by Luigi Villari (Author), Graeme Newman (Introduction)

In 1905, a young Italian journalist and future diplomat set out across the Russian Empire in the immediate aftermath of a war that had just humiliated a great power and cracked open a century of imperial certainty. What he found — and photographed — became this book.

Luigi Villari traveled from the drawing rooms of St. Petersburg to the bazaars of Moscow, from the great fair at Nizhny Novgorod to the ironworks of the Donets basin, from monasteries outside Kiev to the tenements of factory towns, capturing a country lurching between old-world autocracy and the raw pressures of industrial change. He wrote about labor unrest and railway barons, about corrupt charity and courageous doctors, about the peasant's world and the aristocrat's, without ever losing the outsider's eye for telling detail. His account of Russian public opinion after the war — written before anyone could know how the story would end — reads today as a snapshot of a future still genuinely undecided.

This Read-Me.Org edition brings Villari's 1905 classic back into print for modern readers: fully re-edited and corrected, with US spelling and punctuation modernized throughout, Russian place and personal names standardized to current usage, and all 84 of Villari's original photographs restored in their original positions. A new introduction by Graeme R. Newman situates the book within the Russo-Japanese War, the 1905 Revolution, and the wave of foreign travel writing that tried to make sense of an empire already sliding toward collapse.

For readers of Russian history, travel literature, and the long run-up to 1917 — a firsthand report from a country that didn't yet know what was coming.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. p.

Paul Miliukov (Author) Graeme Newman (Editor and Introduction)

Russia, To-Day and To-Morrow A Read-Me.Org Classic Reprint

In the winter of 1921, a defeated statesman stood before American audiences in Boston, New York, and Chicago and delivered one of the most extraordinary eyewitness accounts of the Russian Revolution ever recorded.

Paul N. Miliukov was no distant observer. As founder and leader of Russia's Constitutional Democratic Party — the "Kadets" — he spent two decades fighting for a liberal, constitutional Russia inside the Tsarist Dumas. When the monarchy finally fell in 1917, he became Foreign Minister of the new Provisional Government, only to be forced from office within ten weeks over his insistence that Russia honor its wartime commitments to the Allies. He watched the country he had tried to build collapse first into radicalism, then into Bolshevik dictatorship — and he lived to explain why.

Russia, To-Day and To-Morrow is his reckoning: a sweeping, first-hand analysis of why the Revolution could not be averted, how the Bolsheviks seized and held power, what their regime meant for Russia's many nationalities, and how the Civil War, foreign intervention, and the catastrophic famine of 1921 reshaped the country. Miliukov writes as a trained historian even as he writes as a casualty of the events he describes — a rare combination that makes this book both an argument and an irreplaceable primary source.

This edition presents Miliukov's original 1922 text in a newly reset, corrected format, with the original maps and statistical tables restored to their places in the narrative, and a new introduction situating the book — and its author — in their historical moment.

What's inside:

• Eleven chapters tracing the Revolution from its roots in Tsarist autocracy through the rise and "decline" of Bolshevism

• Eyewitness analysis of the 1917 Revolutions, the Civil War, and Anti-Bolshevist Russia

• A full chapter on the 1921 famine and its human toll

• Original maps of Anti-Bolshevist Russia, the Soviet famine zones, and Japanese-occupied Siberia

• Contemporary statistics on population, industry, agriculture, and education under Bolshevik rule

• A new scholarly introduction on Miliukov and his place in Russian history

For readers of Russian history, the Revolution, and the century of ideological conflict it set in motion, Russia, To-Day and To-Morrow offers something no later history can replace: the voice of a man who helped shape the events — and lost.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. p.232.

Communist Russia: The Hammer and the Scythe is Anne O'Hare McCormick's vivid firsthand account of the Soviet Union a decade after the Russian Revolution. Based on a series of articles originally written for The New York Times, the book chronicles her travels through Moscow, Leningrad, the countryside, factories, collective farms, and government institutions as she sought to understand the world's first communist state. McCormick emphasizes that her work is not a theoretical study or political manifesto but an eyewitness exploration of a nation undergoing immense and often bewildering transformation.

Published in 1929, the book examines the emergence of the Soviet ruling class, the lives of workers and peasants, the role of women, religion, art, education, and the growing influence of Communist ideology. Rather than offering simple praise or condemnation, McCormick presents Soviet Russia as a vast social experiment whose ultimate outcome remained uncertain. Her perceptive observations, balanced prose, and willingness to question both Soviet claims and Western assumptions make Communist Russia: The Hammer and the Scythe an important contemporary record of one of the twentieth century's most significant political revolutions.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. 233p.

Graeme Newman (Editor)), Charles Mercier (Author)

In 1894, Dr. Charles Mercier sat down and wrote the single most thorough, most humorless, and — accidentally — most hilarious operations manual of the Victorian age: a complete instruction guide for running a lunatic asylum.

He was not joking. That's what makes it so funny.

Inside you'll find firm, unblinking rulings on corridor widths, the correct pitch of a drainage floor, how far apart the beds in a dormitory ought to be, the precise duties of a kitchen clerk, how to test food for adulteration, what a chaplain is and is not obliged to do, and the delicate diplomatic art of writing an annual report that satisfies the Commissioners in Lunacy without saying anything interesting at all. It is, in the truest sense, a nineteenth-century employee handbook — written with the complete sincerity of a man debating corridor widths as though they were points of theology.

It is also, in its own quiet way, a genuinely important document of early psychiatric reform: a serious argument, from inside the institution, that "no restriction is justifiable that is not required by the circumstances of the individual case." Mercier was working to drag asylum management out of the era of chains and toward something resembling human dignity — even as he remained, in every visible way, a man entirely of 1894.

This new edition restores Mercier's original text — correcting the date long misattributed as 1918 — resets it for modern readers, and adds a new introduction by Graeme R. Newman situating the book, its author, and its unintentional comedy for the twenty-first century.

What's inside:

• The complete original text of Mercier's 1894 classic, unabridged and unaltered

• A new introduction on Mercier, Victorian asylum reform, and why the book still lands as comedy

• 26 chapters covering housing, food and clothing, occupation and amusement, detention and care, and staff — the entire operational anatomy of a Victorian institution

For readers who enjoy:

• The history of medicine, psychiatry, and institutional reform

• Victorian architecture and design

• Deadpan bureaucratic writing, workplace-manual humor, and primary sources that are funnier than they meant to be.

By Samantha J. Prince

Domestic violence is sadly and shockingly all too prevalent in the United States. According to the U.S. Centers for Disease Control, more than one in four women and one in seven men in this country are subject to domestic abuse “affecting an estimated 10 million people every year.”  Finances and financial abuse play a significant role in 99% of domestic abuse cases. “[L]acking financial knowledge or resources is the number one indicator of whether a domestic violence victim will stay, leave, or return to an abusive relationship.”When abusers have control over financial assets, victims are monetarily paralyzed and have little ability to escape their situation. Additionally, abusers can engage in financial sabotage maliciously and intentionally ruining the victim’s credit scores, taking their earnings, or “harassing them at their workplace until they lose their job and their own source of income.”Some circumstances can make escaping one’s abuser even more financially challenging. When children are involved, escaping is even more critical but financially difficult for a victim to escape and stay free. Further, during high inflationary or economically volatile periods when expenses are higher and investment balances uncertain, it can be more financially challenging to break and stay free from one’s abuser. Such immediate financial constraints may influence the victim’s choice to stay in abusive situations, since victims may additionally consider the long-term economic impact that leaving these relationships may have.Giving domestic abuse victims financial empowerment so that they can both escape their abuser and be positioned to stay free is crucial First, this essay focuses on the statutory requirements of the newly permissible 401(k) domestic abuse victim distributions. It then proffers how employers can help employees who are in abusive situations through employee benefits like their 401(k) plans. Specifically, it addresses how employers can shift to a more compassionate position by supporting and assisting their victim employees through their retirement plans.

by Gilbert K. Chesterton.

In Heretics, the young and exuberant Gilbert K. Chesterton takes aim at the ruling ideas of the modern world with unmatched wit, clarity, and theatrical flair. First published in 1905, this explosive collection of essays dissects the fashionable philosophies and celebrated thinkers of the Edwardian era—from the cool determinism of H. G. Wells to the austere moralism of G. B. Shaw—with a mixture of sharp criticism, generous humor, and a deep belief in the necessity of conviction.

Chesterton’s “heretics” are the men and women who shape public opinion yet shy away from defining what they truly believe. Against the drift of vague optimism and breezy skepticism, he argues for the courage to declare, defend, and live by coherent principles. More than a century later, his challenge feels startlingly contemporary. In an age saturated with opinions but thin on first principles, Heretics speaks with renewed urgency and delight.

Vigorous, provocative, and endlessly quotable, Heretics remains one of Chesterton’s most engaging works—an invitation to think boldly, question fashion, and reclaim the intellectual adventure of believing in something definite. Whether read as cultural critique, literary performance, or philosophical provocation, it is a book that still has the power to unsettle, inspire, and illuminate.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2026. 174p.

Edited by Ray Perrault and Jack Clark

From the co-directors:

Although global private investment in AI decreased for the second consecutive year, investment in generative AI skyrocketed. More Fortune 500 earnings calls mentioned AI than ever before, and new studies show that AI tangibly boosts worker productivity. On the policymaking front, global mentions of AI in legislative proceedings have never been higher. U.S. regulators passed more AI-related regulations in 2023 than ever before. Still, many expressed concerns about AI’s ability to generate deepfakes and impact elections. The public became more aware of AI, and studies suggest that they responded with nervousness.

Stanford University Human Centered Artificial Intelligence. 2024. 502p.

Activist, Academic, and Artistic Resistance and Intervention

By Faust-Scalisi, Mario (editor); 

Arndt, Susan (editor)

The far right and its fascism are on the rise. Again. The contributors to this volume bring together activist, scholarly, artist and journalist expertise on populism and propaganda, governance and media communication, far-right violence and terrorism. They address resistance strategies of academia and activism as well as NGOs and civil rights movements, by deconstructing far-right strategies of governance or communication and providing counter-argumentations and communication strategies, as well as strategies of political or civic education, empathy or solidarity as modes of intervention. The volume also contextualises the far right, taking historical and cross-spatial dis*continuities into account.

Bielefeld: transcript Verlag, 2025. 

By National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine.

The number of incidents involving disruptive, threatening, or violent behavior in commercial airports has increased in recent years. However, much of the response to these incidents has been focused on addressing behavior in flight, leaving airport operators with limited guidelines tailored to the airport environment.

ACRP Research Report 280: Reducing and Managing Disruptive and Unruly Behavior in Airports: A Guide, from TRB's Airport Cooperative Research Program, presents a practical guide for reducing and responding to incidents of disruptive, threatening, or violent behavior in an airport setting. The guide examines the topic holistically and offers a structured approach to understanding root causes, prevention and mitigation strategies, coordinated response, and post incident analysis. 

Washington, DC: The National Academies Press. 2025. 100p

Contemporary experiences from Jewish congregations and organisations

By The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention

This study focuses on antisemitic hate crime and of insecurity and fear of exposure to such crime as it is experienced by Jewish congregations and organisations in Sweden.

Wide variation in exposure to antisemitic hate crime and harassment

The interviewees’ narratives indicate a wide variation in the degree of exposure to antisemitic incidents during the past five years among the different Jewish institutions that were interviewed. Several interviewees stated that it is unusual for their institutions or premises to be affected by hate crime. Reasons for this may be that their institutions have no premises or that they intentionally maintain a low profile.

It was primarily the representatives of Jewish congregations who stated that their institutions have been subjected to regular exposure to hate crime and other forms of antisemitism. Such exposure is often perceived as coinciding with dates that are important either to Jews or to radical nationalist groups, such as Kristallnacht or Jewish holidays, or with incidents in the Middle East. The nature of such exposure is reported as including everything from abuse and harassment to vandalism, hate and threats.

The most common form of exposure described as affecting the interviewed Jewish institutions was hate messages and threats via letters, telephone calls and email. In their mildest form, these messages may urge the congregation to actively take a position on the conflict between Israel and Palestine, while others are much more aggressive and may contain death threats and extreme antisemitic rhetoric. The interviewees also described incidents such as vandalism in the form of stones being thrown at windows, Stars of David spray-painted on the façade of congregational buildings, objects depicting Zyklon-B gas canisters being placed outside Jewish buildings and attempts at forced entry.

English summary of report 2025:9

Stockholm: The Swedish National Council for Crime Prevention, 2025. 13p.

By Jonas Ring and David Shannon

The significance of socioeconomic background factors for whether or not individuals become involved in crime has been widely discussed in the field of criminology, and the research literature in this field is extensive. The aim of this report is to provide an easily accessible overview of the knowledge that has been produced by this research. The report’s findings are based on a literature review that includes narrative reviews, systematic reviews and meta-analyses, as well as individual studies that have examined individual-level differences in offending in relation to socioeconomic background factors. The review is based primarily on studies published by researchers in the United States, the Nordic countries and the rest of Europe, but also includes a number of studies from other parts of the world. Different studies have used different indicators of socioeconomic background, such as parents' socioeconomic status or levels of education or income, or the family's financial resources in some other sense. The review proceeds on the basis of these studies’ own definitions and measures of socioeconomic background or related concepts, such as social class. The review presents findings from research based on both registered and self-reported crime. 

 English summary of Brå report 2023:3

By Eileen R. Parsons, Kenne A. DIbner, and Heidi Schweingruber

Science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) live in the American imagination as promising tools for solving pressing global challenges and enhancing quality of life. Despite the importance of the STEM disciplines in the landscape of U.S. political, economic, and social priorities, STEM learning opportunities are unevenly distributed, and the experiences an individual has in STEM education are likely to vary tremendously based on their race, ethnicity, socio-economic class, gender, and a myriad of other factors.

Equity in K-12 STEM Education: Framing Decisions for the Future approaches equity in STEM education not as a singular goal but as an ongoing process that requires intentional decision-making and action toward addressing and disrupting existing inequities and envisioning a more just future. Stakeholders at all levels of the education system - including state, district, and school leaders and classroom teachers - have roles as decision-makers who can advance equity. This consensus study report provides five equity frames as a guide to help decision-makers articulate short- and long-term goals for equity and make decisions about policy and practice.

National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine. 2025. Equity in K-12 STEM Education: Framing Decisions for the Future. Washington, DC: The National Academies Press

Edited by Jan Kubik, Richard C. M. Mole

Over the past two decades, populist politicians and parties have enjoyed remarkable success across the globe. The rise of right-wing populism is perhaps most noticeable in post-communist Europe, especially in Hungary and Poland, where politicians subscribing to this ideology have come to power and weakened media pluralism, the protection of minorities, the sovereignty of civil society and the independence of the judiciary. To develop a multidisciplinary understanding of the rise and functioning of right-wing populism in Central and Eastern Europe, The Anatomy of Right-wing Populism examines the two original concepts of neo-traditionalism (to capture the construction of the pure people in opposition to the corrupt elites and the threatening others) and neo-feudalism (to capture an economic strategy whereby a relatively small elite controls the apex of political power and a sizable portion of the country’s economy). This book argues that the causes and consequences of populism cannot be fully understood without a multidisciplinary analysis, drawing on the theories and approaches of politics, history, economics, sociology and anthropology. Grounded in empirical research, this volume provides theoretical insights into how populism became such a powerful political force and formulates policy recommendations on how to resist illiberalism, thereby appealing not only to academics but also to activists and policy makers.

London: UCL Press, 2025. 

By Harry Elmer Barnes (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Harry Elmer Barnes’s In Quest of Truth and Justice stands as a provocative and enduring challenge to the way history is written, remembered, and weaponized. Published in 1928, the book is a cornerstone of historical revisionism, particularly in its reassessment of the causes and culpability of World War I. Barnes argued that the dominant narrative—one that placed sole blame on Germany—was not only historically inaccurate but also morally unjust. He believed that truth and justice in historical scholarship required a fearless confrontation with political orthodoxy and propaganda, especially when such narratives served the interests of victors and power structures.
Barnes’s work was not merely an academic exercise; it was a moral crusade against what he saw as the corruption of historical truth by political expediency. He insisted that historians must act as independent arbiters of fact, not as servants of state ideology. His critique of the Treaty of Versailles and the war guilt clause was rooted in a broader concern: that distorted history could perpetuate injustice, fuel future conflicts, and undermine democratic accountability.
This ethos—of challenging dominant narratives and seeking justice through historical clarity—finds powerful echoes in today’s global conflicts, particularly in Ukraine and Gaza. Both crises are steeped in competing historical claims, contested identities, and politicized narratives that shape international responses and public opinion.
In both Ukraine and Gaza, Barnes’s legacy invites us to ask uncomfortable questions: Who controls the narrative? Whose history is being told, and whose is being silenced? Are we pursuing truth and justice, or merely reinforcing the power structures of the present?
Ultimately, In Quest of Truth and Justice is not just a historical text—it is a call to intellectual courage. In an age of polarized media, geopolitical propaganda, and moral ambiguity, Barnes’s work reminds us that history is not a weapon to be wielded by the powerful, but a mirror in which societies must confront their own truths. As we grapple with the complexities of Ukraine and Gaza, his message remains urgent: justice begins with honest history.

By Petra Regeni and Claudia Wallner

RUSI and the Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) Germany convened a closed-door roundtable event in Berlin on 31 March 2025 to discuss online hate speech and discrimination in Europe in the age of AI. The roundtable included presentations across three sessions (corresponding with the sections of this paper) and participants from academia, civil society, advocacy groups, legal non-profit organisations and the private sector. The event provided a space to discuss online hate speech and discriminatory rhetoric – ranging from antisemitism, misogyny and anti-LGBTQI+ narratives to racism and xenophobia – as well as the implications of AI in their spread and amplification. Discussions centred around the complexities introduced by AI-generated and targeted hate speech, and explored potential responses, from regulatory measures and content moderation to educational initiatives promoting critical thinking skills. This conference report summarises key themes and points raised during the roundtable, none of which are attributable to individual participants and presenters.

Conference Report

London: Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies (RUSI), 2025, 13p.

By András Kádár

The report, authored by András Kádár and coordinated by MPG, for the European network of legal experts in gender equality and non-discrimination, reveals widespread anti-Muslim discrimination and bias, highlighting critical gaps in legal protections and enforcement. Despite existing frameworks, many Muslims and individuals perceived to be Muslim face systemic barriers and societal prejudice across key areas of life.

Key findings include:

Employment: Nearly one-third of Muslim respondents reported experiencing discrimination during their job search.

Harassment: One in four faced harassment linked to their ethnic or immigrant background.

Access to Housing and Healthcare: Half of the respondents encountered discrimination based on their names, skin colour, or physical appearance.

The report also highlights a surge in anti-Muslim hate following the October 2023 attacks, with entire communities targeted by harmful stereotypes and divisive rhetoric. Structural challenges, such as underreporting and the normalisation of bias in public discourse, further hinder progress.

The report calls on policymakers and institutions to:

Address enforcement gaps in anti-discrimination laws.

Provide robust support mechanisms for victims of discrimination.

Challenge anti-Muslim rhetoric at every level of society.

This report reinforces MPG’s commitment to advancing evidence-based strategies for equality and inclusion.

The time to act is now. Together, we can build societies where diversity is celebrated, and everyone is treated with dignity and respect.

As the European Union’s anti-racism action plan for 2020-20251 (EU anti-racism action plan) emphasises, ‘[r]acism damages society in many different ways. Most directly, it means that a large number of people living in Europe face discrimination, affecting their human dignity, their life opportunities, their prosperity and their well-being, and often also their personal safety.’2 This predicament described by the action plan is the everyday reality of many Muslims and persons perceived to be Muslims across Europe. The persistence of anti-Muslim sentiment in a number of European societies and the widespread discrimination against members of the Muslim community are strongly substantiated by sociological research. Nearly one-third of the Muslim respondents to the second European Union minorities and discrimination survey (EU-MIDIS II survey) carried out by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) in 2017 indicated that they had suffered discrimination when looking for a job; one in four Muslim respondents reported harassment due to their ethnic or immigrant background, while their names, skin colour or physical appearance prompted discrimination against about half of the respondents when they were looking for housing or a job, or were receiving healthcare.3 The FRA’s 2019 fundamental rights survey showed that 32 % of the more than 28 000 respondents would feel uncomfortable about having a neighbour who is Muslim; 41 % would not feel comfortable with a family member of theirs marrying a Muslim person; and 31 % were of the view that it would be acceptable for a shop not to hire a Muslim woman who wears a headscarf because of concerns about how some customers might react.4 The 2023 Eurobarometer survey on discrimination in the European Union5 also confirmed the existence of antiMuslim bias, although it was conducted before the attack of 7 October 2023, which has resulted in a surge of anti-Muslim hate speech on the internet, and intensified racism, intolerance and discrimination against Muslim people in several European countries. As the 2023 annual report of the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI) concludes: ‘the number of hate incidents against Muslims […] increased manifold in the aftermath of the attack. Muslims received blame for the attack and other attacks in the Middle East, based on stereotyping of whole communities and their perceived connections with the use of violence.’6 Similar trends have been reported for the purposes of the present study in countries including Austria, Belgium, Croatia, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Slovenia and Sweden. In this situation, joint European efforts to combat anti-Muslim hate are gaining increased importance. The European Union has not only adopted policies and commitments with a view to combating racial and/or religious hatred, including anti-Muslim hate, but has also put in place numerous legal instruments that can be used to counter different manifestations of anti-Muslim bias, including but not limited to the Framework Decision on combating certain forms of expressions of racism and xenophobia,7 the Racial Equality Directive,8 the Employment Equality Directive,9 the Victims’ Rights Directive,10 the Audiovisual Media Services Directive,11 and the Digital Services Act.12 In the EU anti-racism action plan, the European Commission encourages the Member States to ensure that they fully transpose and properly apply these pieces of EU law designed to provide protection against racism. In line with this call, this thematic report provides a comparative overview of how these legal instruments have been complied with in the 27 EU Member States, and aims to establish how and to what extent the legal framework and its practical application in the different Member States provide protection against anti-Muslim hate in three main areas: (i) non-discrimination; (i) hate crimes; and (iii) hate speech. It identifies gaps in the existing legal protections and/or their enforcement across the EU Member States and makes recommendations on mechanisms for the provision of effective protection against acts motivated by anti-Muslim hate. Important trends in anti-Muslim hate The research conducted for the purposes of this report has identified some overarching and strongly interlinked trends in anti-Muslim hate across Europe: the ‘racialisation’ of Muslims; the structural nature of anti-Muslim discrimination; the appearance of anti-Muslim hate in the political mainstream; and the enormous degree of underreporting of anti-Muslim incidents. As described in ECRI’s General Policy Recommendation No. 5 on preventing and combating anti-Muslim racism and discrimination, anti-Muslim discrimination is structural, because it ‘does not solely manifest in instances of interpersonal hostility or discrimination’, but ‘is woven into the ways our societies function, and operates through norms, routines, patterns of attitudes and behaviour that create obstacles in achieving […] effective equality’. The document also points to the ‘racialisation’ of Muslims, i.e. the process by which certain groups of society (identified by, for example, phenotype or cultural identifiers) are ascribed ‘certain […] attributes that are presented as being innate to all members’ of that group. ‘[O]nce identified or perceived as a member of a group, one is deemed as embodying characteristics based on, for instance, skin colour, ethnic or national origin or religion inherent to all members of that group. This process is […] turning a diverse set of people into an allegedly homogeneous group, whose members are presented as “Other”.’13 The main challenges in tackling anti-Muslim hatred are strongly linked to these two specific, and also interconnected, phenomena: the racialisation of Muslims paves the way to falsely presenting and stigmatising them as a homogeneous, monolithic block posing threats to European values and security, which greatly contributes to the success of populist political forces using fear, anger and anxiety as key elements of their strategy to enter the political mainstream. It also reinforces the structural nature of anti-Muslim discrimination, which in turn has a devastating impact on, among others, Muslim communities’ trust in the legal and institutional system that should be protecting them, leading almost directly to the unsettling extent of underreporting of instances of anti-Muslim hate and discrimination.

Brussels: EUROPEAN COMMISSION , 2024. 156p.

By Gauthier Marchais, Christian Mastaki Mugaruka, Raúl Sánchez de la Sierra, and David Qihang Wu

We use a sharp withdrawal of the state that precipitated a rise in insecurity in the Democratic Republic of the Congo to analyze the role of community in the rise of militias. Through a range of data collection techniques, we find that the withdrawal led to a spectacular rise and growth in militia village chapters that were supported by the communities to fight the instigators of that insecurity. While some of this growth can be attributed to the release of pent-up revenge motivations among previously victimized households, the extraordinary expansion is driven by communities facing a sharp new increase in insecurity as a result of the withdrawal, highlighting the perceived value of community security. In these villages, community members were propelled to join the newly formed militia chapters by both intrinsic and extrinsic social motivations, including the desire to protect their community and concerns about social status. Moreover, this rise is accentuated in villages where the local elite mobilizes informal community mechanisms in response to the heightened insecurity, upholding informal norms and amplifying intrinsic social motivations to join among community members. These findings offer a new perspective on militia emergence, emphasizing the role of social motivations and of community, and nuancing the distinction between economic and noneconomic incentives, consistent with an extensive literature using qualitative methods.  

WORKING PAPER · NO. 2024-87 

Chicago: University of Chicago, The Becker Friedman Institute for Economics, 2024. 107p.

By Parliament of Victoria, . Legislative Assembly Legal and Social Issues Committee  

There is no single source of information that tells us about the profile and volume of people who use family violence in Victoria—or one single way to build our understanding of this cohort. Data is collected and held in multiple places and used for different purposes—including risk assessment and management, policy development, service planning, research and evaluation activities. Inquiry stakeholders identified consistent barriers to the collection, sharing and use of data about people who use family violence—all of which contribute to the barriers of achieving a full understanding of this cohort. This report’s recommendations seek to address these. Consistent barriers identified by stakeholders were: • system silos and data fragmentation—many sectors operate in data silos, making it challenging to see all the services someone is using and tracking their journey through sectors and multiple relationships. Data can also be fragmented within an organisation because they may be using multiple, different and unaligned databases. • data accuracy and reliability—several factors contribute to this, including inconsistent data collection standards, bias in data collection, and data collection not always being meaningful or what is needed. Collecting inaccurate or incomplete data about diversity also contributes, as does the underreporting of family violence. • organisational capacity and databases—data quality is impacted by the high level of administrative burden, and may be impacted by staff resources and capabilities. Outdated or onerous databases can add to the administrative burden, especially when the data comes in different formats that are difficult to analyse or share.  

East Melbourne Victoria: Parliament of Victoria,  Legislative Assembly Legal and Social Issues Committee , 2025. 318p.

By Lauren Hamilton,  Lucy Macmillan,  Rodney Vlais

  • In 2023, the Northern Territory Department of Children and Families commissioned Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS) to conduct separate process evaluations of the two government-funded community-based men’s behaviour change programs (MBCPs) in the NT. • The MBCPs are delivered by two service providers, CatholicCare NT in Darwin and Wadeye, and Aboriginal Community-Controlled Organisation (ACCO) Tangentyere Council in Alice Springs. • This paper draws together key findings from the two evaluations relating to the MBCPs’ operating contexts, practice strengths, and the barriers and enablers to implementing quality practice. It provides recommendations from across the two  evaluations, focused on both the program level and the system level. • As part of the process evaluations, ANROWS developed the Quality Practice Elements for Men’s Behaviour Change Programs (MBCPs) in the Northern Territory (“quality practice elements”) in consultation with the two MBCP service providers and the Northern Territory Department of Children and Families. The quality practice elements were designed to support an assessment of quality practice being delivered by the two MBCPs. They outline nine areas of quality practice for MBCPs, contextualised to the NT, and were used to inform evaluation findings. The quality practice elements are published separately and can be read alongside this paper.   What was examined? The process evaluations examined two community-based MBCPs funded by the Northern Territory Department of Children and Families: CatholicCare NT’s Perpetrator Intervention Service operating in Darwin and Wadeye, and Tangentyere Council’s Marra’ka Mbarintja MBCP operating in Alice Springs. The focus on “process” meant the evaluations examined how the MBCPs were being delivered, rather than whether or not they were achieving intended outcomes. Specifically, the evaluations sought to understand how the MBCPs were being delivered in practice, and to compare this with what is understood to be quality practice for MBCPs in the context of the NT. The evaluations were guided by the following high-level questions: • How is each MBCP operating in its context? • How integrated is each MBCP with the community and service system? • How does each MBCP align with relevant standards of quality practice? • How does each MBCP manage risk and are there any unintended consequences? • What could be put in place to improve or prepare for future monitoring and evaluation of each MBCP?  Why is this important? There is a clear need for evaluations of domestic and family violence (DFV) programs and initiatives that are specific to the NT context, to support evidence-informed policy and practice to address the immense problem of DFV in the NT. This is particularly the case in relation to MBCPs, where evidence is needed to understand how these programs operate in different contexts, and the role they can play within a broader DFV service system. As this was the first time the two NT MBCPs have been externally evaluated since their inception, this work aimed to support the MBCPs and the NT Government to understand how the programs are being implemented, key factors that are influencing implementation, and areas for improvement. Findings from the evaluations are intended to support service provider-level decisions about adaptations or adjustments to the MBCPs and importantly, to identify system-level opportunities for the NT Government to support the MBCPs to work towards enhancing the safety of women and children in the NT.

Sydney: Australia’s National Research Organisation for Women’s Safety (ANROWS), 2025. 36p.

By Max Griswold, Stephanie Brooks Holliday, Alex Sizemore, Cheng Ren, Lawrence Baker, Khadesia Howell, Osonde A. Osoba, Jhacova Williams, Jason M. Ward, Sarah B. Hunter

From 1995 to 2020, 104 municipalities in California adopted crime-free housing policies (CFHPs), seeking to reduce crime rates in multifamily rental housing. Across the United States, it is estimated that 2000 cities adopted a CFHP by 2019. Proponents of CFHPs claim these policies reduce crime by deterring criminal activity in rental properties. Critics argue that CFHPs lead to increased evictions and disproportionally impact low-income individuals, particularly people of color.

The authors evaluate proponents' and critics' claims regarding the effects of CFHPs, examine the implementation and enforcement of CFHPs, and assess how CFHPs affect the lived experiences of tenants in California. Findings indicate that CFHPs do not achieve their intended objective of preventing or reducing crime, but use of CFHPs does lead to a significant increase in evictions.

Key Findings

In 2020, there were 104 municipalities in California with a crime-free housing policy (CFHP). Between 2009 and 2019, 34 municipalities implemented CFHPs, which potentially increased policy coverage by 2.4 million renters.

The results of our study indicate no statistically meaningful relationship between CFHPs and crime rates but a strong relationship with increased evictions.

Municipalities with CFHPs have larger population proportions of Black residents than municipalities without CFHPs. Additionally, within municipalities, rental units covered by CFHPs are in neighborhood blocks with lower per capita income than municipal blocks without CFHP units.

It is difficult to challenge evictions caused by CFHPs because tenants often do not know the cause of their eviction and because CFHP evictions are treated by the court system as standard lease violations.

Tenants in CFHP properties are closely surveilled by both law enforcement, landlords, and property managers. Law enforcement agencies stay in contact with landlords and property managers who lease CFHP-covered units, and some agencies maintain databases that track tenant encounters with law enforcement officers.

Recommendations

Municipalities should reconsider maintaining or adopting CFHPs. Prior research and the findings in this report show that CFHPs do not serve their main purpose of reducing crime and do increase evictions.

State law should ensure that tenants are informed about evictions caused by CFHPs. Tenants are frequently unable to understand the cause of their eviction, and therefore face barriers to seeking legal assistance in eviction proceedings

Legislators should consider adopting civil right-to-counsel policies in eviction proceedings. In general, without legal representation, tenants are more likely to be evicted, face larger monetary judgments, and are more likely to be removed from their housing. Adopting these policies could result in more-equitable outcomes.

Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2023, 24p.