriate indicators for monitoring the quality of policing provision in terms of the service provided to victims.

London: Home Office, Police Research Group: 1996. 53p.

By Craig D. Uchida, Marc Swatt and Shellie E. Solomon

One particular at-risk population for exposure to violence is children with incarcerated parents. While empirical evidence is scant, there is reason to suspect that this population is exposed to violence at higher rates than the general population (DeHart and Altschuler 2009; Greene, Haney, & Hurtado 2000). We further suspect that given the confluence of risk factors associated with parental incarceration and exposure to violence, these children are at heightened risk for multiple violent victimizations and exposures to violent incidents over the life course. It is also likely that children with incarcerated parents face heightened risks for negative outcomes associated with exposure to violence due to additional trauma experienced during the process of parental incarceration and the lack of a stable home environment after incarceration that interferes with positive coping. Assessing the degree to which parental incarceration compounds the effects of exposure to violence is critical for formulating comprehensive strategies by both the justice system and social service agencies for addressing the needs of children with incarcerated parents. In order to address this critical gap in our knowledge regarding exposure to violence among children with incarcerated parents, this paper looks at the existing literature for answers and suggests further research that would fill the gaps.

Miami, Justice & Security Strategies, Inc., 2012. 25p.

By The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime,

The typologies and cases assessed for this study reveal numerous key findings about the characteristics of the illegal gold trade that have enabled its dramatic growth in recent years. That growth is driven by the relatively low risk that illicit gold mining poses, the high profitability of the trade, and a proliferation of methodologies to take advantage of the multiple gaps in local, national, and international enforcement regimes. …We hope the examination of the main typologies and red flags in the illegal gold trade will be a useful first step toward coordinated regional efforts to combat the gold trade’s criminal aspects. It is important to note that illegal gold mining operations do not operate in isolation, but are almost always at the center of multiple criminal networks and activities. The illicit gold supply chain, due to its characteristics as described in the typologies, often overlaps or operates parallel structures to cocaine trafficking organizations and other criminal enterprises. …. Because the alluvial mining of illicit gold requires clear-cutting large tracts of jungle or forest, it entails enormous environmental damage; hence, environmental crimes are an integral part of the process.

Washington, DC: Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime, 2022. 76p.

By The The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime

The illegal gold trade in Colombia is a widespread and significant threat that has seen considerable growth in recent years. Illegal mining activity produces substantial quantities of gold in the country, by some estimates representing over 70% of national production and accounting for the majority of gold exports. The illegal extraction of gold exacerbates numerous challenges Colombia faces, such as insecurity, environmental degradation, and corruption, while also providing opportunities for drug trafficking organizations and illegal armed groups to obtain significant revenue in some regions. Indeed, in areas where there is extensive mineral exploitation these transnational criminal organizations are often deeply involved in Colombia’s illegal trade in gold, leveraging extensive criminal expertise, ample financing capacities, and armed violence in order to develop illicit gold networks. The spread of illegal mining in Colombia is facilitated by high levels of economic and commercial informality, rural poverty, corruption, limited governmental presence and resources in remote mining areas, and porous international borders that are vulnerable to smuggling, among other factors. Colombia’s government is taking numerous steps to combat the sale and export of illegal gold, including through regulation and oversight of gold supply chains, formalization programs targeting small-scale miners, support for subsistence mining, and on-the-ground operations to disrupt illegal mining activity. Nevertheless, illegal trade in gold continues to thrive as illicit actors excel in finding gaps and opportunities to exploit.

Washington, DC: The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime, 2022. 66p.

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By The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime

The illegal gold trade is a growing and significant challenge in Ecuador. The spread of illegal gold mining activity has brought surges of violence and instability to remote areas while attracting organized crime, at the local and international level, and triggering an increase in money laundering and contraband. Concern regarding the disruptive and harmful impact of illegal gold mining, as well as the government’s desire to develop and expand Ecuador’s mining sector away from its reliance on small-scale and artisanal operations, have also led to a renewed focus on the challenges posed by illegal mining. There is reason to believe that the illegal gold trade and its associated criminal networks are less entrenched and developed in Ecuador than in neighboring Peru and Colombia. However, there are significant challenges facing the government as it works to combat illegal mining activity, which is increasingly accelerated by illicit cross-border contraband flows and unique vulnerabilities to money laundering activity.

Washington, DC: The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime, 2021. 46p.

By The Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime

Peru’s well-developed mining sector has shaped the country’s economy and society to a significant degree. The mining sector contributes up to 10% of GDP, while minerals like gold and copper weigh heavily in Peru’s trade composition. Peru’s abundant reserves of mineral resources have helped to fuel the development of its mining sector, attracting a variety of small, medium, and large enterprises to engage in exploration and extraction. However, the country’s mineral wealth and governance challenges in remote mining areas, also offer ample opportunities for organized crime and illegal mining activity. As a result, large populations of illegal miners and transnational criminal networks have become deeply entrenched in Peru, giving the country a central role in the international illegal gold trade. While Peru has taken active steps to combat illegal gold mining and the sale and export of illegal gold, a variety of criminal actors have continued to successfully engage in and promote these illicit activities, producing detrimental effects for citizen security, the economy, and the environment.

Washington, DC: Organization of American States, Department against Transnational Organized Crime 2021. 40p.

By ENACT AFrica and INTERPOL

Over the last decade, criminal actors engaged in illegal mining have made huge amounts of illicit profits at the expense of countries’ economies, vulnerable populations, and the environment across the Central African region. In the region, gold is mainly produced by artisanal and small-scale gold miners and semi-mechanized companies. The exact quantities of gold produced is unknown to authorities; gold smuggling within and out of the region is well organized, systematic, and concerns the majority of gold leaving the region. The dominance of crime in the industry is enabled by a variety of factors affecting the entire gold supply chain. Illegal financing, by gold, cash, or other means, fuels the process. Fraudulent practices are a central aspect in land exploitation, and allow criminals to employ more effective methods for extraction and production, and to conceal the real quantity of gold produced. A network of illegal buyers collects gold from production sites and smuggles it to regional traders and refiners, who, in turn, are likely to obscure its real origin, ownership, and quantity. Gold is then smuggled out of the country or region mainly by air, often via Cameroon or Uganda, towards Asia (United Arab Emirates, India, and China). Smuggling gold to neighbouring countries allow criminals to benefit from discrepancies in export taxes. It also allows them to introduce gold onto the global market masking its origin, especially if originating from conflict zones. Information suggests that gold mining is largely controlled by criminal consortia composed of different actors, who, collectively, benefit from criminal synergies: members of organized crimes groups (OCGs) and /or corrupt officials in high-ranking positions, economic players, and non-state armed groups in conflict zones. The presence of non-state armed groups in gold mining areas, who seek to finance their activities with the illicit proceeds from this natural resource, is likely to be controlled.

Paris: INTERPOL; ENACT AFRICA, 2021. 53p.

By The American University Center for Latin American & Latino Studies and InSight Crime

This report details the causes, consequences, and responses to IUU fishing crimes in nine countries of Latin America and the Caribbean: Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guyana, Jamaica, Panama, Suriname, and Uruguay. Our analysis draws on academic research; press reports; interviews with fishers, experts and government officials conducted in 2021 and 2022; and comments by participants in off-the-record workshops hosted virtually at American University. The report first details the adverse consequences of IUU fishing in Latin America and the Caribbean, including its direct and indirect economic costs, environmental consequences, contributions to food insecurity and potential conflict. The second section analyzes the scope of crimes associated with IUU fishing in the nine countries, describing three distinct dynamics of IUU fishing at work in the hemisphere. The third section analyzes the legislative sources of the weak government response to IUU fishing in the nine countries of Latin America and the Caribbean, discussing the gaps in existing legislation, patchwork international agreements, and a web of bilateral agreements with a variety of international actors. The fourth section evaluates the considerable variation in three significant measures of regional law enforcement capacity: physical capacity, surveillance capabilities, and prosecutorial-judicial capacity. Finally, the report concludes by recommending areas in which policies against IUU fishing could be strengthened to deter fishing-related crime across Latin America and the Caribbean.

Washington, DC: American University Center for Latin American & Latino Studies and InSight Crime, 2022. 77p.

This guide begins by describing the problem of witness intimidation and reviewing the factors that increase its risks. It then identifies a series of questions that can help analyze local witness intimidation problems. Finally, it reviews responses to the problem of witness intimidation as identified through research and police practice. Witness intimidation is but one aspect of the larger set of problems related to protecting crime victims and witnesses from further harm.

Read more at the Center for Problem Oriented Policing