By Hayley Boxall and Anthony Morgan

  This paper presents the findings from an online survey of 15,000 Australian women about their experience of domestic violence during the initial stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. In the three months prior to the survey, conducted in May 2020, 4.6 percent of women who responded to the survey experienced physical or sexual violence from a current or former cohabiting partner. Almost six percent (5.8%) of women experienced coercive control and 11.6 percent reported experiencing at least one form of emotionally abusive, harassing or controlling behaviour. For many women, the pandemic coincided with the onset or escalation of violence and abuse. Two-thirds of women who experienced physical or sexual violence by a current or former cohabiting partner since the start of the COVID-19 pandemic said the violence had started or escalated in the three months prior to the survey. Many women, particularly those experiencing more serious or complex forms of violence and abuse, reported safety concerns were a barrier to help-seeking.

Statistical Bulletin no. 28

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2020. 19p.

By Anthony Morgan and Alexandra Gannoni

  This study explores the relationship between methamphetamine dependence and domestic violence among male police detainees interviewed as part of the Drug Use Monitoring in Australia program. Detainees who were dependent on methamphetamine reported high rates of domestic violence. They were significantly more likely to have been violent towards an intimate partner in the previous 12 months than detainees who used methamphetamine but were not dependent. Similar patterns were observed for detainees who reported cannabis dependence. Attitudes minimising the impact of violence were also associated with an increased likelihood of domestic violence. The results illustrate the importance of integrated responses that address the co-occurrence of substance use disorders and domestic violence, and the underlying risk factors for both harmful behaviours.  

Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminology, no. 588

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2020. 17p.

By Hayley Boxall and Christopher Dowling and Anthony Morgan

Differences between male and female perpetrated domestic violence are widely acknowledged. However, there is a lack of Australian data on the circumstances of female perpetrated violence. This study analysed 153 police narratives of domestic violence incidents involving a female person of interest (POI). Results were consistent with international studies. Half of the episodes involved either self-defensive or retaliatory violence—otherwise known as violent resistance—meaning the POI had been a victim of prior violence by their partner or the episode involved a male victim who was abusive in the lead-up to the incident. Violent resistance was more common in incidents involving Indigenous women. The findings highlight the different motivations for female perpetrated domestic violence, and the importance of understanding the complex dynamics of violent episodes.

Trends and Issues in Crime and Criminal Justice, no. 584. Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology, 2020.17p.

by Hannah Jeffery, Lucy Slade, and Stephen Whitehead

Victim-survivors of domestic abuse face complex barriers at every stage of the criminal justice system. Subsequently, many withdraw from the process due to experiencing re-traumatisation, personal safety concerns and not being engaged in the process. Specialist Domestic Abuse Courts (SDACs) seek to address these complex barriers through offering a dedicated approach to processing domestic abuse cases. 

This report presents an evaluation of the Westminster Specialist Domestic Abuse Court, identifies the key elements of the SDAC model through conducting qualitative interviews with stakeholders and victim-survivors. It is hoped that these findings can be applied to the replication of the model elsewhere and develop practice in existing SDACs. 

London: Centre for Justice Innovation, 2022. 36p

By Hannah Jeffe

  Victim-survivors of domestic abuse* and harmful practices** who are also in contact with the criminal justice system (hitherto known as ‘victim-survivors’) often either choose to withdraw their case or see their cases dropped by criminal justice agencies. It has been evidenced that Black and Minoritised victim-survivors may face even greater barriers to participating in the criminal justice process than their white counterparts, due to (i) the fear of, or actual reprisals from, community members should they report domestic abuse; (ii) having additional language needs; and (iii) issues with their immigration status. However, it has been recognised that specialist support from advocates can help mitigate these barriers for Black and Minoritised victim-survivors. This research project explored (i) the value of specialist advocacy for Black and Minoritised victim-survivors; (ii) how these advocacy services support Black and Minoritised victim-survivors; and (iii) the barriers they encounter in doing so. The Centre for Justice Innovation conducted a rapid evidence and policy review, along with nine interviews and a workshop with practitioners working in specialist domestic abuse and harmful practices advocacy about their experiences of supporting victim-survivors.

London: Centre for Justice Innovation, 2023. 4p.

by Sheena Webb, Carolyn Lipp, and Hannah Jeffery

Domestic abuse is one of the key drivers of child protection involvement in the UK. But there is a real lack of evidence around effective ways to with domestic abuse perpetrators. Recent research has highlighted the importance of substance misuse and the experience of trauma amongst perpetrators, and suggests that interventions which take these three issues together may be more effective than many of the current strategies. This project aims to contribute to our understanding of how to effectively work with perpetrators of domestic abuse by focussing on Family Drug and Alcohol Courts (FDACs), a non-adversarial, trauma-informed alternative to standard care proceedings which works with many domestic abuse perpetrators. Parents within FDAC proceedings receive therapeutic support from a multidisciplinary team and have regular review hearings with a dedicated judge. This report compares the lessons learned from a systematic review of the evidence around the links between abuse, trauma and perpetration of abuse with the way that these three issues are understood and responded to by FDAC teams and judges. 

London: Centre for Justice Innovation, 2023. 101p.

By  Danielle Davidson, Bridget Harris and Helena Menih

Young people experiencing homelessness and domestic and family violence have complex needs and encounter extensive barriers when seeking support and assistance. They may not recognise or may normalise abuse, thereby compounding the issue. Unfortunately, non-government and government sectors and agencies can be siloed, further complicating responses and hindering service provision. To overcome this problem, an innovative approach has been employed by some agencies; an embedded worker model. We have conducted in-depth qualitative interviews with agencies in Brisbane, Australia, who employ this model. As we discuss, the embedded worker aims to connect youth and domestic and family violence organisations, potentially addressing abuse better and bolstering youth safety and the capability and capacity of workers.

Canberra: QUT Centre for Justice, 2022. 4p

By United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC)

  Some 47,000 women and girls worldwide were killed by their intimate partners or other family members in 2020. This means that, on average, a woman or girl is killed by someone in her own family every 11 minutes. Where trends can be calculated, they show that the magnitude of such gender-related killings remains largely unchanged, however, with only marginal increases and decreases over the past decade . However, according to WomenOnGuard an estimated 48,000 women and girls were killed by family members in 2022.

Vienna: UNODC, 2021. 34p.

By Kathleen Manion, et al.

  It is no longer possible to ignore the significant and widespread impact violence has on children. It influences children and young people in the short and long term, but also sometimes across generations. Violence against children and young people happens in schools, in homes, in their communities, and across various systems that touch the lives of children. In South East Europe, violence against children and young people is pervasive. This research project investigates the experiences of violence that children experience at school and enroute to and from school. This study particularly focuses on understanding the social and gender norms impacting school-related, gender based violence (SRGBV), and the role of children and young people in challenging these social norms. With Child Protection Hub South East Europe, Terre des hommes, and the Institute for International Child Rights and Development (IICRD), this study was conducted in eight countries in South East Europe, specifically in Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Moldova, Romania, and Serbia. The purpose of the research was: to explore the social and gender norms impacting school related gender-based violence (SRGBV), and the potential role of children and young people in challenging these social norms. This qualitative research project collected data through participatory research activities and focus groups with young people and key supportive adults across two sites within each country.   

Child Protection Hub for SouthEast Europe, 2021. 145p.

By Richard Wortley And Stephen Smallbone

From the foreword by Graeme Newman: “…We see from the authors' outstanding review of who the offenders and victims are and how they are connected through the Internet and other technologies that Internet child pornography is the quintessential global crime, bringing with it the increasingly familiar problems of policing-crimes defined differently across multiple countries and jurisdictions, the labyrinthine and decentralized nature of the Internet, the capability to transmit images across borders around the world instantaneously, and the availability of smartphones and other mobile devices to children and those who would exploit them. They remind us that at the shocking end of the continuum of child pornography, it is essentially local because the actual, original production of child pornographic images most often results from contact sexual abuse by adults with close familial or social relationships to the children. It is the international distribution and con- sumption of images that convert the local crimes into global ones…”

NY. Praeger. 2012. 165p.

By Her Majesty's Government  (UK)

 Violence against women and girls is an unacceptable, preventable issue which blights the lives of millions. Crimes of violence against women and girls are many and varied. They include rape and other sexual offences, stalking, domestic abuse, ‘honourbased’ abuse (including female genital mutilation and forced marriage and ‘honour’ killings), ‘revenge porn’ and ‘upskirting’, as well as many others. While different types of violence against women and girls have their own distinct causes and impacts on victims and survivors, what these crimes share is that they disproportionately affect women and girls. These crimes are deeply harmful, not only because of the profound effect they can have on victims, survivors and their loved ones, but also because of the impact they can have on wider society, impacting on the freedom and equality we all should value and enjoy. These impacts can include day-to-day decision-making, but also extend to the social and economic costs to the economy, society, and taxpayer. We know that the devastating impact of these crimes can include the loss of life, the destruction of homes, futures, and lives. Everyone in modern Britain should have the freedom to succeed and everyone deserves the right to public safety and protection under the law. This is as true for women and girls as it is for anyone else. Throughout this Strategy we draw on the testimonies of victims and survivors who bravely describe the impact these crimes can have. The Government thanks them for their contributions.

London: HM Government, 2021. 85p.

By Marc-André Argentino, Adnan Raja & Aoife Gallagher

Since QAnon’s rise to prominence, several high-profile celebrities have found themselves at the centre of the movement’s conspiratorial narratives, and therefore, the focus of coordinated harassment campaigns, brigading, dogpilling, slander and hate. This has led researchers who examine the digital information ecosystem to ask whether QAnon-coordinated harassment operates like other forms of targeted hate and harassment online, and specifically, whether vulnerable identity groups are faced with particularly egregious experiences. In this report, based on analysis conducted in early 2021, and examining upwards of 9 million posts and mentions across Facebook, Instagram and Twitter, we examine the role of gender-based violence against celebrities who were of particular significance to the QAnon community’s conspiracy theories in late 2019 and into the end of 2020: Chrissy Teigen, Tom Hanks, Ellen DeGeneres, Anderson Cooper, Jussie Smollett and Oprah Winfrey. The resulting analysis confirmed the suspicion that the most prominent type of harassment came in the form of brigading individual targets with accusations and slanderous mentions of paedophilia, often with graphic and disturbing language in their accusations.

Amman: Berlin: London: Paris: Washington DC: Institute for Strategic Dialogue, 2022. 32p.

By Jocelyn Frye, Shilpa Phadke, Robin Bleiweis, Maggie Jo Buchanan, Danielle Corley, and Osub Ahmed

In 2006, Maricruz Ladino, a farmworker at a California lettuce-packing plant, was repeatedly harassed by her supervisor. She rebuffed his lewd requests and comments, but he was unrelenting. Eventually, as they were heading back from a day’s work in the fields, he took her to another location and raped her. She was afraid to come forward, but after several months, she finally mustered the courage to complain about what had happened. Instead of taking action against her supervisor, her employer fired her. She later filed a civil suit against the company and, in 2010, the company agreed to a settlement. When reflecting on her traumatic experience several years later, Ladino would explain how she found the courage to come forward, saying, “I have daughters, I have sisters. And I have to stop this from happening to them, too. That’s what gave me strength to speak out.”2 The prevalence of gender-based violence (GBV) in the United States has become the focus of a national conversation. Whether it is the meteoric rise and resilience of the #MeToo movement, originally launched by activist Tarana Burke more than a decade ago; a seemingly endless list of public figures involved in allegations of sexual misconduct; a U.S. Supreme Court nomination fight made contentious in part by sexual assault allegations; President Donald Trump’s dismissive attacks on survivors’ stories and more than two dozen women alleging his own misconduct over decades; or Trump administration policies that increasingly degrade, disparage, and dehumanize women and gender minorities, all have elevated the discussion about how well GBV claims are handled and what responses are needed to combat it.3 In the wake of this attention, people from across the country have stood up and spoken out. They have told their personal stories and made clear that a status quo that tolerates sexual misconduct is unacceptable and must change. Many policymakers have been quick to profess support for survivors and reject all forms of GBV,

from sexual harassment to sexual assault and more, yet concrete legislative action to address these issues has been slow in coming. Even when policymakers do engage, they often focus on piecemeal measures as a quick fix rather than a more holistic response to address the full range of underlying problems. Lost in the discussion are the interwoven issues that collectively perpetuate GBV—particularly the systemic biases around race, sex, ethnicity, gender identity, sexual orientation, religion, national origin, and disability that shape survivors’ diverse experiences. Overly narrow views and definitions around sex and gender identity that leave out women of color and gender minorities risk ignoring critical aspects of the problem and perpetuating a broader public narrative that elevates some groups over others and leaves out some survivors altogether. Furthermore, too little attention has focused on the connections between GBV and other abusive or violent behaviors, such as research showing high rates of domestic violence and misogynistic attacks among perpetrators of mass shootings.4 Dissecting how all of these issues relate to each other is crucial and long overdue 

Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2019. 70p.

By Jenna Russo

While all UN multidimensional peacekeeping operations are mandated to prevent and respond to conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), the missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and South Sudan, as well as in the Central African Republic, are also mandated to protect civilians from sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV). While SGBV is often used and understood interchangeably with CRSV, SGBV is broader in scope, as it encompasses nonsexual forms of gender-based violence and need not be connected to armed conflict.

This report examines how missions are implementing their mandates to protect civilians from SGBV, including CRSV, and assesses good practices, gaps, and opportunities for improvement. The report draws on lessons learned from the UN missions in South Sudan (UNMISS) and the DRC (MONUSCO). It considers how the complexities of preventing and responding to SGBV necessitate a whole-of-mission approach to the protection of civilians (POC) that encompasses not only physical protection from violence but also activities that address cultural norms related to gender, strengthen the rule of law, and enhance women’s participation. This report thus considers a range of protection activities carried out by missions, as well as structures and processes that promote the effective integration of gender into mission planning and activities.

The paper concludes with several recommendations for UN peacekeeping missions, the UN Department of Peace Operations (DPO), and member states on the Security Council to strengthen work on SGBV.

New York: International Peace Institute, 2022. 33p.

By EIGE -  European Institute for Gender Equality

The recent COVID-19 pandemic has contributed to increasing our reliance on digital technologies in our everyday activities, consolidating internet access as a new fundamental human right. Digital platforms have often been celebrated for allowing equal opportunities for public self expression, regardless of one’s identity and status. Yet, not everyone is welcome in the cyberspace. The digital arena has become a breeding ground for a range of exclusionary and violent discourses and beliefs, expressed and disseminated in a context of anonymity and impunity. Both women and men can be victims of cyber violence. However, evidence shows that women and girls are highly exposed to it. Not only are they more likely to be targeted by cyber violence; they can also suffer from serious consequences, resulting in physical, sexual, psychological or economic harm and suffering. Women and girls often end up withdrawing from the digital sphere, silencing and isolating themselves and eventually losing opportunities to build their education, professional career and support networks. Cyber violence against women and girls (CVAWG) is often dismissed as an insignificant and virtual phenomenon. However, as digital (online) and face-to-face (offline) spaces become more and more integrated, CVAWG often amplifies (or is a precursor for) violence and victimisation in the physical world. CVAWG is not a private problem and does not exist in a vacuum: it is an integral part of the continuum of violence against women and girls. Just like any other form of gender-based violence, CWAWG is deeply rooted in the social inequality between women and men that persists in our world. CVAWG is an intersectional form of violence with different patterns and levels of vulnerability and risk among specific groups of women and girls. It can be exacerbated when it is committed on the grounds of gender in combination with other factors, including age, ethnic or racial origin, sexual orientation, gender identity, disability, religion or belief. Combating CVAWG: aims and scope of this report The aim of this report is to provide an in-depth investigation into the phenomenon of cyber violence and to examine how it affects women and girls specifically.  

Vilnius LITHUANIA: EIGE, 2022. 110p.

By The YWCA

Police killings of Black people and the ensuing nation-wide protests that swept across the United States during the spring and summer months of 2020 are certain to be recorded as defining elements of an unprecedented year. Like Tamir Rice, Eric Garner, and so many others before them, the names of the people of color killed by police in 2020 are now seared into our national consciousness: George Floyd. Rayshard Brooks. Tony McDade. Breonna Taylor. Their deaths unleashed a national fury and ignited a long overdue reckoning with racial violence by police against people of color.

But as so often happens, women and girls of color are again being left out of the story. Their experiences? Overlooked and erased by a media and policy narrative that overwhelmingly focuses on men and boys of color.

Washington, DC: YWCA, 2020. 49p.

By Laura Ávila and Alicia Flórez 

This investigation exposes gender-based violence in Tibú, a Colombian town located on the border with Venezuela that serves as a drug trafficking corridor for several illegal armed groups. In 2021, at least 13 women were killed and dozens more were forced to flee the municipality amid one of the worst waves of violence ever seen in the area.  

Washington, DC: InSight Crime, 2022.  30p.

By Carmen Germaine Warner.

From the Preface: Violence and the impact on its victims is nothing new to the helping professional. Specific assessment and intervention has been ad­dressed in Emergency Departments for years, but it has only been within the past decade that first responders have been challenged with the shared responsibility for the early stabilization and man­agement of victims of violence. Accompanying this responsibility is the need for first responders to be prepared both educationally and emotionally to intervene in situations of violence. The first per­son who cares for victims of violence plays a critical role in not only establishing good lines of communication but possesses the poten­tial for developing a trusting relationship. This element of trust helps the victim to remain open and creative throughout stages of short and long-term intervention. It is only with a comprehensive foundation of theory, specific causes, victim and family impact, along with conflict intervention that first responders will effec­tively be able to understand and properly manage victims of vio­lence.

This text is designed to provide the reader with a firm knowl­edge base. The first section outlines some of the theories and philosophies concerning violence, why and how it occurs, specific learned behavior, and factors which influence evolvement, along with common threads in violent behavior. The second section emphasizes definitions, general knowl­edge, statistical data, signs and symptoms, and the victim's specific transition sequences. Section Three identifies specific intervention techniques which, based on the accumulated knowledge base gained in sec­tions One and Two, will afford the reader a comprehensive, holistic approach to quality assessment and management.

Maryland. Robert J. Brady & Co. 1981. 279p.

By  Robert Urquhart and Jennifer Doyle 

The devastating effect of domestic and family violence (DFV) on children and young people has been increasingly researched, and its lasting impact acknowledged. Yet, despite the evidence, children and young people continue to be regarded as onlookers who ‘witness’ DFV, rather than as victims who directly experience DFV. Indeed, recognition of children and young people experiencing DFV as victim survivors in their own right and with their own unique needs is long overdue. It is time to recognise children and young people as equal victim survivors with their own safety and support needs, and to establish appropriate DFV support policy and programs which reflect the presence of multiple victims of DFV.  

Sydney: Barnardos Australia, 2022. 116p.

By  Catherine Mackenzie and Tanya Mackay

Violence against women is one of the most pervasive and dangerous ways in which power imbalances between women and men operate in Australian society. Increasing outrage and pressure from the community service and health sectors, plus compelling evidence on the alarming prevalence of violence against women, led to the launch of The National Plan to reduce violence against women and their children 2010-2022 and associated Action Plans. A great deal of media and policy attention has been directed toward both highlighting the unacceptably high incidence of, and finding ways to reduce, violence against women and their children. Disturbingly, almost a decade after the National Plan was launched, surveys of attitudes towards violence against women are not finding a great deal of positive change, particularly among young people. Attitudes that are supportive of violence against women, particularly those of young men, are especially concerning. Young women are the highest risk group of women for being victims of violence. Young people are the leaders of the next generations and it is crucial that this generation’s leaders take immediate action to ensure that the next generation has the support and empowerment to identify and stop violence against women. If this does not happen, it will be a shameful addition to the long list of intergenerational inequities that will result from the inaction of our generation. Australia-wide studies indicate that higher proportions of rural women have experienced intimate partner violence than urban women.

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  However, most research has sought the accounts of women living in urban environments and policy and funding allocation is therefore skewed toward the needs of urban women (Dillon, Hussain & Loxton, 2015). While some studies have investigated rural intimate partner violence from the perspective of service workers (e.g. Wendt, 2010) few have reported on the perspectives of women (for examples, see Campo & Tayton, 2015; Ragusa, 2017). This project addresses this important gap by aiming to understand young country women’s (16-24 years) perceptions and experiences of intimate partner violence to inform Uniting Country SA (UCSA) Youth and Domestic Violence service worker practices. The project also aimed to provide evidence to assist UCSA coordinate their work across internal and external services and with their local communities to actively reduce violence against women in current and future generations. Interviews were conducted with young country women aged 16-24 years and country women who had experienced intimate partner violence when they were aged 16-24 years, to provide data that would meet project aims.  

Adelaide: The Australian Alliance for Social Enterprise and University of South Australia, 2019     41p.