By Megan Davey, Julia Yates & David McAlonan

The Electronic Monitoring (EM) as a Licence Variation (LV) project commenced as a pilot on 8 August 2022 in one probation region of England and Wales, which increased to five probation regions on 28 March 2023. The project allows probation practitioners in participating probation regions to vary a prison leaver’s licence by imposing electronically monitored conditions, where they believe that it would be beneficial to do so. This can take the form of Global Positioning System (GPS) location monitoring or Radio Frequency (RF) curfew monitoring. The EM as LV tool is intended for use on a discretionary basis by probation practitioners as a response to an escalation of risk or as an alternative to recall, as is the case with other licence variations, so as to support the successful completion of the licence period. Moreover, EM as LV should only be used as an alternative to recall when the recall threshold is met and the risk is assessed by probation as manageable in the community with additional licence conditions. The purpose of this process evaluation is to assess how the discretionary use of EM as LV has contributed to the management of people on probation in the community by HM Prisons and Probation Service (HMPPS) across the five participating probation regions. The evaluation is also intended to help identify any improvements that could be made as part of any future roll out of the intervention to further probation regions. This report summarises the findings of the process evaluation led by the Ministry of Justice (MoJ). It explores stakeholders’ views and experiences of the EM as LV project to understand how it has been operating, its perceived effects and its observed limitations. The process evaluation fieldwork was carried out during summer 2023. 1.1 Key findings  between go-live in early August 2022 and the end of December 2023. The EM as LV data were also matched to management information (MI) recorded by the Probation Service using unique identifiers so as to obtain estimates of a set of protected characteristics and other variables, which were subject to missing values and potential data input errors. Comparisons were provided with respect to all prison leavers released on an adult licence over the same time period, where relevant. The qualitative data regarding stakeholders’ perceptions were obtained using primarily interviews that were conducted among police officers, probation practitioners, EM service provider staff and people on probation who were enrolled in the EM as LV project. The main limitation was that the views expressed by respondents were only representative of those individuals who chose to participate. In particular, the number of people on probation who responded was small. 

Ministry of Justice Analytical Series: London: Ministry of Justice, 2025. 83p.  

By Brittany Michelle Friedman, Gabriela Kirk-Werner, and April D. Fernandes

This article examines the repeal of prison pay-to-stay policies in the United States. We process-trace reform efforts in Illinois drawing from novel data retrieved through multiple FOIA requests to state agencies and public records searches. Our analysis reveals how lawmakers who advocated for reforming the shadow carceral state in 2016 and 2019 through repealing prison pay-to-stay repurposed penal logics they had once used punitively in the 1980s and 1990s to enact the same policy—such as protecting taxpayers, fiscal efficiency, and rehabilitation. Our findings advance existing research by suggesting that penal logics are open to interpretation depending on the socioeconomic and historical moment. These contextual factors are also crucial to determining how lawmakers and institutions re-interpret long held penal logics when reforming the shadow carceral state. We argue the ways in which lawmakers strategically operationalize penal logics exemplifies their cultural durability as a resonant means to a political end.

Theoretical CriminologyVolume 28, Issue 4, November 2024, 22p.

By Susan McNeeley

Prior research shows employment is an important component of desistance, but there is mixed evidence regarding the effectiveness of prison-based education programs. Therefore, this study examines whether participation in vocational education programs while incarcerated improves recidivism and post-release employment outcomes. Observable selection bias was reduced by using propensity score matching to create similar treatment and comparison groups. Before matching, it appeared that people who completed vocational programs fared better on several measures of recidivism and post-release employment. However, after matching, there were no differences in any outcome between those who obtained vocational certificates and the matched comparison group. In addition, the study controls for the timing of release to examine whether recidivism and employment outcomes varied during the COVID-19 pandemic. The results showed lower rates of rearrest, supervised release revocation, and post-release employment during the COVID-19 pandemic. It is important for future research to control for release from prison during the COVID19 pandemic, as failure to do so may introduce a significant historical threat to validity. It is possible that rather than directly affecting recidivism or employment, vocational education programs may have helped motivated individuals who were already likely to succeed meet their career goals. The results demonstrate the importance of accounting for selection bias in evaluations of education and employment programs. It is recommended that career-focused educational programs incorporate the risk-needs-responsivity model and the continuum of care principle, build relationships with community employers, and assist with practical barriers to employment.

St. Paul: Minnesota Department of Corrections, 2023. 24p.

By CFE Research and Revolving Doors

Intensive Supervision Courts (ISCs) are a problem-solving approach that diverts offenders with complex needs away from short custodial sentences and into enhanced communitybased sentences which aim to address underlying issues linked to offending. The ISC pilot is testing a model of community sentence management between probation and the courts, for certain individuals who receive a high-end Community Order (CO), or Suspended Sentence Order (SSO). Orders managed under the ISC comprise both rehabilitative and punitive measures, are delivered by a multi-agency team and are overseen by a single judge who can apply incentives to reward engagement and sanction those who are non-compliant. Key partners include the judiciary, court staff, probation, treatment providers, police, local authority, and women’s services. The Ministry of Justice (MoJ) fund the pilot; most of the funding is allocated to dedicated ISC probation resource, the addition of a court co-ordinator role, and a dedicated “privilege and enabler” fund to support and recognise compliance. Privileges are intended to be flexible and creative in order to be individualised to the person on the ISC. The pilot currently comprises two substance misuse (SM) courts in Liverpool and Teesside Crown Courts, and a women’s ISC in Birmingham Magistrates’ Court, and is set to run between June 2023 and December 2024. A third SM court operating in Bristol Crown Court launched in June 2024 after this report was written. This is the interim report of an independent process evaluation of the pilot. It covers the implementation period of the pilot covering elements of best practice, challenges and early findings. It draws on evidence gathered through a survey of pilot staff and stakeholders, in-depth interviews with staff, stakeholders, and individuals on the ISC, observations of ISCs and related activities, and analysis of monitoring data. This report refers to ‘ISC orders’ and ‘individuals on the ISC’ for succinctness. These terms are used to describe those with COs or SSOs that are being managed through the ISC pilot model.

Ministry of Justice Analytical Series 2024

London: UK Ministry of Justice 2024. 90p.

By Cheryl Yates

In October 2019, the Iowa Department of Human Rights Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) was awarded Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) funding through the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA), to conduct a longitudinal evaluation of sex offenders serving special sentences in Iowa. The purpose was to evaluate the effectiveness of the special sentence policy and the extent to which it reduced recidivism long-term. The special sentence was enacted in 2005 to mandate extended monitoring of sex offenders in the community for a duration of 10 years or life, depending on the crime. An initial study was conducted by CJJP in 2014 for the former Sex Offender Research Council (SORC). The 2014 study compared recidivism rates of Iowa sex-offenders who were supervised on special sentence to a cohort of sex-offenders who were supervised before the special sentence was enacted. The results showed lower rates of new convictions for sex offenses among those on the special sentence within a three-year tracking period, but higher prison return rates for technical violations presumably a result of the increased monitoring in the community.1 The current study will use a longer, nine-year recidivism tracking period to track the same cohorts studied in 2014. The purpose is to examine whether the special sentence cohort continues to have lower sex offense recidivism rates and higher prison returns over a nine-year tracking. The evaluation questions investigated in this report include the following:  Is the low likelihood of sexual reoffending sustained longer-term?  Does special sentence monitoring continue to result in more technical violations and time incarcerated for sex offenders on the special sentence compared to the pre-special sentence cohort?  What are the estimated costs and what resources might be needed in the future to sustain this intensive supervision?  What is the expected forecasted growth of offenders serving a special sentence in the community and those who are in the prison population? As outlined in the SAC grant proposal, multiple indicators of recidivism will be examined, including any conviction, felony conviction only, sex conviction, felony sex conviction, and revocation (prison return due to technical violation or new conviction). The study will also examine the demographics of sex offenders, their convicting offense, risk levels, and treatment participation; the number of offenders on the special sentence and forecasted; and costs of the special sentence and alternatives.

Iowa Division of Criminal and Juvenile Justice Planning (CJJP) , 2021. 52p.

 By Roger Grimshaw  

This working paper seeks to clarify the key contexts in which the recent history of indefinite detention for people convicted of crimes should be placed and to suggest ways of interpreting the kinds of evidence and analysis which future inquiries or reviews may wish to consider. Here it is argued that the main contexts are, in order of scope and generality: A. Socio-political structures and state developments B. Operations of the state: law and administration C. Initiatives, reactions and effects at the individual level The paper gives most attention to contexts A and B on the grounds that these contain the sources of the fundamental problems to be resolved, while evidence about C continues to be documented. It is agreed that the recent history of indefinite detention is complex, with several strands that over time have become knotted, hindering lucid and effective solutions. In this paper an attempt has been made to identify some of the most convoluted, and to trace their origins and implications. Inevitably, Imprisonment for Public Protection (IPP) will loom large, though future work will seek lessons from other jurisdictions and from similar sentences. The act of clarification focuses our minds on what is entailed in challenging the conventional wisdom around political and institutional understandings of indeterminate preventive detention. As we shall see, a cluster of such sentences have emerged from a longstanding political context and sit inside a range of measures and technologies which are embedded in criminal justice as we know it. The account is neither reassuring nor redemptive, but its intention is to present a foundation for a cogent criticism of that history and a prospective agenda for a future alternative.

Working Paper 2  London:  Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2025. 14p.

By Michael Rocque, Grant Duwe, Valerie A. Clark

Identity or self-concept has long been theorized to explain rule-violating behavior. Life-course criminology scholarship has incorporated identity as a core concept explaining desistance or disengagement from crime over time. Individuals who transform their identities from anti to prosocial or who are ready to move away from their past selves are more likely to desist from crime. However, the role of identity, particularly the forms of identity that have been theorized to influence desistance, has been understudied with respect to prison behavior. Understanding the ways in which identity relates to prison misconduct may help inform prison programming as well as theoretical perspectives drawing on the concept. The purpose of this study is to explore how various forms of identity are related to future prison misconduct, controlling for past misconduct and a host of other theoretical variables, in Minnesota prisons. The results indicate that two forms of identity, replacement self and cognitive transformation, are related to general misconduct but not violent misconduct in survival models. For general misconduct, both forms of identity are associated with a reduction in the risk of new convictions. Implications for theory and practice are discussed

St. Paul: Minnesota Department of Corrections, 2025. 31p.

By Rosa Loureiro-Revilla

Overcrowding, limited resources, and systemic corruption hinder Peru’s ability to manage its prisons, where mobile phone smuggling thrives. Addressing these issues requires investment in modern technology, robust staff training, and better pay to reduce bribery risks. Comprehensive policies, including alternatives to incarceration for minor offences, can improve governance and curb illicit practices that undermine state control.

Bergen, Norway: U4 is part of the Chr. Michelsen Institute (CMI), 2024. 18p.

By NACRO

The issues of prisoner healthcare are not new, but in publishing this report including the direct experiences of people who have been through the prison system, we hope to bring these concerns to the forefront of thinking, and engage in collaborative discussions about solutions.

In order to explore the issues with physical healthcare in prison, we carried out a survey of people who have been released from prison and have received support from Nacro with their resettlement journey. We asked people to complete the survey if they had been released from prison in the last five years, although it is important to acknowledge that their survey responses may relate to more historic experiences. 101 people completed the survey between May and October 2024.

This briefing examines:

the physical health of people in prison, and how this is generally worse than people in the community;

the impact of imprisonment on physical health, including the impact of overcrowding and unsanitary conditions, lack of purposeful activity and poor quality diets;

the problems and barriers to accessing healthcare services, including difficulties in accessing treatment and lengthy waiting lists, missed appointments, issues with medication, feeling ‘unseen’, and issues on transfer between prisons and on release.

Nacro Physical Healthcare Survey key findings:

Almost half (43%) said they did not get the treatment they needed from the medical professionals they saw

Three quarters of people (75%) said they were aware of people not able to get the medication they needed whilst in prison and 65% said that they saw people using other people’s medication. 64% said that they knew people who used illegal substances because they couldn’t get the medication they needed

60% said they had a longer period of pain and discomfort because they did not get the treatment they needed, and 12% said that because they did not get the treatment they needed they were then not able to work when they were released from prison

A third of people (34%) who reported they had appointments at a hospital outside prison during their sentence were not able to attend the appointment

One third of people (34%) were aware of people who had resorted to doing dentistry on themselves or others because they were unable to see a dentist

40% waited for a month or longer for a GP appointment, and a further 7% said they never got an appointment

More than one in three (38%) waited longer than three months for a dentist appointment, with a further 24% saying they never got an appointment

Over a third of people (35%) who needed to see an optician said they never got an appointment

Summary of our main recommendations

We set out recommendations at the end of this report which we believe will help people in the

justice system get the support they need with their health. These are grouped as follows:

Tackling the overuse of imprisonment: Policies that aim to reduce overcrowding and reduce our reliance on imprisonment by providing community alternatives must form part of the solution.

Limiting the impact on physical health: We set out recommendations that we believe will help to tackle the fundamentally unhealthy environment of prisons.

Overcoming the barriers to accessing healthcare services: We set out recommendations to address the issues that prevent people from getting the treatment and support they need.

The Better Futures Project Briefing 3

London: NACRO 30p.

By Joseph H. Obegi

Correctional mental health clinicians are sometimes asked to assess disciplinary responsibility, that is, to ascertain whether an inmate is culpable for violating prison rules. This assessment of disciplinary responsibility is akin to insanity determinations in criminal proceedings. In this article, I review the moral, legal, and practical aspects of disciplinary responsibility. I use California’s test of responsibility for prison misconduct, which is similar to the Durham rule, to illustrate some of the dilemmas involved in creating and implementing a test of disciplinary responsibility

When inmates with mental illness violate prison rules, correctional systems must determine when to hold them accountable. The solution that many systems in the United States have adopted, primarily in response to judicial intervention, is to incorporate the input of mental health professionals into the disciplinary process. This clinical input can give the hearing official three important pieces of information1: whether the inmate with mental illness has the capacity to participate meaningfully in the disciplinary hearing; whether or to what extent the inmate is culpable for the alleged misconduct; and, if the inmate is found guilty, what kinds of punishment may be inappropriate because they increase the risk of decompensation. In this article, I am concerned primarily with the second type of input, the assessment of disciplinary responsibility. I examine the moral, legal, and expert views of disciplinary responsibility as well as review research on prison infractions. To illustrate some of the challenges involved in addressing disciplinary responsibility (such as crafting an appropriate test, identifying eligible inmates, and resolving professional dilemmas), I draw on the approach taken by California’s prisons.

Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law Online, Vol. 52, Issue 4, 7p.

By Travis J. Meyersa , Alexander Testaa , and Kevin A. Wrightb

Purpose: The use of segregation continues to be at the forefront of debates on the most effective way to address violence in prisons. Concern over the negative impact of these placements has prompted correctional administrators to employ alternative strategies to reduce their segregated populations and address serious misconduct. Few studies, however, have explored the impact that these strategies have on future behavioral outcomes. To address this gap, the current study explores the effectiveness of a disciplinary segregation program reserved for those who engage in violent misconduct during their incarceration. Methods: This study employs a quasi-experimental research design to estimate the treatment effects of placement in a disciplinary segregation program on subsequent levels of institutional misconduct during a one-year follow-up. Results: Placement in the disciplinary segregation program had no effect on subsequent levels of serious in-prison misconduct amongst participants when compared to their matched counterparts. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that scholars and practitioners should work to build a response to in-prison violence that starts with what is known about the causes of violence and what effectively modifies attitudes and behaviors. Future research should include rigorous measures of both program process and implementation to better identify effective forms of intervention.

American Journal of Criminal Justice, 2021, 41p.

By Elena Larrauri

This article deals with the right to make requests and complaints (RCs) inside Spanish prisons. It discusses the European Prison Rules and the principles set forward by the European Committee for the Prevention of Torture and Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (CPT), examining how the Spanish system respects these. It then introduces the RCs system in Spain. Through research carried out in four prisons, interviews with the directors and with 21 inmates and taking as an example one prison, we were able to discover that the number of requests in one year is 55,000. This result reveals the formalised character of Spanish prisons and raises the question as to how to respond to RCs inside prison. The last part of the article draws on interviews with three Penitentiary Judges and discusses their role in reviewing RCs. In our analysis of 626 of the final decisions we found that 98.6% were denied. Finally, the article provides some explanations for this result and questions whether judges can be said to provide an effective remedy in such cases.

Howard J. Crim. Justice. 2025;64:107–122. 

By Pablo Marshall, Diego Rochow, Sergio Faúndez

This article analyses the enfranchisement process of the prison population in Chile. Although institutions were reluctant to grant the vote to this group for several years, in 2022, new policies allowed prisoners to suffrage for the first time. The Voto Preso movement, a set of organisations struggling for prisoners’ political participation, played a fundamental role in this transformation. However, incarcerated people's participation in constructing the movement's demands and strategies was scarce. Drawing on eleven interviews with key movement actors, the article sheds light on the main discourses by which it promoted the materialisation of Chilean prisoners’ voting rights. The article also critically scrutinises the consequences of prisoners’ limited inclusion in the Voto Preso movement. Finally, the article discusses how its analytical approach may open new avenues for studying prisoner dis/enfranchisement as a situated boundary issue.

Howard J. Crim. Justice. 2025;64:3–23 pages

Edited by Charles Richmond Henderson, Ph.D.

“The chaplain at Sing Sing testified that in eighteen years he had served under nine different wardens. Under the contract system, in the words of Dr. Theodore W. Dwight, "Convict labor becomes substantially slave labor, with many of its concomitant evils. Its rule is the same; the largest amount of work for the smallest return." The objections to that system may be tersely stated, as follows: ( 1) The farming-out of governmental rights and powers to private parties is contrary to public policy. What the government undertakes to do, it alone should do. The presence of the contractor in the prison leads to divided responsibility. (2) The financial interest of the contractor is a selfish interest. The prison wishes to sell its labor at a high rate; the contractor desires to buy it at the lowest possible price. The state wants a fair division of the profits of the establishment; the contractor cares little whether the state makes or loses money on the deal, if he can enrich himself. (3) The political connections and power of the contractor are often such as to enable him to dictate the selection of the managers and warden of the prison.

The Russell Sage Foundation, 1910, 168 p.

Edited by Charles Richmond Henderson, Ph.D.

INTRODUCTORY IN this volume may be found an account by specialists of the institutions of correction through which the criminal law is enforced. The story is not boastful but critical; the weak places of our establishments are as faithfully disclosed as the high aims of the most enlightened administrators are set forth for apprecia­ tion. Of a national "system'' of prisons nothing is said, for none exists. Most of the book is devoted to reformatories and prisons in the northern states of the Union; one paper is devoted to a de­ scription, explanation and criticism of the agencies of punishment of the southern states, and to an acccount of the worthy and hopeful efforts of wise citizens of those districts to correct abuses and improve methods. The warm climate of the South, the predominance of agriculture, and the presence of millions of negroes are facts which must be considered in forming a judgment about these methods. It is manifest that the fundamental and universal principles of correctional methods must there take a very different direction from that which is most reasonable in the North.

Russell Sage Foundation, 1910, 345p.

By Hanna Hernandez. & Vasiliki Georgoulas-Sherry

Rates of recidivism have been commonly used as a key measure for public safety and in assessing the effectiveness of the criminal justice system – sentencing, jails, prisons, community supervision, treatment and reentry programming. Tracking recidivism can provide necessary information to support successful integration into the community following a prison sentence – which promotes community and public safety. Furthermore, understanding the individuals who are more likely to recidivate, and assessing demographic differences amongst the years can provide even more knowledge for supporting successful reentry. To evaluate long-term recidivism in Washington, the Washington Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) applied for and received the 2021 State Justice Statistics (SJS) grant from Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS). Under this grant from BJS, the SAC first drew on publicly available data from the Washington State Department of Corrections (DOC) to evaluate the long-term recidivism trends of incarcerated individuals released from prison (Georgoulas-Sherry & Hernandez, 2024). To expand on the findings, this report utilizes the same cohort to further evaluate the racial and sex similarities and differences in recidivism rates.

Olympia: Washington State Statistical Analysis Center, 2024. 31p.

By William Ash-Houchen, Avery Sorensen, Monica Benton, Kaysea Beck

The Improving People’s Access to Community-based Treatment, Supports and Services (IMPACTS) grant program was established in by the Oregon Legislature through Senate Bill (SB) 973 (2019) in recognition of the shortage of comprehensive community supports and services for individuals with mental health or substance use disorders that lead to their involvement with the criminal justice system, hospitalizations, and institutional placements.1 The Oregon Legislature has appropriated a total of $30 million to the IMPACTS grant program since its inception in 2019. This funding is available to Oregon’s counties and federally recognized tribal governments to increase the availability of community-based supports and services to a target population of individuals with a behavioral health condition and frequent criminal justice system and/or emergency services involvement. Grantees currently represent 11 counties across the state and five federally recognized tribal governments. The overall aim of each program is to reduce the frequency with which persons served by the program are involved with the criminal justice system and rely on emergency healthcare services. Per SB 973, this report will explore several outcomes that have emerged from grantee-reported data, ongoing evaluation efforts, and the potential state government costs avoided due to the high utilizer IMPACTS grant program. It will also briefly highlight the interplay between these high utilizer programs and the recent creation of the Oregon Behavioral Health Deflection Grant Program. Key findings: • Co-occurring mental health and substance use disorders were reported among 54 percent of IMPACTS clients. Participants with co-occurring disorders return for services more often than clients enrolled in IMPACTS without a mental health disorder. • More than one third of IMPACTS clients report one of the following mental health disorders: trauma and stressor related disorders, depression, and/or anxiety. • Among the 74 percent of clients with known substance use disorder, 61 percent reported use of methamphetamine, and 46 percent reported alcohol use. • Those releasing from prison engage in IMPACTS services at a higher rate than those without a recent prison stay history. • Importantly, five IMPACTS programs are operated by federally recognized tribal governments. 29 percent of IMPACTS clients identify as American Indian and Alaskan Native (AIAN). Reported data show that this population returns for services in subsequent months at a significantly higher rate than those who do not identify as AIAN. • Grantees are reporting unique overlap opportunities between IMPACTS and Oregon Behavioral Health Deflection programs, which both deliver services to distinct but related populations. • From July 2023 through June 2024, IMPACTS served a total of 839 people. At the end of June 2024, more than 550 humans were actively enrolled. • The IMPACTS grantees are funded through June 30, 2025, and will not be sustained without further investment from the legislature.

Salem: Oregon Criminal Justice Commission 2025. 42p.

By Patrick F. Hibbard, Michael R. McCart, Jason E. Chapman, & Ashli J. Sheidow

Introduction. This report describes results from a randomized controlled trial (RCT) of a short-term housing (STH) program for individuals released from prison who are on supervision and without an approved place of residence. Developed by Community Corrections leaders in Oregon, STH aims to provide a brief period of housing to individuals in need following exit from prison, with the goal of easing their reintegration back into the community and reducing their likelihood of recidivism. To control costs, STH emphasizes the provision of housing only and without the other services that are commonly included in more comprehensive reentry programs. STH consists of basic housing (i.e., a hotel room, shared room at a county’s office, or in a home owned by the county) not to exceed thirty (30) days. Housing can be provided to those with felony prison release, as well as those with local control release. STH is a one-time benefit. STH recipients also are provided a one-month voucher for public transportation. Excluded from STH are high-risk individuals (e.g., sex offenders), individuals whose needs would be better met in a recovery housing program (e.g., Oxford House), and those with an active threat to self or others. Recognizing the potential promise of STH, Oregon’s Criminal Justice Commission contracted with the authors of this report to evaluate the model’s impact in a multi-site RCT. The primary target outcome in the RCT was reduced recidivism, defined in accordance with SB 366 Section 1 (2015) (codified in Oregon Revised Statutes [ORS] 423.557). As used in that section, recidivism refers to any arrest, conviction, or incarceration for a new crime within three years of prison release. Study Design. Across three participating counties (“County A,” “County B,” “County C”) in the RCT, the study compared STH to usual community housing (UCH), with randomization at the participant level. Archival arrest, conviction, and incarceration records for approximately 3 years post-randomization were obtained from state databases for 114 RCT participants (County A n = 55; County B n = 8; County C n = 51). Participants were aged 21-65 years (M = 38.7), and 88.6% were male. Race/ethnicity was 84.9% White, 8.7% Latinx, 3.3% Black/African American, and 3.0% Native American. Secondary observational data were obtained for three additional counties (County “D,” County “E,” County “F”) who provided housing to individuals releasing from prison during the same timeframe as the RCT. After pre-processing data for comparability to STH, these data (County D n = 29; County E n = 1; County F n = 54) included individuals aged 18-82 years (M = 36.2), and 86.9% were male. Race/ethnicity for secondary observations was 82.1% White, 7.1% Latinx, 7.1% Black/African American, and 3.6% Native American. STH was expected to yield reduced arrest, conviction, and incarceration recidivism relative to UCH. Data Analysis. For all models, the primary analysis looked at data generated through the RCT. A small sample size, however, may not have produced sufficient power to detect small effect sizes. Thus, supplementary analysis included matched secondary observational data. Arrest, conviction, and incarceration recidivism are compared in 3 ways: The first model tested for a difference in the likelihood of each recidivism outcome. The second tested for a difference in the count of conviction and incarceration. The third tested for a difference in the time to arrest, since count was not available. Each model also included several control variables. Finally, the models included fixed effects for each participating county, as well as the month and year for each individual’s release from prison. When secondary data were added for supplementary analyses, a dichotomous covariate indicated if an observation was from secondary or RCT data sources. Results and Conclusion. STH does not appear to be an effective approach to lowering recidivism. The primary and supplementary analyses returned no evidence of an effect of STH on arrest, conviction, or incarceration recidivism. The failure of this approach might be due to its (a) strict 30-day housing limitation, (b) lack of other services, and/or (c) higher levels of supervision scrutiny. Nevertheless, we caution against concluding from this report that housing is not needed or useful for some individuals releasing from prison. Clearly, housing is a major challenge for a large number of parolees (HUD, 2022), and when counties have the resources to provide a shortterm stay at a hotel or other housing location, doing so seems both compassionate and logical. At the same time, 30 days of housing appears insufficient to meaningfully impact an individual’s reintegration trajectory. Instead, we recommend that Oregon provide its counties (particularly those in lower-resourced areas) with more funding to develop comprehensive reentry programming. Such programming would ideally have the capacity to address multiple reentry challenges (in addition to housing) for longer periods, and in a way that individual needs are addressed along customizable timelines. This recommendation is consistent with prior research showing that programs providing comprehensive services inclusive of housing to individuals releasing from prison tend to be effective at reducing recidivism when implemented with fidelity (Lutze et al., 2014; Miller & Ngugi, 2009).

Salem: Oregon Social Learning Center, 2024. 21p.

By Fouzia Awan, Jared Stahl, Alec Bukata, Bergen Sorby, Anna Newberry, Sarah Frahm

Pursuant to Section 133(20), Chapter 376, Laws of 2024, the Washington State Office of Financial Management (OFM) contracted with Western Washington University’s Center for Economic and Business Research (CEBR) to provide a comprehensive analysis of communication rates for incarcerated individuals across the United States. This report examines the costs associated with various communication methods — including voice calls, video conferencing, email, and text messaging — offered by contracted vendors in each state. Included in the report is an overview of the payments made by each state to their communication vendors, outlining the rate structures applicable to incarcerated individuals and their families over time. Additionally, it presents data on the total amounts paid by families to vendors each fiscal year. The report features a comparative analysis of rate structures over time, alongside historical communication fees. It also aims to forecast market trends from 2024 to 2030, providing insights into expected changes. Furthermore, the report identifies states that offer any form of communication — whether voice, video, email, or text — free of charge to both the initiating and receiving parties. It includes specific dates when these states began offering free communication services. Additionally, the report examines any access limitations for incarcerated individuals to these services once they are provided free of charge, as well as how communication policies have evolved in these states as a result.

Olympia, WA: Washington State Office of Financial Management (OFM) , 2024. 31p.

By Steven Schmidt, Kristin Turney, & Angie Belen Monreal

Objective. We use the case of housing insecurity to examine how romantic partner incarceration results in increased and prolonged surveillance of women at home. Background. Romantic partner incarceration prompts surveillance from the criminal legal system while simultaneously eroding women's finances, health, and family relationships. Less is known about how these symbiotic harms of romantic partner incarceration enable surveillance beyond the criminal legal system. Method. We use longitudinal interviews with 35 (previously coresident) romantic partners of incarcerated men, showing how incarceration prompts unwanted moves for partners, how women manage housing insecurity following partner incarceration, and how they become embedded into living arrangements where they are monitored, evaluated, and controlled. Results. We identify three primary findings. First, women experiencing housing insecurity after romantic partner incarceration relied heavily on their social ties (and, to a lesser extent, institutional housing providers) while enduring stressful and prolonged housing searches. Second, the homes that women move into expose them to increased surveillance. Women encounter domestic, caregiving, romantic, and financial surveillance. Romantic partner incarceration prompts large changes in surveillance among women who left independent homes, moderate changes in surveillance among women who left comparatively desirable doubled-up homes, and prolonged surveillance among nonmovers. Finally, women respond to surveillance by monitoring burdens on hosts and reframing stays in shared homes as temporary. Conclusion. Taken together, these findings extend prior research on the symbiotic harms of romantic partner incarceration, how women attached to incarcerated men experience surveillance, and how doubled-up families sustain shared homes.

 Journal of Marriage and Family 86(2): 2024., 391–411 pages