By Amalia Ribi Forclaz

Humanitarian Imperialism examines anti-slavery activism between 1880-1940 and its entanglement with religious and political powers, diplomatic affairs, and military actions. It highlights the emergence of Catholic anti-slavery organizations in Europe, their efforts to raise awareness about African slavery, and their collaboration with established British societies to influence public and political spheres. The book provides an in-depth analysis of the campaign against slavery in Ethiopia, illustrating the complex interactions between British and Italian activists, missionaries, colonial authorities, and the League of Nations.. Finally, it reveals a transition in anti-slavery activism, influenced by the rise of totalitarian regimes and the changing international context during the interwar years, leading to a critical assessment of the relationship between humanitarian internationalism and imperialism.

Oxford University Press, 2015, 243 pages

By Peter N. Stearns

"Human Rights in World History" by Peter N. Stearns presents a comprehensive exploration of the evolution of human rights across diverse cultures and time periods. Through meticulous research and insightful analysis, Stearns examines the varying interpretations and implementations of human rights throughout history, shedding light on the complex interplay between societal norms, governance, and international relations. This authoritative work offers a valuable perspective on the ongoing struggle for universal human rights and their significance in shaping our contemporary world.

Routledge, 2012, 967 pages

By Huyen Pham & Pham Hoang Van.

As the Biden Administration decides whether to continue the 287(g) program (the controversial program deputizing local law enforcement officers to enforce federal immigration laws), our research shows that the program has broader negative effects on policing behavior than previously identified. To date, debate about the 287(g) program has focused exclusively on the policing behavior of law enforcement agencies like sheriff’s offices that sign the agreements, and on concerns that these signatory local enforcement agencies (“LEAs”) engage in racial profiling. Our research shows that the agreements also negatively affect the behavior of nearby, non-signatory law enforcement agencies. Using 18 million traffic stops drawn from the Stanford Open Policing Project, we find that the agreements caused state troopers in North Carolina and South Carolina to stop Hispanic drivers more often than White drivers, in order to funnel them into the intensive immigration screening conducted by signatory LEAs at the shared jails. Because trooper agencies did not sign the agreements, statistical associations between the presence of agreements and the differential treatment of drivers by race are not contaminated by unobserved confounding factors. Our identification of these previously unnoticed spillover effects raises important policy questions about the program’s impact and the adequacy of existing legal and administrative controls.

Arizona Law Review, 2022. 41p.

By JULIET P. STUMPF 

Crimmigration law—the intersection of immigration and criminal law—with its emphasis on immigration enforcement, has been central in discussions over political compromise on immigration reform. Yet crimmigration law’s singular approach to interior immigration and criminal law enforcement threatens to undermine public faith in the legitimacy of immigration law. This Article explores the significance of crimmigration for the procedural legitimacy of immigration law. Seminal scholars of psychological jurisprudence have concluded that perceptions about procedural justice—whether the law and legal authorities treat people fairly—are often more important than a favorable outcome, such as winning a case or avoiding arrest. Crimmigration introduces procedural deficiencies into immigration law that may undermine people’s perceptions of its legitimacy. These deficiencies, seen through the lens of psychological jurisprudence, mean that individuals and institutions are less likely to trust immigration law and cooperate with immigration authorities. This Article applies specific criteria that jurisprudential psychologists have shown influence perceptions about justice. It predicts that the core procedural deficiencies of crimmigration—which bar access to immigration benefits, undermine procedural safeguards for fair and accurate outcomes, and embed racialization into immigration enforcement—will undermine perceptions about the legitimacy of immigration law. This has important implications for immigration reform. If immigration enforcement lacks procedural justice, any compromise struck with crimmigration at its core will exacerbate public distrust of immigration law.

Arizona Law Review, 2023. 47p.

By Elizabeth Hannah

Immigration detention is a central feature of the United States’ immigration system. Noncitizens facing removal are detained in staggering numbers throughout the removal process, from the initiation of legal proceedings to the issuance of a final removal order. Moreover, as the U.S. government’s reliance upon immigration detention has grown, the Supreme Court has systematically stripped noncitizens of important substantive and procedural protections. This is especially true in the post-removal-order context, where a series of recent decisions have placed more people than ever at risk of prolonged detention without a bond hearing. Three cases in particular—Johnson v. Guzman Chavez (2021), Johnson v. Arteaga-Martinez (2022), and Garland v. Aleman Gonzalez (2022)—have increased the likelihood that noncitizens subject to post-removal-order detention will remain incarcerated for months or years, even if they have pending claims for relief. This Note describes each of these three cases and explains how, together, they severely undermine the rights of noncitizens with final removal orders. This Note further argues that people facing post-removal-order detention should be entitled to rigorous due process protections. Even though detention constitutes a clear deprivation of liberty, the Supreme Court has held that six months of post-removal-order detention is “presumptively reasonable.” This Note criticizes that premise and asserts that no period of immigration detention is presumptively reasonable. In other words, even if the Court had decided Guzman Chavez, Arteaga-Martinez, and Aleman Gonzalez in favor of the noncitizen plaintiffs, the existing framework would still be insufficient to protect immigrants in post-removal-order detention from experiencing protracted and unnecessary trauma. This Note therefore posits that, at minimum, immigrants with final removal orders should receive a bond hearing before an immigration judge at the close of the 90-day mandatory detention period. While more radical solutions like detention abolition are ultimately in order, a 90-day bond hearing requirement would at least provide noncitizens facing post-removal-order detention a meaningful opportunity to secure release from custody.

Arizona Law Review, 2023. 36p.

By Anni Lietonen, Anniina Jokinen, Natalia Ollus 

In recent years, the issue of labour trafficking and exploitation in global supply chains has gained more and more attention. Businesses are under increasing scrutiny from consumers, media, civil society, investors and governments to behave in an ethical manner. However, there has been less focus on local and national structures. It is a common practice for businesses to rely on subcontractors/suppliers, or to use contractual partners who use subcontractors for specialised, project-related or short-term work. In recent years, cases of labour exploitation in supply/subcontracting chains have been uncovered around the world, as well as in Europe. With increased mobility of workers and increasingly complex supply chains, there is a growing need to ensure that all involved parties know their rights and obligations. This can prevent the exploitation of migrant workers and the risk of businesses becoming involved in such scenarios. This risk management toolkit has been developed in the context of the EU-funded FLOW-project. Its purpose is to give companies a brief overview of what labour exploitation and trafficking are, as well as to demonstrate the risks for businesses, and how involvement in such scenarios can be effectively avoided. These tools focus on the practical implementation of due diligence procedures, such as gathering information through worker-led monitoring and grievance mechanisms. The aim is to provide “hands-on” measures for businesses that can be used to navigate and control complex supply chain networks, especially in a local, national and intra-European context with the focus on preventing exploitation and trafficking. The measures include conducting a risk assessment, drafting an anti-trafficking strategy, screening contractual partners, incorporating specific contractual clauses and organising workplace assessments/inspections concerning the activities of subcontractors or other contractual partners. To supplement this toolkit, a Normative Framework Guide (HEUNI Publication Series No. 94) has also been developed as part of the FLOW-project, which provides a summarised overview of existing legal frameworks outlining businesses' responsibilities with regard to human rights, with a focus on labour exploitation and human trafficking. Outsourcing of work through subcontracting and the use of temporary workers in overly flexible employment relationships makes it more difficult for companies to assess the working conditions under which goods and services are produced (FRA 2015; Jokinen & Ollus 2019). The more layers in the supply chain, the more difficult it is to survey how the subcontractors carry out their business. In the worst-case scenario, legitimate business structures and lengthy supply chains may reveal serious forms of exploitation or even human trafficking. Concern over workers’ rights at all levels of the supply chain, in particular at the lower end of a subcontracting chain, should be included in responsible business policies. Committing to respecting Business and Human Rights (BHR) agreements alone cannot guarantee that a company is not unknowingly involved in labour exploitation or trafficking. Proactive businesses can mitigate such risks more efficiently by engaging in risk management, inspections and monitoring of working conditions. Who should use this tool? Managers, experts, and representatives of: ○ Businesses, NGOs and/or organisations that use low-skilled migrant workers through outsourcing, subcontracting, and recruitment companies and labour intermediaries in, e.g., construction, cleaning or catering services ○ Businesses working in risk sectors where labour exploitation or human trafficking have been identified ○ Public procurement units working for states, municipalities and/or state enterprises ○ Corporate Social Responsibility experts and networks Businesses should take steps to strengthen their role in regulating the labour supply and in recognising the signs of labour exploitation. Effective and proactive measures to tackle labour exploitation deters criminal enterprises from entering labour supply chains and promotes fair competition and decent work.     

Helsinki: HEUNI, 2020. 60p.

By Chase Childress, Amy Farrella, Shawn Bhimani, and Kayse Lee Maass

Law enforcement interventions continue to be the primary mechanism used to identify offenders and illicit businesses involved in human trafficking, yet trafficking continues to be a thriving international operation. We explore alternative mechanisms to disrupt illicit operations and reduce victimization through labor trafficking supply chains using supply chain disruption theory. Using a case study approach to examine one federally prosecuted labor trafficking case in the agricultural sector, we (1) extend criminological concepts of disruption by identifying sources and methods of disruption and (2) inform criminal justice system responses by presenting novel methods of assessing effectiveness of anti-human trafficking policies and programs.

Victims & Offenders, 2022. 39p.

 by Armin von Bogdandy, Flávia Piovesan, Eduardo Ferrer Mac-Gregor, Mariela Morales Antoniazzi

The Inter-American Human Rights System (IAHRS) fosters structural transformations throughout the Americas. This collection of analyses builds upon the studies on Ius Constitutionale Commune en América Latina and Latin American transformative constitutionalism to map out both the ground-level human rights impact of the IAHRS and the institutional characteristics that have enabled such fundamental changes in social reality. The volume starts with essays framing the concept and context of IAHRS impact. Then it navigates thematic analyses on specific rights and types of violations that are front and center to the protection of human rights in Latin America. The concluding essays explore whether and how it is possible to optimize the actions of the Inter-American System, indicating possible paths to increase positive human rights impact. The editors contend that the IAHRS victim-centric approach, community of practice, and openness to institutional reinvention have enabled it to create a virtuous cycle that catalyzes human rights in the Americas, furthering democracy and the Rule of Law throughout the continent.

Oxford, UK; New York: Oxford University Press, 2024. 705p.

Editors:  Peter Seitz,  Mark Eisenegger and Manfred Max Bergman  

Scientific methods, known for their systematic and rigorous approaches, have yielded countless discoveries and essential technologies that enhance our lives, fostering ease, productivity, and comfort. Yet, many of these discoveries and technologies have facilitated the dissemination of false and potentially harmful information—the realm of fake facts. The distortion of information, encompassing misinformation, disinformation, and malinformation, poses a threat to democratic societies and the core of scientific progress. Consequently, the scientific community must explore why fake news resonates, identify detection strategies, and develop effective countermeasures. The years 2020 and 2021, dominated by the COVID-19 pandemic, underscored the impact of fake news. Conspiracy theories, dangerous pseudo-therapies, and anti-vaccine movements thrived, highlighting the urgency of addressing false information. The collection of articles in this book covers key topics related to fake facts and fake news, aiming to enhance our understanding of their impact and to counter them using scientific principles.

Basel: MDPI - Multidisciplinary Digital Publishing Institute, 2023. 100p.

By William E. Mitchell

From 1971 to 1972, William E. Mitchell undertook fieldwork on suffering and healing among the Lujere of Papua New Guinea’s Upper Sepik River Basin. At a time when it was not yet common to make colonial agencies a subject of anthropological study, Mitchell carefully located his research on Lujere practices in the framework of a history of colonization that surrounded the Lujere with a shifting array of Western institutions, dramatically changing their society forever. This work has been well known among anthropologists of Oceania ever since, but the bulk of it has remained unpublished until now. In this major new work, Mitchell revisits his earlier research with a three-part study on: the history of colonial rule in the region; the social organization of Lujere life at the time; and the particular forms of affliction, witchcraft, and curing that preoccupied some of the people among whom he lived. This is a magisterial contribution to the ethnography of Papua New Guinea and it is sure to be an invaluable source for scholars of Oceania, of medical anthropology, and of the anthropology of kinship, myth, and ritual. 

Chicago: HAU Books ( University of Chicago), 2024. 567p.

By Lynn Brunet

The artist Francis Bacon (1909-1992) and the writer Samuel Beckett (1906-1989) both convey in their work a sense of foreboding and confinement in bleak, ritualistic spaces. This book identifies many similarities between the spaces and activities they evoke and the initiatory practices of fraternal orders and secret societies that were an integral part of the social landscape of the Ireland experienced by both men during childhood. Many of these Irish societies modelled their ritual structures and symbolism on the Masonic Order. Freemasons use the term ‘spurious Freemasonry’ to designate those rituals not sanctioned by the Grand Lodge. The Masonic author Albert Mackey argues that the spurious forms were those derived from the various cult practices of the classical world and describes these initiatory practices as ‘a course of severe and arduous trials’. This reading of Bacon’s and Beckett’s work draws on theories of trauma to suggest that there may be a disturbing link between Bacon’s stark imagery, Beckett’s obscure performances and the unofficial use of Masonic rites.

Bern: Peter Lang, 2009. 218p.

By Sally Markowitz

The Gender Binary and the Invention of Race explores a fundamental and often overlooked connection between modern European conceptions of gender and race. Starting in the eighteenth century, these conceptions have intermeshed through a racialized gender‑binary ideal for the male‑female couple that, supposedly, only Europeans embody.

Through an exploration of various expressions of this racial gender-binary ideal, this book illuminates the deep connections between categories of race, sex/gender, and sexuality and the social hierarchies they support. This book also explores how the racial gender‑binary ideal has both shaped fin‑de‑siècle arguments for the respectability of male homosexuality and informed the mid‑twentieth‑century feminist analysis of Simone de Beauvoir’s The Second Sex. Finally, this book compares its approach to understanding the race/gender connection to that of intersectional theorist Kimberle Crenshaw.

The Gender Binary and the Invention of Race is an accessibly written book that will be of interest both to undergraduate and graduate students of Gender Studies, as well as to a general audience wishing to learn more about the relationship between the categories of race, gender, and sexuality.

London: Routledge, 2024. 200p.

Editors; Nobumichi Teramura; Luke Nottage

 Bruno Jetin  

This open access book explores Asian approaches towards investment arbitration—a transnational procedure to resolve disputes between a foreign investor and a host state—setting it in the wider political economy and within domestic law contexts. It considers the extent to which significant states in Asia are, or could become, “rule makers” rather than “rule takers” regarding corruption and serious illegality in investor-state arbitration. Corruption and illegality in international investment are widely condemned in any society, but there remains a lack of consensus on the consequences, especially in investment arbitration. A core issue addressed is whether a foreign investor violating a host state’s law should be awarded protection of its investment, as per its contract with the host state and/or the applicable investment or trade agreement between the home state and the host state. Some suggest such protection would be unnecessary as the investor committed a crime in the host state, while others attempt to establish an equilibrium between the investor and the host state. Others claim to protect investment, invoking the sanctity of promises made. The book starts with a deep dive into economic and legal issues in corruption and investment arbitration and then explores the situation and issues in major countries in the region in detail. It is a useful reference point for lawyers, economists, investors, and government officials who are seeking comprehensive and up-to-date information on anti-bribery rules in Asian investment treaties. It is of particular interest to students and researchers in economics, finance, and law, who are undertaking new research relating to the multifaceted impacts of corruption. ; This open access book explores Asian approaches towards investment arbitration — a transnational procedure to resolve disputes between a foreign investor and a host state — setting it in the wider political economy and within domestic law contexts. It considers the extent to which significant states in Asia are, or could become, “rule makers” rather than “rule takers” regarding corruption and serious illegality in investor-state arbitration. Corruption and illegality in international investment are widely condemned in any society, but there remains a lack of consensus on the consequences, especially in investment arbitration. A core issue addressed is whether a foreign investor violating a host state’s law should be awarded protection of its investment, as per its contract with the host state and/or the applicable investment or trade agreement between the home state and the host state. Some suggest such protection would be unnecessary as the investor committed a crime in the host state, while others attempt to establish an equilibrium between the investor and the host state. Others claim to protect investment, invoking the sanctity of promises made. The book starts with a deep dive into economic and legal issues in corruption and investment arbitration and then explores the situation and issues in major countries in the region in detail. It is a useful reference point for lawyers, economists, investors and government officials who are seeking comprehensive and up-to-date information on anti-bribery rules in Asian investment treaties. It is of particular interest to students and researchers in economics, finance and law, who are undertaking new research relating to the multifaceted impacts of corruption.

Cham, SWIT: Springer Nature, 2024.  463p.

By Schweik, Susan M.

The murky history behind municipal laws criminalizing disability In the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries, municipal laws targeting "unsightly beggars" sprang up in cities across America. Seeming to criminalize disability and thus offering a visceral example of discrimination, these “ugly laws” have become a sort of shorthand for oppression in disability studies, law, and the arts. In this watershed study of the ugly laws, Susan M. Schweik uncovers the murky history behind the laws, situating the varied legislation in its historical context and exploring in detail what the laws meant. Illustrating how the laws join the history of the disabled and the poor, Schweik not only gives the reader a deeper understanding of the ugly laws and the cities where they were generated, she locates the laws at a crucial intersection of evolving and unstable concepts of race, nation, sex, class, and gender. Moreover, she explores the history of resistance to the ordinances, using the often harrowing life stories of those most affected by their passage. Moving to the laws’ more recent history, Schweik analyzes the shifting cultural memory of the ugly laws, examining how they have been used—and misused—by academics, activists, artists, lawyers, and legislators.
New York; London: New York University Press, 2009. 446p.

By Annie Hill

Human trafficking has generated intense global concern, with stories of sex slavery and images of women forced into prostitution so persuasive that states have raced to respond ahead of empirical data and clear definitions of the crime. In Trafficking Rhetoric, Annie Hill analyzes the entanglement of state veneration and state violence by tracking how the United Kingdom points to the alleged crimes of others in order to celebrate itself and conceal its own aggression. Hill compares the UK’s acclaimed rescue approach to human trafficking with its hostile approach to migration, arguing that they are two sides of the same coin—one that relies on rhetorical constructions of “trafficked women” and “illegal migrants” to materialize the UK as an Anglo-white space.Drawing from official estimates, policy papers, NGO reports, news stories, and awareness campaigns and situating them in the broader EU context, Hill accounts for why the UK’s antitrafficking agenda emerged with such rhetorical force in the early twenty-first century. Trafficking Rhetoric reframes controversies over labor, citizenship, and migration while challenging the continued traction of race-baiting and gender bias in determining who has the right to live, work, and belong in the nation.
Columbus, OHIO: Ohio State University Press, 2024. 

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

By Matthew J. Gibney

"The Ethics and Politics of Asylum: Liberal Democracy and the Response to Refugees" delves deep into the complex intersection of principles, policies, and practices surrounding asylum in liberal democracies. This thought-provoking book meticulously examines the ethical considerations and political dynamics that shape how these nations respond to the plight of refugees. Through a rigorous analysis, the author navigates the intricate terrain of asylum discourse, shedding light on the challenges, contradictions, and possibilities within contemporary asylum systems. A must-read for scholars, policymakers, and anyone seeking a comprehensive understanding of the intricate moral and political dilemmas inherent in the asylum process.

NY. CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 2004. 299p.

GLABERSON, STEVIE; TSE, EMERALD; TUCKER, EMILY

From the document: "[W]hat if the government had access to a copy of your DNA and could track you based on this involuntary, unstoppable trail without your consent? [...] This dystopia is fast becoming reality for millions of people, many of them already vulnerable because of over-policing, excessive surveillance, or economic insecurity. The federal government is amassing a huge trove of DNA, starting with a racialized, often traumatized, and politically powerless group: noncitizens. And it is using the federal agency that operates with the fewest practical constraints and least oversight -- the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) -- to do it. That's what this report is about. [...] The 2005 DNA Fingerprint Act -- which passed with little public scrutiny as an amendment to the reauthorization bill for the popular Violence Against Women Act -- for the first time extended compulsory DNA collection to people outside of the criminal legal context: detained noncitizens. But because of the exceptions in the implementing regulations, and because previous administrations thought it was a good idea to use those exceptions to avoid escalating DNA collection from noncitizens, DHS never mounted a large-scale DNA collection program. That is, until 2020. This report, which is based on publicly available records, as well as interviews with people who have had their DNA taken by immigration authorities and legal service providers working with them, is the first attempt to examine in-depth what happened after the 2020 rule change, and to explain the legal and political implications of these developments."

GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY. LAW CENTER. CENTER ON PRIVACY & TECHNOLOGY. 21 MAY, 2024.

MAY CONTAIN MARKUP

BY CHARLES SUMNER.

“HISTORY has been sometimes called a gallery, where, in living forms, are preserved the scenes, the incidents, and the characters of the past. It may also be called the world's great charnel house, where are gathered coffins, dead men's bones, and all the uncleanness of the years that have fled.”

Massachusetts. JOHN P. JEWETT AND COMPANY, 1853. 134p.

By Flore Berger

Mali has long been an important origin and transit country for West African migrants travelling to North Africa. Its role has expanded in recent years as preferred migration routes have shifted westwards from Libya into Algeria. In 2023, however, the political and security situation in northern Mali changed significantly. MINUSMA (the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali) withdrew from Mali after nearly a decade on the ground. This in turn contributed to the outbreak of hostilities between the Cadre Stratégique Permanent (Permanent Strategic Framework – CSP) and the Forces Armées Maliennes (Malian Armed Forces – FAMa), operating with the support of Russia’s Wagner Group, marking the de facto end of the 2015 Algiers Peace Agreement. The Malian transitional military government officially terminated this accord on 25 January 2024. Taking advantage of Mali’s international isolation and internal turmoil, violent extremist groups – including the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (Group to Support Islam and Muslims – JNIM) and Islamic State Sahel Province (IS Sahel) – stepped up their activities, notably by imposing blockades on major northern towns, most notably Timbuktu by JNIM and Ménaka by IS Sahel. These events altered the security equilibrium that, in recent years, had allowed migrants to travel through large parts of northern Mali, particularly Timbuktu, with little difficulty. While none of the developments, individually or collectively, drastically disrupted the movement of migrants and the functioning of human smuggling networks, they did have localized and short- to medium-term effects on flows, route safety, methods and means of transport, and prices. Timbuktu was by far the most significantly affected hub. A blockade was imposed by JNIM at the beginning of August, bringing movement to an immediate halt. Later, however, even as the blockade continued, flows resumed, with migrants using the river to get to Timbuktu rather than overland travel. The safety of movement in and around the city, including on the route to Algeria, deteriorated sharply, and the cost of the journey for migrants almost doubled. Gao was similarly affected by the resumption of hostilities between the CSP and FAMa. This region has always been much more volatile, however, with migratory flows through the city fluctuating greatly depending on the season and the security situation.

Mali’s third major migration route, through the western Kayes region and into Mauritania and Senegal, is a key area to watch. Movements through the south-west have not been directly affected by the upheaval in the north, and a growing number of Malians and West Africans are using this option. This is the latest Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC) monitoring report on human smuggling in Mali. It builds on the series of annual reports that has been issued by the GI-TOC since 2019, tracking the evolution of human smuggling in Mali, as well as the political, security and economic dynamics that influence it.

Geneva, SWIT: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC)’s Observatory of Illicit Economies in North Africa and the Sahel. 2024. 30p.

By The International Drug Policy Consortium

The signing organisations (the International Drug Policy Consortium, Amnesty International, the Global Alliance against Traffic in Women, the Global Network of Sex Work Projects, the International Planned Parenthood Federation, and the Women and Harm Reduction International Network) welcome the initiative to prepare a report on the decriminalisation of poverty and homelessness, to be presented at the 56th session of the Human Rights Council in June-July 2024. We also welcome the background paper shared by consultation.

In order to ensure that the report creates effective and consistent standards for the decriminalisation of poverty and homelessness, we strongly encourage the Special Rapporteurs to include in the conclusions section explicit recommendations for the decriminalisation of drug use and possession of personal use, and of sex work, as the criminalisation of both activities is a major driver of contact between law enforcement and people living in poverty in public spaces, is discriminatory, and has harmful effects on the enjoyment of a broad range of human rights. This informal paper provides a number of key arguments supporting that inclusion.

London: International Drug Policy Consortium, 2024. 9p.