By The San Francisco Domestic Violence Death Review Team

This Domestic Violence Death Review Team (DVDRT) Pilot was created under the provisions of the California Penal Code 11163.3, in order to fulfill a commitment to review domestic violence-related fatalities, strengthen system policies and procedures, and identify prevention strategies that will reduce future incidents of domestic violence-related injuries and deaths. The DVDRT fulfills a need in San Francisco, as the city lacks staffing for a dedicated Death Review Team. This DVDRT Pilot provides an overview of the DVDRT process and methodology for their investigation into a murder case from October 2014; it lays out details of the event as well as DVDRT’s analysis of evidence and case-related data, and notes the aspects of the event that the DVDRT focused on include: computer-aided dispatch (CAD) systems; real-time assistance for police officers in crime scene evaluation; broad interaction and information gathering; the ability of the police department to enforce physical separation when physical violence has occurred; custodial treatment of intoxicated individuals; real-time assistance for police from domestic violence advocates; providing closure and well-being assistance to 911 call-takers and dispatchers; availability and use of body-worn video (BWV) cameras; and in multiple responses to the victim’s address, the efficient and thorough transfer of information to later-responding officers.

San Francisco: The Review Team, 2023. 57p.

By Dyna Ibrahim

Intimate partner violence is a serious issue which continues to negatively affect victims long after the abuse has ended (McGarryet al. 2017; Campbell et al. 2002). This complex issue, broadly, involves physical, sexual, emotional and financial abuse, between current and former partners (Northcott 2012; Coker et al. 2002). While, presently, there are no legislated offences in the Canadian Criminal Code specifically related to intimate partner violence, Criminal Code offences of general application, such as physical and sexual assault, criminalize intimate partner violence. There are Criminal Code provisions which consider the fact that an offender abused their intimate partner an aggravating factor for sentencing purposes (Heslop et al. 2016). Even with ample tools, programs and policies at the national, provincial and community levels dedicated to reducing and preventing intimate partner violence in Canada (McCormick and Irwin 2016; Gill and Fitch 2016; Hilton and Eke 2016; Beaupré 2015; Benoit et al. 2014; Northcott 2012), there remains much to be done in the area. In particular, while many studies (Simpson 2018; Calton et al. 2016; Parry and O’Neal 2015; Perreault 2015; Sinha 2013; Beauchamp 2004) have shown that people who identify as lesbian, gay or bisexual are at increased risk for victimization in general, there is little quantitative research on the extent and nature of violence which takes place within same-sex intimate relationships in Canada (Langenderfer-Magruder et al. 2016; Ristock 2011). Related studies suggest that individuals in same-sex partnerships who experience intimate partner violence may face special barriers when it comes to disclosing their experiences or seeking help. For example, the threat of exposing one’s sexual orientation to others and fears about other people’s misguided beliefs that abuse among same-sex partners is mutual have been identified as obstacles which are often unique to victims in same-sex relationships. Moreover, individuals who are in same-sex intimate partnerships are vulnerable to “minority stress”, the psychological pressure from being a member of a minority group that is stigmatized or marginalized. Additionally, previous negative experiences such as discrimination and harassment, and perceptions or anticipation of stigma and negative stereotypes—all of which are particularly prevalent among individuals in same-sex partnerships—may lead to beliefs that these experiences will occur in various other facets of life (Calton et al. 2016; Baker et al. 2015; Edwards et al. 2015; Parry and O’Neal 2015; Benoit et al. 2014; Overstreet and Quinn 2013; Brown 2008; Rostosky et al. 2007). All these factors can reduce the reporting of violence to police and help-seeking among this share of the population. This Juristat article aims to help shed light on the nature of violence which is experienced within same-sex intimate partnerships. Using data from the Incident-based Uniform Crime Reporting Survey, this article will examine, for the first time, the characteristics of police-reported violence among same-sex intimate partners in Canada. In order to increase the scope of analysis and allow for a more detailed examination of incident, victim and accused characteristics, data from 2009 to 2017 are pooled.1 In addition, data from the most recent (2014) General Social Survey on Canadians’ Safety (Victimization) is included in order to examine the self-reported experiences of various forms of intimate partner violence whether it was reported to the police or not. While the focus of this article is violence among individuals in same-sex relationships, information on gender-diverse individuals is not included. Research has shown that people who identify as transgender or non-gender conforming are especially vulnerable to violence in general, as well as violence within an intimate partner setting (Langenderfer-Magruder et al. 2016; Mitchell-Brody et al. 2010; Stotzer 2009). However, the data sources used in this article do not allow for the examination of the experiences of individuals belonging to this segment of the population.

Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2019. 29p.

By Claire Ferguson and Freya McLachlan

Links between IPF and homicide concealment have been observed but not explained. We theorize IPF perpetrators use concealment to continue coercively controlling investigators, children, courts and finances post-IPF. We compare abuse in the relationship and surrounding IPF in five diverse cases. Facilitated by concealment, offenders use versatile, subtle and overt tactics to extend control post-IPF. They capitalize on opportunities for concealment and regaining control, sometimes without other benefits. Tactics are akin to those employed previously, aligning with the power and control wheel. Concealment allows offenders to dominate the death narrative and assists with remaining unaccountable.

Feminist Criminology 2023, Vol. 0(0) 1–23

By Jens Ludwig

The purpose of this project, a collaboration between the University of Chicago Crime Lab and the New York City Police Department, was to develop and test a novel machine-learning based statistical model to predict the risk of domestic-violence victimization to improve intervention in cases at high risk for violence. The field intervention with the NYPD was launched in July 2017. NYPD command maintains a list of high-priority individuals who are thought to be at risk for serious domestic assault. Individuals on this list receive regular home visits from one of the local NYPD’s Domestic Violence Officers (DVOs) to reduce the risk of future victimization. The researchers believe that upon the completion and dissemination of this work, the results will be relevant to researchers and policymakers who are assessing ways to reduce domestic violence.

Washington, U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Research and Evaluation, National Institute of Justice, 2022. 11p.

By Kristine Denman, Callie Dorsey, Joel Robinson, Jenna Dole and Ashleigh Maus

The New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center received funding from the Bureau of Justice Statistics to study the case processing of domestic and non-domestic aggravated and sexual assault cases. Two primary research questions guide the study. First, it explores whether there are criminal justice disparities among aggravated assault and sexual assault cases involving domestic violence relative to cases not involving domestic violence. Second, it examines whether female defendants are treated differently than male defendants. Overall, we find that case processing outcomes for domestic assault are either the same or less serious than case processing outcomes for non-domestic assault. These findings differ from those found in a national study conducted by BJS, but are similar to other findings in New Mexico and elsewhere. We also find that male defendants generally have more serious case processing outcomes than female defendants, but this is moderated somewhat by domestic violence involvement. This report describes these findings. A summary report can be found in the “Fast Facts” section of our website.

Albuquerque: New Mexico Statistical Analysis Center, 2020. 37p.

By HM Inspectorate of Probation (UK)

The impact of domestic abuse is significant and far-reaching. An estimated 2.4 million adults were victims of domestic abuse across England and Wales last year, and one in seven children live with domestic abuse at some point in their childhood. Women are disproportionately affected by domestic abuse, with an estimated 1.7 million female victims last year. Those responsible for this abuse account for a very significant part of the Probation Service caseload, with approximately 30 percent of people on probation identified as current or previous perpetrators of domestic abuse. When we last inspected this topic in 2018, we reported that too many individuals were drifting through their sentences without being challenged or supported to change their abusive behaviours. Very concerningly, despite some positive developments in policy, little appears to have improved in practice, and in some respects, things have deteriorated. Only 28 per cent of the cases we inspected for this review had a sufficient assessment which analysed the risks of further domestic abuse, and only 23 per cent had been reviewed adequately to consider significant changes in the case. This is unacceptable and is leaving far too many potential victims at risk. People on probation can be offered a range of interventions aimed at helping them make positive changes in their lives and equipping them to have safe and healthy relationships. However, too few people gain access to these interventions; 45 percent of our case sample should have had access to an intervention but had not. In addition, there is insufficient monitoring of referral, take-up, and completion rates for interventions at a national level to understand the overall picture. It is unacceptable that requirements to undertake a domestic abuse perpetrator programme made as part of sentencing are not delivered, yet this happens in many cases. Staffing shortages in the Probation Service have led to reductions in expectations around minimum levels of contact with people on probation, partnership working, and the delivery of interventions. In domestic abuse cases, this has led to worrying deficits in the standard of sentence management. Probation staff demonstrate high levels of commitment to their work, often working well over their expected hours, but high caseloads often prohibit them from being able to complete meaningful work. In addition, recent changes in legislation through the Domestic Abuse Act 2021, such as the recognition of children affected by domestic abuse as victims in their own right, have not been incorporated into probation practice. More needs to be done to ensure that there is a shared understanding of roles and responsibilities among agencies working with domestic abuse, and that information is shared to safeguard victims

Manchester, UK: HM Inspectorate of Probation, 2023. 61p.

By Carly B. Dierkhising and Bo-Kyung E. Kim

The authors of this report examine a project aimed at conducting an evaluability assessment of specialized units in Los Angeles County that interact with children and youth who have experienced commercial sexual exploitation (CSE) and who are involved in the child welfare and juvenile justice systems. The authors seek to fill an information gap by documenting those multidisciplinary service delivery models to help determine whether they are the most effective services for children and youth who have been and/or are at risk of CSE. The three overarching research questions addressed by the study were: what are the program components of the specialized units; what are the associated short-term and long-term outcomes; and how can the programs be assessed for implementation fidelity. By answering those questions, the five specific objectives of the project were to: conduct a scoping review of the literature on programs and program evaluation for youth impacted by CSE in the U.S.; specify and describe the activities of specialized units in Los Angeles County for children and youth who have experienced CSE; develop logic models that include program components and hypothesized outcomes of the specialized units; identify and/or develop measurement tools and a plan to assess program fidelity; and evaluate the research capacity of the agencies. The authors report that they were able to operationalize the activities and outcomes of the project, and they provide examples of a how a unit could be assessed for fidelity. The authors’ assessment of the research capacity of the units indicates that there is potential for successful future evaluation activities, however additional data collection processes would need to be implemented in order to capture the broad range of activities and/or outcomes included in the logic model. The report includes appendixes with relevant documentation, surveys, and forms.

Los Angeles: School of Criminal Justice and Criminalistics, California State University, 2023. 87p.

By Charlotta Holmström (Editor), Jeanett Bjønness, Mie Birk Jensen, Minna Seikkula, Hildur Fjóla Antonsdóttir, May-Len Skilbrei, Tara Søderholm, Charlotta Holmström and Ylva Grönvall

What do we know about the extent of young people’s experiences of sex for compensation in the Nordic countries? Are such experiences addressed by social initiatives and how do legal measures affect them? This report is based on country studies focusing on knowledge about sex for compensation among young people in the Nordic countries. The five country studies show how research on the extent of, and the motivations and conditions for, young people selling sex in the Nordic countries is rather scarce and that there are few social initiatives that target young people specifically. The interviews with service providers and the literature reviewed point to individual vulnerabilities related to young people’s experiences of compensational sex. In order to develop preventive measures more knowledge on structural factors related to experiences of compensational sex is needed.

Copenhagen: Nordic Council of Ministers, 2019. 206p.

By The International Justice Mission

The UK Government is among the world leaders in combatting various forms of OSEC both at home and abroad. Some of those significant contributions include: • Launching the WePROTECT Global Alliance; • Providing, through the National Crime Agency (NCA), equipment, training, case referrals, and other partnership to Philippine law enforcement as a founding member of the Philippine Internet Crimes Against Children Center (PICACC); • Investing £40 million in the Global Partnership to End Violence Against Children; • Safeguarding 8,329 children and arresting 7,212 perpetrators in relation to online child sexual abuse (during a 12-month period ending March 2020); and • Sponsoring the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse and publishing the Online Harms White Paper.6 Through this report, IJM aims to provide OSEC and CSEM offender case studies, analyses, and recommendations relevant to the UK’s already robust efforts to end online child sexual abuse and exploitation, including through the NCA and local police units. IJM seeks to provide the perspective of an NGO with experience dating to 2011 working “in the trenches” with Philippine Government, international law enforcement, and NGO partners, to support investigations, prosecutions, and social service delivery to survivors of livestreamed child sexual abuse and exploitation in the Philippines. IJM’s Composite Case Review found a trend of low sentences for UK offenders who paid for, directed, and consumed live sexual abuse and exploitation of Filipino children. These are not image offenders—they are remote abusers and exploiters fuelling modern slavery. An offence’s gravity is often reflected in the maximum penalty a government prescribes through legislation. UK laws against OSEC offending are serious, holding maximum penalties of 10 to 14 years imprisonment. Yet, while most of the offenders in this Review were convicted of multiple counts of serious offences, they each received a sentence less than half the maximum sentence for one count.

International Justice Mission, 2020. 72p.

By The International Justice Mission

Online sexual exploitation of children (OSEC) includes a range of in-person and online harms that were unimaginable before the digital age. In fact, the trafficking of children to create new child sexual exploitation material, including through livestreaming, is a form of modern slavery growing globally. And this crime is driven and fueled by demand-side sex offenders who pay for, direct, and view the abuse online.

International Justice Mission, 2020. 29p.

By The Office of the Illinois Attorney General

In the late summer of 2018, a Pennsylvania grand jury found that more than 300 Catholic clerics (ordained bishops, priests, and deacons) ministering in the Commonwealth sexually abused over 1,000 children during the prior 70 years. Soon after the grand jury released its report, Cardinal Blase J. Cupich of the Archdiocese of Chicago penned a letter describing the “anger, shock, grief, and shame” he felt upon “learning about the devastating revelations of sexual abuse—and the failures of bishops to safeguard the children entrusted to their care—published in the Pennsylvania grand jury report.” Bishop Daniel R. Conlon, then of the Diocese of Joliet, termed the Pennsylvania numbers “staggering.” He found it “alarming to realize the extent to which some of my brother bishops and priests have failed to uphold their obligations to care for the people.” Along those same lines, Bishop Edward K. Braxton, then of the Diocese of Belleville, thought the Pennsylvania grand jury’s findings “deeply disturbing,” causing “anger, frustration, disappointment, and bewilderment in the minds and hearts of Catholic laity and clergy.” Consistent with the reactions of these Illinois Catholic leaders, shock waves were felt across the nation as a result of the Pennsylvania report. Attorneys General from multiple states, including Illinois, announced investigations into child sex abuse by Catholic clerics.

Springfield: Office of the Illinois Attorney General, 2023. 696p.

By Dyna Ibrahim

More than ever, technology, and the Internet in particular, has become an integral part of the daily lives of Canadians. In 2018, it was estimated that all but about 1% of Canadian households with children had access to the Internet (Frenette et al. 2020). Concerns over online safety and online victimization were exacerbated with many daily activities moving online in 2020 as Canadians grappled with the COVID-19 pandemic. As public health measures were put in place across Canada to combat the virus, many children relied on virtual learning and spent more time indoors and online (Moore et al. 2020). Undoubtedly, there are many advantages to using technology and, for children, being connected helps them learn, grow and fulfil their potential (UNICEF 2017). However, the use of technology and the Internet also comes with risks. Among the most serious risks of spending time online, especially for children, is the susceptibility to online sexual exploitation and abuse (ECPAT 2016; UNICEF 2017). There is no one standard definition for online child sexual exploitation and abuse. It encompasses a wide range of behaviours and situations, from sexual solicitation of a child—with or without a response from the child—to sexual grooming (the trust-building period prior to abuse), to sexual interaction online (cybersex) or offline (meeting in person), to accessing, producing or sharing images related to the abuse of children and youth (De Santisteban and Gamez-Guadix 2018; Kloess et al. 2014). It can be committed by adults or youths, and it can involve strangers or family members and acquaintances (Mitchell et al. 2005). Generally, in the Canadian legal context, the crime of online child sexual exploitation and abuse includes: child sexual abuse material, selfgenerated materials and sexting1 (often distributed without consent), sextortion,2 grooming and luring, live child sexual abuse streaming and made-to-order content (Public Safety Canada 2022). The short- and long-term effects of childhood sexual victimization are well documented (Beitchman et al. 1991; Browne and Finkelhor 1986; Hailes et al. 2019; Olafson 2011). More recently, research on the effects of online child sexual exploitation has found that victims of this crime often suffer a range of negative impacts including psychological difficulties, negative sexual development, and subsequent substance misuse and depressive symptomology (Carnes 2001; Hanson 2017; Ospina et al. 2010; Say et al. 2015; Whittle et al. 2013a). Additionally, victims of online child sexual exploitation continue to experience victimization through the actual or threatened re-distribution of their images, long after any contact abuse has ended (Canadian Centre for Child Protection 2017; Martin 2015). Every child has a right to protection, as a fundamental human right. Children (under age 18) also have specific rights, recognized in the 1989 Convention on the Rights of the Child, given their vulnerability and dependence. In 1991, Canada ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, pledging to protect children from all forms of exploitation and abuse, among other forms of harm and endangerment. The provision and protection of children’s Convention rights is the primary responsibility of governments at all levels (UNICEF Canada 2022). Canada has also signed on to the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the sale of children, child prostitution and child pornography (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner 2022). As the use of technology among Canadians has increased in recent years, so too have Canada’s efforts to protect children from online predators. In 2004, the National Strategy for the Protection of Children from Sexual Exploitation on the Internet was developed to combat this crime in Canada. Since then, the National Strategy has been renewed and expanded, and in 2019, a renewed commitment was made with the Government of Canada allocating funds to supports efforts to raise awareness, reduce the stigma associated with reporting, increase Canada’s ability to pursue and prosecute offenders and work together with the digital industry to find new ways to combat the sexual exploitation of children online. Most recently, budget 2021 proposed to provide $20.7 million over five years, starting in 2021-22, for the Royal Canadian Mounted Police to enhance its ability to pursue online child sexual exploitation investigations, identify victims and remove them from abusive situations, and bring offenders to justice—including those who offend abroad (Public Safety Canada 2022). Currently, little is known about the prevalence and characteristics of online child sexual exploitation and abuse within the Canadian context. To provide some insight, this Juristat article presents an analysis of police-reported data from the Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) Survey where children and youth under the age of 18 were victims of Criminal Code sexual offences, and where information and communication technology was integral in the commission of the offence—better known as cybercrime. Moreover, data on court charges and cases involving sexual offences against children (which likely involved an online component) are presented using data from the Integrated Criminal Court Survey (ICCS), along with the outcomes of these cases.

Ottawa: Statistics Canada, 2022. 36p.

By Freddie Radakin, Angie Scholes, Kien Soloman, Constance Thomas-Lacroix, Alex Davies.

This report provides an estimate of the financial and non-financial (monetised) costs relating to all children who began to experience contact sexual abuse, or who continued to experience contact sexual abuse, in England and Wales in the year ending 31st March 2019. This is estimated to be at least £10.1 billion (in 2018/19 prices). This estimate includes the costs of this cohort being victimised in previous and future years, in addition to lifetime consequences as a result of experiencing child sexual abuse (CSA). It should be noted that due to the way some costs are incurred over a victim’s lifetime this cannot be used as an annual or an in-year cost.

There are a few important things to note about this cost:

• it is mostly a ‘non-financial’ cost – that is, not all costs are directly paid by one organisation to another; some costs use notional (non-market) values which represent estimated harm in monetary terms[footnote 1]

• the estimate represents the historic and future costs associated with victims of abuse who were identified during the year ending 31st March 2019

• this estimate cannot be used as an annual cost (for example, completing an equivalent exercise for the year ending 31st March 2020 and adding these costs together would lead to double counting)

• this estimate does not include the costs associated with online and non-contact sexual abuse

London: Home Office, 2021.

By Debra Allnock, Helen Beckett, Claire Soares, Lindsay Starbuck, Camille Warrington and Joanne Walker

Whilst a significant body of literature exists on the impacts of child sexual abuse, the literature review undertaken at the outset of this study found that there is little that specifically considers the impacts of experiencing such abuse during adolescence, or the experiences and needs of those who do so. ‘Learning from the Experts’ sought to address this gap, recognising that those affected by sexual abuse in this distinct phase of development may have different needs and responses from younger children or adults experiencing similar abuse and, as such, require adapted responses. The research foregrounded the perspectives of young people, viewing them as experts on their own experiences and demonstrating young people’s skills and interest in contributing to improved responses to sexual abuse. Through a trauma-informed, participatory and collaborative approach, the research sought to provide safe and meaningful opportunities to learn from young people. This was achieved through a combination of participatory group workshops and individual interviews, followed by opportunities to feedback on emerging findings and co-create research outputs. A total of 32 young people took part in these different elements of the study, with their participation supported by ten specialist voluntary sector services across England, Wales and Northern Ireland. The research also involved interviews and focus groups with parents and professionals, the latter of whom also took part in stakeholder workshops on emerging findings. The design and conduct of the study was undertaken by staff from the Safer Young Lives Research Centre (SYLRC) at the University of Bedfordshire and the Association for Young People’s Health (AYPH), in conjunction with four young expert youth advisors from the SYLRC’s Young Researchers’ Advisory panel. The study was funded and commissioned by the NSPCC and ESRC.

Luton: University of Bedfordshire, 2022. 89p.

By Emily Gibson, Russell Knight, Annie Durham and Imran Choudhury

The Inquiry has heard that LGBTQ+ children face specific challenges that make them vulnerable to child sexual abuse. We also heard that LGBTQ+ victims and survivors can face barriers which make it difficult to disclose child sexual abuse, access support and form adult relationships. Society’s views of LGBTQ+ victims and survivors are often built on harmful myths and stereotypes. Although social and political attitudes have improved, we live in a heteronormative and cisnormative culture, with a deeply homophobic history. We heard that many people, including professionals, continue to believe and act on harmful myths and stereotypes about LGBTQ+ victims and survivors. For example: ● Some victims and survivors were told that their gender identity or sexual orientation resulted from the child sexual abuse they experienced, which severely damaged their self-identity and mental health. ● Some victims and survivors were told that they were sexually abused because of their sexual orientation or gender identity (‘you brought it on yourself’), including vulnerable LGBTQ+ children using online spaces to explore their sexuality. ● We also heard the myth that ‘people who have been abused go on to abuse’ can stop both gay and straight men from reporting or disclosing having been sexually abused because they fear being thought of as ‘paedophiles’. LGBTQ+ victims and survivors experience distinct barriers to disclosing and reporting child sexual abuse. We heard that because LGBTQ+ people are seen as ‘different’ from the norm, it can be more difficult to disclose and report child sexual abuse, which has led to under-reporting of child sexual abuse by LGBTQ+ victims and survivors.

London: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, 2022, 53p.

By Alexis Jay, Malcolm Evans, Ivor Frank, Drusilla Sharpling

This report is the final statutory report published by the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (the Inquiry). In accordance with the Terms of Reference, it sets out the main findings about the extent to which State and non-State institutions failed in their duty of care to protect children from sexual abuse and exploitation and makes recommendations for reform. It draws on the Inquiry’s 15 investigations and 19 related investigation reports, the Interim Report of the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse and 41 other Inquiry reports and publications. The Inquiry has made 20 recommendations in this report. These final recommendations complement the 87 recommendations contained in the previously published investigation reports (including six which have been restated). There are nearly 13 million children in England and Wales, each of whom needs and deserves to be protected from harm. Babies, toddlers and children are potentially at risk, with current estimates indicating that 1 in 6 girls and 1 in 20 boys experience child sexual abuse before the age of 16. In March 2020, the Office for National Statistics estimated that 3.1 million adults in England and Wales had experienced sexual abuse before the age of 16. Reflecting the guiding principle that the child’s welfare is paramount, the Inquiry’s recommendations are focussed on making England and Wales places for children to grow up safely and thrive.

London: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, The Truth Project, 2022. 468p.

By Claire Soares, Grace Ablett, Beth Mooney and Sophia King

The Truth Project is a core part of the Inquiry alongside Public Hearings and Research. It was set up to hear and learn from the experiences of victims and survivors of child sexual abuse in England and Wales. It offers victims and survivors an opportunity to share experiences of child sexual abuse. By doing so, Truth Project participants make an important contribution to the work of the Inquiry. With the consent of participants, the Inquiry uses Truth Project information in a variety of ways, including for ongoing research and data analysis carried out by the Inquiry’s Research Team. This is the second research publication in a series of thematic reports examining what victims and survivors have shared with the Truth Project about their experiences of child sexual abuse and the institutional context in which it occurred. It details the research findings in relation to experiences of child sexual abuse that occurred in the context of children’s homes and residential care. The phrase ‘children’s homes and residential care’ (hereafter ‘residential care contexts’) refers to institutions with a primary purpose of providing residential care to children, including children’s homes, secure children’s homes, or accommodation for care leavers under the age of 181 (Ofsted, 2018a). The accounts in this report are from victims and survivors who came to the Truth Project between June 2016 and March 2019. The research was undertaken by members of the Inquiry’s Research Team between March and November 2019. The report describes the experiences of Truth Project participants who told us they were sexually abused in residential care contexts between the 1940s and 2000s, with the most recent case in our sample beginning in the early 2000s. The experiences of sexual abuse in residential care presented in this report do not necessarily relate to current-day experiences as the most recent case of sexual abuse included in this analysis occurred over a decade ago, and the majority of experiences shared occurred in the 1970s or earlier. Therefore, it is not possible to make any comparisons with current-day experiences in residential care contexts on the basis of Truth Project data. We recognise that the research findings included in this report do not reflect all experiences of sexual abuse in a residential care context. The report complements other work undertaken by the Inquiry, namely the Inquiry’s three legal investigations that are focussed on the sexual abuse of children in the care of a local authority. These investigations specifically relate to: Lambeth Council, Nottinghamshire Councils, and Cambridge House, Knowl View and Rochdale Borough Council. Secure children’s homes were also included in the Inquiry’s legal investigation into child sexual abuse in custodial institutions

London: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, 2019. 117p.

By The Truth Project

The Truth Project was a core part of the Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse (‘the Inquiry’) alongside public hearings and research. It was set up to hear and learn from the experiences of victims and survivors of child sexual abuse in England and Wales. With the consent of participants, the Inquiry used Truth Project information in a variety of ways, including for research and data analysis. By doing so, Truth Project participants chose what they wished to share and made an important contribution to the work of the Inquiry. The aim of this research was to examine victims and survivors’ experiences of child sexual abuse across different time periods, victims and survivors’ characteristics and the institutional contexts in which they were sexually abused. We have used the term ‘institutional context’ in this report to refer to child sexual abuse that occurred in the physical location of an institution (for example a school) and/or was perpetrated by an individual affiliated with that institution (for example a teacher). This is the Inquiry’s seventh and final research report drawing on Truth Project information, following previous publications on child sexual abuse in religious institutions, children’s homes and residential care, custodial institutions, sports, healthcare and schools. The report draws together the accounts of more than 5,800 victims and survivors, one of the world’s largest samples of people who have suffered child sexual abuse. It is the Inquiry’s first research report to identify similarities and differences across institutional contexts.

London: Independent Inquiry into Child Sexual Abuse, 2022. 193p.

By Roos Geurts, Niels Raaijmakers, Marc J. M. H. Delsing, Toine Spapens, Jacqueline Wientjes, Dick Willems and Ron H. J. Scholte

Following the EU Victim Directive, Dutch police officers are obliged to assess a victim’s vulnerability to repeat victimization. This study explored the utility of unstructured police information for the prediction of repeat victimization, as well as its incremental value over and above structured police information. Police records over a period of 6 years were retrieved for a sample of 116,680 victims. Unstructured information was transformed into numeric features using count-vector and TF/IDF methods. Classification models were built using decision tree and random forest models. AUC values indicate that a combination of structured and unstructured police information could be used to correctly classify a majority of repeat and non-repeat victims.

Crime & DelinquencyVolume 69, Issue 9 Aug 2023 Pages 1567-1784

By HM Government (UK)

The publication of the Rape Review in 2021 demonstrated a commitment to improving the Criminal Justice System process for victims, and to more than double the number of adult rape cases reaching court by the end of Parliament. Now, two years after its publication, we are making strong progress towards the Rape Review’s ambition to return volumes of cases being referred by the police to the Crown Prosecution Service (CPS); charged by the CPS; and going to court, to at least 2016 levels. The data shows us that 2016 marked a key point in time where the system faltered: well-documented issues regarding the disclosure of evidence combined with strained relationships between criminal justice agencies, inconsistent support for victims, and ultimately a decline in the number of charges and prosecutions for rape cases. We have made clear our intention to continue reversing these trends. Having delivered on the vast majority of milestones set out by our Action Plan’s eight levers, we are pleased to report that we have already met two of our ambitions and remain well on-track to meet the one that remains, with a strong upward trajectory. Whilst we know that there is much more to do, this shows that our Action Plan is working.

London: HM Government, 2023. 40p.