By András Kádár

The report, authored by András Kádár and coordinated by MPG, for the European network of legal experts in gender equality and non-discrimination, reveals widespread anti-Muslim discrimination and bias, highlighting critical gaps in legal protections and enforcement. Despite existing frameworks, many Muslims and individuals perceived to be Muslim face systemic barriers and societal prejudice across key areas of life.

Key findings include:

Employment: Nearly one-third of Muslim respondents reported experiencing discrimination during their job search.

Harassment: One in four faced harassment linked to their ethnic or immigrant background.

Access to Housing and Healthcare: Half of the respondents encountered discrimination based on their names, skin colour, or physical appearance.

The report also highlights a surge in anti-Muslim hate following the October 2023 attacks, with entire communities targeted by harmful stereotypes and divisive rhetoric. Structural challenges, such as underreporting and the normalisation of bias in public discourse, further hinder progress.

The report calls on policymakers and institutions to:

Address enforcement gaps in anti-discrimination laws.

Provide robust support mechanisms for victims of discrimination.

Challenge anti-Muslim rhetoric at every level of society.

This report reinforces MPG’s commitment to advancing evidence-based strategies for equality and inclusion.

The time to act is now. Together, we can build societies where diversity is celebrated, and everyone is treated with dignity and respect.

As the European Union’s anti-racism action plan for 2020-20251 (EU anti-racism action plan) emphasises, ‘[r]acism damages society in many different ways. Most directly, it means that a large number of people living in Europe face discrimination, affecting their human dignity, their life opportunities, their prosperity and their well-being, and often also their personal safety.’2 This predicament described by the action plan is the everyday reality of many Muslims and persons perceived to be Muslims across Europe. The persistence of anti-Muslim sentiment in a number of European societies and the widespread discrimination against members of the Muslim community are strongly substantiated by sociological research. Nearly one-third of the Muslim respondents to the second European Union minorities and discrimination survey (EU-MIDIS II survey) carried out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 2017 indicated that they had suffered discrimination when looking for a job; one in four Muslim respondents reported harassment due to their ethnic or immigrant background, while their names, skin colour or physical appearance prompted discrimination against about half of the respondents when they were looking for housing or a job, or were receiving healthcare.3 The FRA’s 2019 fundamental rights survey showed that 32 % of the more than 28 000 respondents would feel uncomfortable about having a neighbour who is Muslim; 41 % would not feel comfortable with a family member of theirs marrying a Muslim person; and 31 % were of the view that it would be acceptable for a shop not to hire a Muslim woman who wears a headscarf because of concerns about how some customers might react.4 The 2023 Eurobarometer survey on discrimination in the European Union5 also confirmed the existence of antiMuslim bias, although it was conducted before the attack of 7 October 2023, which has resulted in a surge of anti-Muslim hate speech on the internet, and intensified racism, intolerance and discrimination against Muslim people in several European countries. As the 2023 annual report of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) concludes: ‘the number of hate incidents against Muslims […] increased manifold in the aftermath of the attack. Muslims received blame for the attack and other attacks in the Middle East, based on stereotyping of whole communities and their perceived connections with the use of violence.’6 Similar trends have been reported for the purposes of the present study in countries including Austria, Belgium, Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Slovenia and Sweden. In this situation, joint European efforts to combat anti-Muslim hate are gaining increased importance. The European Union has not only adopted policies and commitments with a view to combating racial and/or religious hatred, including anti-Muslim hate, but has also put in place numerous legal instruments that can be used to counter different manifestations of anti-Muslim bias, including but not limited to the Framework Decision on combating certain forms of expressions of racism and xenophobia,7 the Racial Equality Directive,8 the Employment Equality Directive,9 the Victims’ Rights Directive,10 the Audiovisual Media Services Directive,11 and the Digital Services Act.12 In the EU anti-racism action plan, the European Commission encourages the Member States to ensure that they fully transpose and properly apply these pieces of EU law designed to provide protection against racism. In line with this call, this thematic report provides a comparative overview of how these legal instruments have been complied with in the 27 EU Member States, and aims to establish how and to what extent the legal framework and its practical application in the different Member States provide protection against anti-Muslim hate in three main areas: (i) non-discrimination; (i) hate crimes; and (iii) hate speech. It identifies gaps in the existing legal protections and/or their enforcement across the EU Member States and makes recommendations on mechanisms for the provision of effective protection against acts motivated by anti-Muslim hate. Important trends in anti-Muslim hate The research conducted for the purposes of this report has identified some overarching and strongly interlinked trends in anti-Muslim hate across Europe: the ‘racialisation’ of Muslims; the structural nature of anti-Muslim discrimination; the appearance of anti-Muslim hate in the political mainstream; and the enormous degree of underreporting of anti-Muslim incidents. As described in ECRI’s General Policy Recommendation No. 5 on preventing and combating anti-Muslim racism and discrimination, anti-Muslim discrimination is structural, because it ‘does not solely manifest in instances of interpersonal hostility or discrimination’, but ‘is woven into the ways our societies function, and operates through norms, routines, patterns of attitudes and behaviour that create obstacles in achieving […] effective equality’. The document also points to the ‘racialisation’ of Muslims, i.e. the process by which certain groups of society (identified by, for example, phenotype or cultural identifiers) are ascribed ‘certain […] attributes that are presented as being innate to all members’ of that group. ‘[O]nce identified or perceived as a member of a group, one is deemed as embodying characteristics based on, for instance, skin colour, ethnic or national origin or religion inherent to all members of that group. This process is […] turning a diverse set of people into an allegedly homogeneous group, whose members are presented as “Other”.’13 The main challenges in tackling anti-Muslim hatred are strongly linked to these two specific, and also interconnected, phenomena: the racialisation of Muslims paves the way to falsely presenting and stigmatising them as a homogeneous, monolithic block posing threats to European values and security, which greatly contributes to the success of populist political forces using fear, anger and anxiety as key elements of their strategy to enter the political mainstream. It also reinforces the structural nature of anti-Muslim discrimination, which in turn has a devastating impact on, among others, Muslim communities’ trust in the legal and institutional system that should be protecting them, leading almost directly to the unsettling extent of underreporting of instances of anti-Muslim hate and discrimination.

Brussels: EUROPEAN COMMISSION , 2024. 156p.

By Robert A. Pape

Many urgent questions face college campuses in the wake of the October 7 Hamas attack on Israel and Israel’s subsequent invasion of Gaza, which kicked-off numerous student-led pro-Israeli and pro-Palestinian protests, intimidation, and violence. In response, the Chicago Project on Security and Threats at the University of Chicago (CPOST) conducted a study of the national campus environment. Based on two national surveys of 5,000 college students from over 600 four-year academic institutions, with an additional 5,000 American adults as a comparison set, which were fielded from mid-December 2023 to mid-January 2024, and with the benefit of a previous baseline survey of 8,000 American adults fielded in Spring of 2023, this study provides the most extensive survey evidence today about the extent of campus fears and changes in antisemitism after October 7. This study is also among the few efforts to disentangle different meanings of antisemitism and compare antisemitism and Islamophobia among respondents.

The overarching finding is that campus fears related to the current Israel-Palestinian conflict are more intense among certain groups and widespread across the student body than previously known. As a consequence of the conflict, numerous students are fearful because of their support of one side or the other:

56% of Jewish college students felt in personal danger

52% of Muslim college students felt in personal danger

16% of other college students felt in personal danger

This equates to 2 to 3 million college students.

The findings also show that Jewish and Muslim students report fearing for their physical safety, and other students fear being caught in the crossfire. Many are additionally concerned about academic discrimination and loss of professional opportunities.

Different perceptions of intent are likely contributing to these fears. 66% of Jewish college students understand the pro-Palestinian protest chant “From the River to the Sea, Palestine Will Be Free” to mean the expulsion and genocide of Israeli Jews, while only 14% of Muslim students understand the chant that way; of Jewish students who understand the phrase this way, 62% report feeling afraid. About 10% of college students would permit student groups to call for genocide against Jews, and 13% of college students say that when Jews are attacked, it is because they deserve it. When these same questions are asked about Muslims, we find the same percentages: 10% and 13%.

Campus fears are occurring in a national climate of increasing antisemitism: violent antisemitism has increased 13% nationally since Spring 2023, when CPOST conducted its previous probe of antisemitism.

The findings are concerning. College students of various backgrounds feel personally unsafe on college campuses, and there is a disturbing trend toward greater acceptance of violence, even calls for genocide, than befits the mission of the university to enable all students to flourish.

This study provides extensive information to help university and national leaders better understand and navigate the most intense challenges facing the higher education community and the country today.

In particular, the findings are an opportunity to re-center the national discussion around students and away from politics. The findings show strong support for calming actions, such as major public statements by university and national leaders that would condemn violence of any kind against any group of people. Every leader in a position of power, including protest organizers, should thus find ways to send the message, repeatedly and convincingly, that violence is never justified. They should also clarify policies on permissible political action on campus by students toward students and mechanisms and obligations to report and respond to incidents and inform campus communities about the different perceptions of intent associated with protest phrases that are encouraging campus fears. These steps will not solve everything, but reducing fears for some can have cascading calming effects for many.

Chicago: University of Chicago Project on Security and Threats (CPOST) 2024. 446p.

By Polona Car, Beatrix Immenkamp

Differences between the United States (US) and the European Union (EU) over the regulation of online platforms have taken on a new dimension under the Trump administration. Senior members of the US administration have strongly criticised the EU for 'limiting free speech' and have called the EU's content moderation law 'incompatible with America's free speech tradition'. Much of the debate is informed by misconceptions and misunderstandings. The differences between the US and EU hate speech regimes are striking, largely for historical reasons. The First Amendment to the US Constitution provides almost absolute protection to freedom of expression. By contrast, European and EU law curtails the right to freedom of expression. Article 10 of the European Convention of Human Rights, which applies to all EU Member States, states that freedom of expressions 'carries with it duties and responsibilities'. In a democratic society, restrictions may be imposed in the interest, among others, 'of national security, territorial integrity or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals, for the protection of the reputation or rights of others'. EU legislation criminalises hate speech that publicly incites to violence or hatred and targets a set of protected characteristics: race, colour, religion, descent or national or ethnic origin. Even though legislation in EU Member States varies widely, many have extended protection from hate speech to additional characteristics. In light of the exponential growth of the internet and the use of social media, the debate about hate speech has essentially become about regulating social media companies. The focus has been on the question of whether and to what extent service providers are responsible for removing hate speech published on social media platforms. The US has opted not to impose any obligation on social media companies to remove content created by third parties, merely granting them the right to restrict access to certain material deemed to be 'obscene' or 'otherwise objectionable'. By contrast, the EU has adopted regulation that obliges companies to remove offensive content created by third parties, including hate speech, once it is brought to their attention. Social media companies also self-regulate, by adopting community guidelines that allow users to flag hate speech and ask for its removal.

Brussels: EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service, 2025. 10p.

By Dr. Chance Miller

Especially in areas where it has been authorized for medical and adult use, marijuana consumption is increasing. From chronic pain to anxiety, insomnia, and even appetite loss, people all around are finding its therapeutic benefits. More and more patients are using medical marijuana for relief. A key component of cardiovascular health is blood pressure— the pressure of blood against the walls of your arteries. Consistently elevated blood pressure, or hypertension, can cause major health problems, including heart disease, stroke, and renal damage. Understanding how marijuana affects blood pressure has grown more crucial given its rising popularity—particularly for those who might already have hypertension or heart issues. This article will help you decide whether marijuana could be a good fit for patients with blood pressure issues, as well as how it might affect heart health and the connection between marijuana and blood pressure. Whether you are thinking about medical marijuana for a chronic ailment or just interested in its effects on your health, this knowledge is essential for making an informed choice.

How Marijuana Affects the Body Before knowing how marijuana affects blood pressure, one must first appreciate its more general interaction with the human body.

TeleLeaf. 2025. 5p.

By Aravind Boddupalli and Elaine Maag

Low-income families are overly burdened by financial penalties imposed for violations of the law, including parking and speeding tickets, court-imposed fees used to cover administrative costs of courts and prisons, and other criminal legal charges and penalties. Lacking financial resources, these families often turn to high-cost and predatory services and forgo basic necessities to avoid further legal consequences. When the federal Child Tax Credit (CTC) was temporarily expanded in 2021 to provide benefits to children in households with low or no incomes, it provided parents with new resources to invest in their children. Monthly deposits of CTC benefits also helped families better navigate their debt, including debt from fines and fees. Though, in some cases, CTC deposits were taken through garnishments by non-federal creditors reducing debt with involuntary payments. While the expanded CTC provided these families with some relief from onerous fines and fees, a temporary tax policy should not be used to solve the inequitable system of fines and fees in criminal law.

Human Rights, Volume 48, Number 3, April 2023.

Edited by Scherto Gill

Collective efforts to address the legacies of slavery and colonialism tend to orient solely towards dealing with material compensation, such as reducing economic disparity, and levelling access to public services. However, communities directly impacted by the dehumanizing legacies have insisted on a broader reckoning—one that recognizes all dimensions of the harms, including the spiritual injury and the relevant psychosocial trauma inflicted across the generations. They remind us that harms of structural injustice extend beyond the material, the physical and the psychological, also entangling the moral, relational, and spiritual fabric of human life. Understanding harms of inhumanity brings to light the layers of damage and is key to identifying interdisciplinary approaches to collective healing, social transformation and the well-being of all.

This book emerges from the ongoing intellectual dialogue as part of the UNESCO Collective Healing Initiative. The Initiative focuses on healing the wounds of inhumanity, co-creating just societies and enhancing the flourishing of current and future generations.

Berlin; Boston: De Gruyter, 2025, 530p.

Larry Diamond, Edward B. Foley, and Richard H. Pildes, editors

In the midst of the political ugliness that has become part of our everyday reality, are there steps that can be taken to counter polarization and extremism—practical steps that are acceptable across the political spectrum? To answer that question, starting from the premise that the way our political processes are designed inevitably creates incentives for certain styles of politics and candidates, the Task Force on American Electoral Reform spent two years exploring alternative ideas for reforming key aspects of the US electoral process. The results of their work are presented in this essential book.

Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2025. 347p.

By Joshua Burraway

What does it mean to exist outside the normative temporality of life, of housed living, and, ultimately, of selfhood? Becoming Somebody Else takes up this question, offering a window into the fragmented and chaotic lives of people experiencing homelessness in urban London as they drink and drug themselves into blackout in post-austerity Britain. A state of being where time, body, agency, and self collapse into a memoryless abyss, the blackout is a prism into how human beings make and unmake their selfhood in the wake of social suffering and personal trauma. Attending to the words and histories of several individuals, Joshua Burraway knits together structural, psychological, and phenomenological approaches to understand the ways in which memory, agency, and selfhood are sites of struggle and belonging, and in doing so, suggests new ways of thinking about addiction, homelessness, and therapeutic possibility.

Chicago: HAU Books, 2025. 329p.

By Agustina Del Campo, Nicolás Zara, y Ramiro Álvarez Ugarte

This paper discusses the risk-based approach of the Digital Services Act (DSA) of the European Union. By embracing open-ended standards instead of rules and by imposing broad risk-identification and mitigation obligations on private parties, the DSA pushes forward a form of managerial co-regulation that is a paradigmatic shift in platform regulation, that has already influenced other regulatory proposals around the globe. This paper argues that the move is consequential from the perspective of the role of human rights in Internet governance. We posit that the approach pose unique problems when seen from the popular three-prong test used by apex courts around the world to assess restrictions on freedom of expression. Furthermore, we argue that it pushes rights out of the center stage of Internet governance and may create a logic of "symbolic compliance" where governance role of rights is further diminished. Finally, this paper identifies opportunities to address or mitigate the challenges identified, especially in an enforcement stage that remains quite open to these kinds of efforts.

Forthcoming in the Journal of Intellectual Property, Information Technology and Electronic Commerce, vol. 16, No. 2 (2025)

CELE Research Paper No. 64, 26p.

By Philip Hans Franses

The econometric analysis of economic and business time series is a major field of research and application. The last few decades have witnessed an increasing interest in both theoretical and empirical developments in constructing time series models and in their important application in forecasting. In Time Series Models for Business and Economic Forecasting, Philip Franses examines recent developments in time series analysis. The early parts of the book focus on the typical features of time series data in business and economics. Part III is concerned with the discussion of some important concepts in time series analysis, the discussion focuses on the techniques which can be readily applied in practice. Parts IV-VIII suggest different modeling methods and model structures. Part IX extends the concepts in chapter three to multivariate time series. Part X examines common aspects across time series.

Cambridge University Press, Oct 15, 1998, 280 pages

By Michael Banton

On the fourteenth of August 1862, Abraham Lincoln summoned to the White House a group of black Americans to explain to them his despair about the future of black people in the United States and his interest in schemes for sending them back to Africa. He began: ’You and we are different races. We have between us a broader difference than exists between any other two races. Whether it is right or wrong I need not discuss, but this physical difference is a great disadvantage to us both, as I think your race suffer very greatly, many of them by living among us, while ours suffer from your presence.”

Avalon Publishing, 1978, 194 pages

By Christian Gourieroux, Alain Monfort

In this book Christian Gourieroux and Alain Monfort provide an up-to-date and comprehensive analysis of modern time series econometrics. They have succeeded in synthesising in an organised and integrated way a broad and diverse literature. While the book does not assume a deep knowledge of economics, one of its most attractive features is the close attention it pays to economic models and phenomena throughout. The coverage represents a major reference tool for graduate students, researchers and applied economists. The book is divided into four sections. Section one gives a detailed treatment of classical seasonal adjustment or smoothing methods. Section two provides a thorough coverage of various mathematical tools. Section three is the heart of the book, and is devoted to a range of important topics including causality, exogeneity shocks, multipliers, cointegration and fractionally integrated models. The final section describes the main contribution of filtering and smoothing theory to time series econometric problems.

Cambridge University Press, 1997, 668 pages

La nuova Rivista, edita a cura della Direzione Generale degli Istituti di prevenzione e pena di cui s'inizia queseanno la pubblicazione, sostituisce la Rassegna di studi penitenziari ed i Quaderrti di criminologia clinica the rispettivamente dal 1951 e dal 1959 hanno portato un contributo di eccezionale rilievo allo sviluppo della teoria e della pratica penitenziaria ed al progresso della crirninologia, grazie alla validissima collo- borazione di giuristi, di criminologi e di operatori penitenziari.

Direzione generale per gli istituti di prevenzione e pena, 1979, 301p.

By Guy Rundle

Known for his wild wit and irreverent commentary, Guy Rundle is one of Australia's most virtuosic minds. Practice distils his best writing on politics, culture, class and more. In it, Rundle roves the campaign trails of Obama, Palin and Trump; rides the Amtrak around a desolate America; bails up Bob Katter and Pauline Hanson; and excavates the deeper meanings of True Detective and Joy Division. Insightful and hilarious, Practice reveals Rundle as among Australia's sharpest and most entertaining minds, with a genuinely awe-inducing range and an utterly inimitable voice. There is only one Guy Rundle.

Black Incorporated, 2019, 369 pages

By Arnold A. Rogow and Harold D. Lasswell

When Lord Acton observed without qualification that “power tends to corrupt and absolute power corrupts absolutely/’ he found words for one of the deepest convictions of modem liberals and democrats. Based on broad and unstated sentiments, the Acton aphorism instantly took on something of the quality of a law or of a fundamental axiom of mathematics. Everywhere there was a feeling that in the mechanics of achieving power men and institutions acquired some malignancy and the greater the power the greater the degree of malignancy. “Power . . . corrupts . . seemed to be the trickle of truth brilliantly squeezed out of a mountain of agreement, sentiment, and experience. Tire aphorism was immediately incorporated into the doctrinal exercises of the professional philosophers of democratic and liberal outlook. But it went much further. It appealed to the common sense of the citizen at large and became a mandatory article of faith in the public declarations of men of democratic action.

prentice-hall, INC. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, 1963, 141p.

By Joanna Perry, et al.

This guide supplements existing ODIHR guidance on prosecuting hate crime by outlining the legal and conceptual differences between hate crime and criminalized ‘hate speech’; outlining the consequences of misapplying ‘hate speech’ provisions to prosecute hate crime, providing practical guidance on how to avoid this; and making recommendations on how to improve practice at the national level. It does not provide guidance on how to handle individual cases of any form of criminalized ‘hate speech’, nor does it suggest what forms of behaviour should be criminalized.

The guide includes the Prosecutor Decision Tree tool, which shows how hate crime provisions should be applied and how they are distinguished from criminalized ‘hate speech’; it also maps other relevant offences at the intersection of hate crime and criminalized ‘hate speech’.

Prague: The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), 2024. 90p.

By Blerta Aliu and Dren Gërguri

The rapid digital transformation and the rise of disinformation pose significant challenges to democratic societies, making Media and Information Literacy (MIL) a critical tool in combating misinformation, fostering critical thinking, and promoting responsible media engagement. Kosovo ranks among the lowest in Europe in media literacy, leaving its population highly susceptible to disinformation, biased reporting, and digital manipulation. Despite this urgent need, Kosovo lacks a comprehensive MIL strategy, a structured curriculum, and adequate teacher training, making it essential to develop systematic policies that integrate media education across institutions. This document consolidates six policy briefs that assess key MIL challenges and propose strategic solutions. The findings emphasize the need for a comprehensive and coordinated approach, including integrating MIL into the formal education system as a core subject, equipping teachers with necessary training, and expanding public awareness initiatives. AI literacy is also highlighted as a growing necessity, as artificial intelligence plays an increasing role in shaping information ecosystems. The policy briefs further address the importance of ethical and inclusive media representation of marginalized groups, particularly in combating stereotypes and biased reporting. Additionally, strengthening students' digital competencies is vital to navigating online risks such as misinformation, cyberbullying, and manipulation. AI-based fact-checking tools are also identified as crucial for verifying information efficiently, while addressing gender stereotypes in popular media is essential to fostering more inclusive and equitable societal narratives. The OSCE Mission in Kosovo plays a central role in advocating for MIL reforms by fostering collaboration among policymakers, educators, media professionals, and civil society actors. Through its support for responsible journalism, digital literacy programs, and fact-based public discourse, the Mission contributes to the development of a more informed and resilient society. Investing in MIL is not just about strengthening Kosovo’s ability to counter misinformation - it is a fundamental step toward safeguarding democratic principles, ensuring media freedom, and fostering a culture of informed and active citizen engagement in an increasingly digital world.

Prague: The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), 2025. 34p.

By Garrison Wells,Ágnes Romhányi,Constance Steinkuehler

The proliferation of hate speech and hate-based harassment has become a worryingly common trend in online gaming spaces, with researchers fearing that it could lead to the normalization of hateful behaviors on such platforms. However, little research has been done assessing the frequency of such events and how players respond to their occurrence. In this study, we conduct a large-scale survey (n = 602) asking players to reflect on their experiences and responses to hateful conduct in online games. We examine their perspectives when faced with hate speech and harassment from the role of a bystander, a victim, or the perpetrator. We then compare these responses with various demographic factors and personality traits to determine which variables might predict such conduct to occur and persist over time. Our findings suggest that hate speech and harassment are more accepted by those who are not directly targeted, potentially leaving those players as the remaining few to continue inhabiting and shaping online gaming spaces over time.

Front. Psychol., 18 February 2025, 24p.

By Linda Schlegel, Lars Wiegold, Constantin Winkler, Julian Jung

The last 4 years have seen a stark increase in research on extremist activities in digital gaming spaces, particularly on gaming- and gaming-adjacent platforms. However, one area that has not received much attention so far are mod forums. While a large number of mods with hateful content have been created over the last two decades, the forums used to disseminate and discuss such mods have not yet been examined by extremism researchers. Considering the popularity of modding and mod forums among gaming communities, this is a crucial gap in our current understanding of extremist activities in digital gaming spaces. In an effort to address this research gap, this article offers an exploratory analysis of hateful and extremist posts on the popular mod forum Mod DB, including right-wing extremist, jihadist, antisemitic and mixed-ideology content. We seek to provide a preliminary glimpse into this under-researched digital space, complementing existing research on extremist activities on other gaming (−adjacent) platforms. Our research thereby broadens the current state of knowledge regarding the various gaming-related platforms frequented by extremist actors and radicalized individuals and contributes new insights about a thus far under-explored digital space.

Front. Psychol., 11 February 2025, 15p.

By Rachel Kowert, Elizabeth Kilmer and Alex Newhouse

More than half of all game players report experiencing some form of hate, harassment or abuse within gaming spaces. While prevalence assessments of these actions in digital gaming spaces are ongoing, little remains known about the more extreme forms of these behaviors. Specifically, experiences of extremism. This paper addresses the gap in research knowledge around the expression of extremist sentiment in games by evaluating their prevalence, location, and nature, and impact. Assessing experiences via an online survey, game players (n  =  423) reported an alarmingly high rate of frequency for being the direct target of, as well as a witness to, all forms of extremist content. Most of these experiences were text-based, reported to be happening in-game. Most players endorsed statements relating to a normalization of extreme ideologies within gaming cultures. It is promising that reporting these behaviors was the primary action taken by players for most of the players; however, “ignoring” these actions was also a common strategy. It is possible that player inaction reflects the embeddedness and normalization of these actions in gaming spaces and/or a lack of trust in moderation systems to be responsive. The prevalence of extreme sentiment in gaming cultures should raise concern from game makers, members of the gaming community, parents, and policy makers alike.

Front. Psychol., 15 August 2024