By Xiaohong Wang, Daniel Jones, Jiangnan Zeng

We draw on statewide data from North Carolina to examine the impacts of racial and ethnic representation in city councils on policing. Specifically, we focus on out- comes of traffic stops; e.g., whether a driver receives a warning or a citation after being stopped. We first document large Black-white and Latino-white disparities in the like- lihood of consequence (arrest or citation) after a traffic stop. We then use a difference- in-differences design, focusing on changes following (narrow) elections of nonwhite (rather than white) councilmembers, and find that increased nonwhite council representation significantly reduces Black-white gaps in stops and actions taken after a stop. The magnitude of the reduction is similar with and without officer fixed effects, suggesting that results are largely driven by individual officer-level behavior change rather than a change in the composition of the police force.

Unpublished paper, 2024. 

By the American Civil Liberties Union of the District of Columbia (ACLU-D.C.) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU National),  

This report, produced by the American Civil Liberties Union of the District of Columbia (ACLU-D.C.) and the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU National), follows two previous reports that analyzed data on stops and frisks conducted by the Washington, D.C. (the District, D.C.) Metropolitan Police Department (MPD, the Department). MPD is required to collect data on all stops conducted by its officers pursuant to the Neighborhood Engagement Achieves Results (NEAR) Act.1 Although the NEAR Act does not require MPD to publish its stops data, MPD leadership made a public commitment to releasing the data on a semi-annual basis. 2 The data serves as a critical tool that provides the public with opportunities to engage in police accountability efforts. The data enables the public to examine the outcomes and potential impact of the practices of D.C. police officers. This report seeks to assist community members, advocates, members of the D.C. Council, the Mayor, and other stakeholders in exercising oversight and furthering the MPD’s accountability. This report covers data collected between January 1, 2022 and December 31, 2023. The data analyzed in this report indicates that the stark racial disparities present in the 2019 and 2020 stops data remain. MPD continues to disproportionately stop Black people in D.C. Key Findings 1. Black people are being stopped at disproportionate rates in relation to their demographic representation in the District. Although Black people comprised just over 44% of the District’s population in 2022 and 2023, they comprised 71.4% of the people stopped in 2022 and 70.6% of the people stopped in 2023. 2. MPD’s data indicate that the stop-and-frisk tactic is not particularly effective at removing guns from the streets. The rate at which guns are seized is not significant enough to justify the overwhelming number of stops being conducted. a. In 2022, there were 68,244 stops. Of these, only 0.9% resulted in the seizure of a gun. b. In 2023, there were 68,561 stops. Of these, only 1.2% resulted in the seizure of a gun. The significant disproportionality across racial groups raises concerns about biased policing by MPD. Research on disproportionality and racial bias in other jurisdictions has concluded that racial disparities in stops and searches cannot be explained by crime or other non-race factors. Here, too, we advance the position that these disparities in MPD’s stop-and-frisk practices are consistent with racial bias. Stop-and-frisk practices can be harmful to individuals and communities. There are both short- and long-term implications for people who are stopped and searched by the police—from health-related issues, such as significant psychological distress, to social implications, such as negative impacts with regard to educational and employment opportunities. Communities or groups of people who experience racially biased policing practices are additionally impacted. These communities and groups develop distrust of the police. For Black communities, the Department of Justice has noted that the “experience of disproportionately being subjected to stops and arrests in violation of the Fourth Amendment shapes black residents’ interactions with the [police], to the detriment of community trust,” and “makes the job of delivering police services … more dangerous and less effective.” 

Washington DC: ACLU of The District of Columbia, 2024. 19p.

By Stephen Koppel & Michael Rempel

Key Findings: Pedestrian Stops: Steep Decline in Stops Until 2022: From 2013 to 2021, the total number of stops fell by 92%. Then 2022 saw a 69% increase—the largest one-year increase in the past decade. Changing Borough Composition: Stops fell sharply in all boroughs since 2013. The decline was greatest in Queens and Brooklyn and smallest in the Bronx. From 2013 to 2022, the share of stops in Queens fell from 24% to 16%, but climbed from 13% to 30% in the Bronx, despite making up 17% of the City’s 2022 population. Widening Racial Disparities: Black and Hispanic people made up 88% of people stopped in 2022. Compared to white people, police stopped Black people at a rate 7.5 times higher in 2013, a disparity that grew to 11.8 times higher in 2022; and police stopped Hispanic people at a rate 3.5 times higher than white people in 2013, growing to 5.1 times higher in 2022. Increasing Arrest (“Hit”) Rates Until 2022: In 2013, just 8% of stops led to arrest. As police made fewer stops over the following years, the proportion that resulted in arrest rose: peaking at 38% in 2021, before falling to 33% in 2022. Stops led to an arrest for 32% of Hispanic and 33% of Black people in 2022 compared to 38% of white people. Desk Appearance Tickets (DATs): Rising DAT Issuance Since 2019: The DAT issuance rate declined in the years leading up to reform (from 29% in 2013 to 20% in 2019), before rising by 23 percentage points from 2019-2021. However, DAT issuance fell from 43% in 2021 to 29% in 2022, in part reflecting May 2022 rollbacks to reforms that initially went into effect in 2020. Declining Racial Disparities: In 2013, white people were 10 percentage points more likely to receive a DAT compared to Black people and 6 percentage points more likely compared to Hispanic people. By 2022, the Black-white gap narrowed to 6 percentage points, while the Hispanic-white gap was eliminated. Arrests: Fewer Arrests: From 2013 to 2022, the annual number of misdemeanor arrests fell by two-thirds (from 296,956 to 102,537). This included a sharp 75% drop from 2013 to 2020, followed by 13% and 23% respective increases in 2021 and 2022. Similar Racial Disparities: In 2022, Black people were 6.1 times more likely than white people to be arrested for a misdemeanor, while Hispanic people were 3.9 times more likely. These disparities are comparable to a decade ago. Decline in Youth Arrests but Rising Disparities: In 2022, youth under the age of 25 accounted for 18% of misdemeanor arrests, down from 34% in 2013. Racial disparities widened, with Black and Hispanic youth 8.3 and 4.7 times (respectively) more likely to be arrested on a misdemeanor than white youth in 2022. Prosecutions: Misdemeanor prosecutions mirrored misdemeanor arrest trends, declining by two-thirds from 2013 to 2022.

New York: Data Collaboration for Justice, 2024. 58p.

By Anna Stenkamp and Michael Rempel

The purpose of this study is to assess recent trends in criminal summons practices by the New York City Police Department (NYPD), including if and how they disproportionately impact low income and/or Black and Brown communities.

Key Findings

Overall Summons Trends:

Steep Decline Until 2022: Criminal summonses plummeted by 90% from 2013 to 2022 (from 375,707 to 36,621). However, for the first time in a decade, criminal summonses increased by 62% in the most recent year from 2021 to 2022 (from 22,603 to 36,621).

Most Summonses Issued in Bronx and Brooklyn: The Bronx and Brooklyn emerged as hotspots for summonses, with over 60% issued in these boroughs from 2020 to 2022. The Bronx alone accounted for 30% across these years, despite Bronx residents comprising only 17% of NYC’s population.

Few Convictions: In 2022, just 9% of criminal summonses ended in a conviction. (Straight dismissals accounted for 63%, with 28% receiving an adjournment in contemplation of dismissal.) With less than one out of ten cases disposed as guilty, criminal summonses largely do not involve formal accountability but, rather, a “process is punishment” effect, including lost time, income or other challenges from people having to appear in court.

Racial and Socioeconomic Disparities:

Widening Racial Disparities: From 2020 to 2022, the NYPD issued over 85% of criminal summonses to Black or Hispanic people, who combine for 52% of NYC’s population. Relative to their numbers in the general population, police issued summonses at a rate 8.9 times higher for Black than white people in 2020, increasing to 11.4 times higher in 2022.

Income Disparities: The NYPD issued over 60% of summonses to people living in zip codes that fell below the median household income. Further, within communities of every income bracket, the NYPD disproportionately issued criminal summonses to their Black and Hispanic residents. For example, in zip codes with a median household income below $35,000, police issued 97% of summonses to Black and Hispanic people, though they made up just 44% of the population. And in affluent zip codes with a household income over $100,000, police issued 73% of summonses to Black and Hispanic people, though they comprise 24% of the population.

Neighborhood Disparities:

Disparities Based on Zip Code: Residents of 40 (22%) of the City’s 178 zip codes accounted for over half of criminal summonses in 2022. Thirty-four of these 40 zip codes (85%) were majority or plurality Black or Hispanic.

Racial Disparities Within Zip Codes: Across all 178 zip codes, 89% had a larger proportion of summonses issued to Black residents and 67% had a larger proportion issued to Hispanic residents than their respective shares of the zip code’s general population. Thus, NYC police are both disproportionately issuing summonses in predominantly Black and Hispanic neighborhoods; and within virtually all neighborhoods citywide, police are disproportionately issuing summonses to Black and Hispanic residents.

The disproportionate issuance of summonses targeting Black and Hispanic communities highlights systemic biases that perpetuate inequality within the criminal justice system. Addressing these disparities is crucial to fostering a fair and equitable approach to law enforcement, ensuring justice for all residents of New York City

New York: Data Collaborative for Justice, 2024. 45p.

By  Peter Leasure, Hunter M. Boehme, and Robert J. Kaminski

Police traffic stops for minor violations have gained considerable attention among scholars and advocates, and some research has found evidence of racial disparities in who is stopped for certain traffic violations. Recognizing the potential for racial disparities and other issues, various jurisdictions have sought to limit traffic stops. On January 14, 2022, the Seattle (Washington) Police Chief Adrian Diaz stated that the Seattle Police Department (SPD) would discontinue stopping individuals for various traffic violations. While these policies were enacted in part to reduce racial disparities and other outcomes that may flow from such stops, some have argued that limiting stops may lead to increased crime rates and traffic accidents due to the reduced investigatory reach of law enforcement. Another possibility is that some crimes, which may have been discovered during a routine traffic stop, could go undetected after a jurisdiction implements a traffic stop restriction policy. The current study explored whether the Seattle traffic stop restriction policy resulted in a decrease in the number of driving under the influence (DUI) and drug crime incidents. The results did not show statistically or substantively significant declines in the number of DUI or drug crime incidents in Seattle after the implementation of the traffic stop restriction policy. Replication is recommended before strong conclusions are drawn.

Drug Enforcement and Policy Center. May 2023, 52pg