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CRIMINAL JUSTICE

CRIMINAL JUSTICE-CRIMINAL LAW-PROCDEDURE-SENTENCING-COURTS

Decision-making on Bail and Remand in Scotland: Final Report

By Scottish Government, Social Research

In late 2019, the Scottish Government commissioned an independent research study into decision making in relation to refusal of bail in Scotland. The overall aim of the research was to explore how decision making works in practice, as well as to gather perceptions on bail options. The research was carried out over two phases. Phase 1 involved online surveys of members of the Judiciary and Crown Office and Procurator Fiscal (COPFS) staff, the findings from which were published in an Interim Findings report in July 2022.

This report presents findings from Phase 2 of the research which involved a series of qualitative interviews with key justice stakeholders (Sheriffs, COPFS staff, defence solicitors and social work staff) to add breadth and context to the survey data presented in the Phase 1 report. A case study approach was taken with fieldwork carried out in six different case study areas, selected on the basis of broad geographical coverage, as well as a mix of courts (from different Sheriffdoms) where historical data (provided at the outset of the project by the Scottish Courts and Tribunals Service) showed high, medium and low levels of remand. All participation was on a voluntary, self-selection basis and all interviews were carried out on a one-to-one or two-to-one basis, using either face-to-face, online or telephone interviews. A total of 60 people took part over a six month period.

Main Findings

The research highlights that the bail and remand decision making process is complex, multi-faceted and time pressured. The ‘jigsaw’ of legislation, combined with circumstance and human factors, means that no two cases are ever treated the same way and no response can ever be seen as ‘typical’. All participants across all stakeholder groups agreed that the decision making process was informed by multiple considerations in each case, and that there was never any one factor which was determinative in its own right. All cases were described as being unique and as being treated on the basis of the information available at the time and the merits of each individual case. Similarly, while some factors may carry more weight in some circumstances, all factors are still considered in their totality.

Findings from the research broadly fell under four key topics, these being: Legislative Grounds, Process and System Influences, Human Factors and Other Considerations. The main findings presented below are structured around these four topics, with a fifth separate dedicated section focusing on Alternatives to Remand.

(1) Legislative Grounds

The Criminal Procedure (Scotland) Act 1995 is the cornerstone of all decision making and was described by all stakeholders as the main framework within which all decisions on bail and remand are made, being of equal relevance and influence in both summary and solemn cases.

Most respondents concurred that a combination of all of the factors set out in Section 23C of the 1995 Act, alongside the particular facts and circumstances of a case, determined all decisions about whether an accused presents a risk of re-offending and whether bail should be opposed. In general, however, the nature of the offence (especially where the accused has a history of similar, recent offending) and previous convictions were the two factors which perhaps carried the most weight in decisions to oppose bail (by COPFS) and to refuse bail (by Sheriffs).

The nature (including level of seriousness) of offences before the court was described as “highly influential” in Crown decisions to oppose bail primarily because it was seen as the key indicator of the danger that the accused may present to the public and witnesses. Sheriffs also stressed that the seriousness of the current offence was paramount in their determinations (with decisions in solemn procedure even more likely to have seriousness at their heart than summary procedures).

The nature of any previous convictions of the person (including analogous offending) was described by the Crown as “highly influential” in their case marking, and could be sufficient for opposing bail on its sole merit (especially if previous offending was very similar to the new offending). It was noted that the nature of previous convictions could demonstrate that the accused has a preferred method of offending, as well as demonstrating risk of commission of further offending and/or being of danger to the public. Offence histories were also the second most frequently cited factor influencing Sheriffs’ decisions.

Previous behaviour whilst on bail (including compliance, previous breaches and previous breaches of other court orders) was described by Sheriffs as being “very commonly relied upon by the Crown and the court”, with COPFS respondents noting that it often indicated concerns as to commission of further offences, future failure to comply with bail conditions, failure to surrender and likelihood of custody (with breach of orders suggesting contempt of same). Similarly, solicitors noted that the record of the accused alongside their compliance with previous orders played heavily in their assessment of likelihood of bail being granted. Sheriffs confirmed that previous behaviour while on bail was considered as a key indicator of likely future behaviour in the current case.

How recently other offences were committed was described as playing a key role in decisions as it could help to demonstrate any pattern of offending or risk of re-offending and whether the accused was targeting a single or multiple victims/complainers. This information was also described as useful insofar as it may yield arguments that certain specific sections of society are not safe if the accused was to be at liberty. A period of desistance following a prolific record was not always seen as good reason to support bail, and it was noted that the weight of the record and other factors were also likely to be considered by COPFS and Sheriffs in turn.

Evidence of escalation of offending was perhaps seen as slightly less influential than other features of an accused’s history and was often considered only alongside other features (in particular the types of offending being escalated) to present a case for opposing bail by the Crown. For Sheriffs, escalation was also not a primary determinative factor in decisions.

Of lower importance in the order of considerations for Sheriffs was the risk of failure to appear at future court diets. While previous behaviour was seen to be indicative, Sheriffs tended to note that failure to appear would need to be severe, prolonged and prolific for this to be the reason why they would remand someone to custody.

Sheriffs also cited risk to public and community safety as being key to their decision making, and possibly one of the most significant factors weighing in bail/remand decisions, after offence nature and seriousness (the two often being intertwined). Assessing whether the accused was likely to interfere with victims/witnesses was also seen as important, although it was noted that interference was ‘rare’ in most types of case (the exception being domestic abuse/harassment cases). Similarly, most Sheriffs cited the nature and number of previous offences and previous non-compliance with bail and other court orders as a key consideration involved in assessing ‘substantial risk’.

Also in relation to legislative grounds, Section 23D of the Act (which sets out a presumption against bail for those accused of violent/sexual/domestic abuse offences or drug trafficking offences in solemn proceedings, where they have a previous conviction of a similar nature) was viewed as being interpreted very differently by different Sheriffs. Stakeholders viewed that ‘exceptional circumstances’ (which may allow the granting of bail in some such cases) was a (largely) undefined, fluid and subjective concept. Sheriffs and solicitors also concurred that there was a certain inevitability of bail being opposed by COPFS in Section 23D cases. It should be noted, however, that the Bail and Release from Custody (Scotland) Act 2023 (which was still being passed through parliament at the time that the research was reaching its conclusion) repeals Section 23D of the Criminal Procedure (Scotland) Act 1995. (continued)

Edinburgh: Safer Communities Directorate, 2023. 93p.

Exclusionary School Discipline and Neighborhood Crime

By Julie Gerlinger

The author investigates the impact of law-and-order schools, defined as those that rely heavily on exclusionary discipline (i.e., suspension and expulsion) as a form of punishment, on neighborhood crime. Additional analyses are performed to assess whether the effects of punitive school discipline on local crime are moderated by neighborhood disadvantage. Findings suggest that suspensions are associated with increases in local crime—evidence of a macro-level school-to-prison pipeline—while expulsions are generally associated with fewer crime incidents. Although disciplinary exclusions appear to increase crime at fairly consistent rates across levels of neighborhood disadvantage, both exclusion types are associated with more aggravated assault in areas with higher levels of disadvantage. As such, institutional processes of the school appear to help explain variations in community crime.

Socius Volume 6, January-December 2020

Exclusionary Discipline and Later Justice System Involvement

By Washington State Statistical Analysis Center

This project seeks to discover whether exclusionary discipline and later criminal justice system involvement are associated, and to determine whether race, sex, and homelessness are confounding factors. The Washington Statistical Analysis Center (SAC) applied for and received the 2018 State Justice Statistics Grant from BJS. Among other projects, the SAC sought the grant to evaluate the connection between a student’s exclusionary discipline and their future justice system involvement in Washington. This evaluation connects data from schools and the courts to assess the strength of this relationship and examine the influence of other factors (such as race, sex, and homelessness). Here are some of the main takeaways from this report: • Students identified as male were more than two times as likely to be associated with postgraduate convictions as compared to their female counterpart. • Students with any homelessness were 1.7 times as likely to be associated with a post graduate conviction than student with no record of homelessness. • Students identified as American Indian or Alaskan Native were more than two times more likely to have a post-graduate conviction than students identified as other races • Students identified as Black/African American had at least one exclusionary discipline event (25.1%) at nearly twice the proportion of the cohort average (13.6%), with students identified as American Indian/Alaskan Native and Hispanic/Latino not far behind. • Results should be interpreted with caution. 

Olympia, WA: Washington STate Statistical Analysis Center, 2022. 11p.

A Difficult Balance: Challenges and Possibilities for Local Protocols to Reduce Unnecessary Criminalisation of Children in Care and Care Leavers

By Katie Hunter https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7811-5666 k.hunter@mmu.ac.uk, Claire Fitzpatrick https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4662-2342, […], and Julie Shaw

In 2018, the National Protocol on Reducing Unnecessary Criminalisation of Looked-after Children and Care Leavers was published in England. The protocol represented national recognition of the issue and called for local authorities to implement their own agreements. However, the protocol was given no statutory status, which immediately raised questions about its potential impact. Drawing on analysis of 36 local protocols from across England and Wales, this article explores the challenges and possibilities of using local agreements to divert children in care and care leavers away from formal justice systems contact.

Youth Justice Volume 24, Issue 1, April 2024, Pages 53-69

Impact of Mental Health Court Diversion on Reoffending: A Direct Comparison of Diverted and Undiverted Groups

By Yin-Lan Soon, Sara Singh, David Greenberg, Natasha Rae, Daria Korobanova, Carolynn Dixon etc.

Mental health court diversionary programs are a key strategy to address over-representation of individuals with a mental illness in the criminal justice system. The study examined 2,476 individuals identified as eligible for mental health court diversion by the Statewide Community and Court Liaison Service (SCCLS) in New South Wales (NSW), Australia and compared reoffending of those granted and not granted court diversion. Individuals not diverted had 43% higher reoffending rate than those granted diversion. Predictors of non-diversion and reoffending included younger age, being male, Aboriginal and/or Torres Strait Islander background, primary personality and/or substance use diagnosis and non-violent offence charges.

INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF FORENSIC MENTAL HEALTH, 1-15, 2024

Drug Courts in the Age of Sentencing Reform

By: Aaron Arnold, Precious Benally, and Michael Friedrich

In recent years, several U.S. states have adopted legislation aimed at decreasing sentences for low-level drug offenses. These reforms represent a promising effort to reduce the use of unnecessary incarceration. But one consequence has been reduced enrollment in drug courts. This paper explores how drug courts can adapt themselves to sentencing reforms and continue serving as a powerful, lifesaving intervention for court-involved individuals with substance use disorders.

New York: Center for Court Innovation, 2020. 12p.

Domestic Courts and the Interpretation of International Law: Methods and Reasoning Based on the Swiss Example

By Odile Ammann,

In Domestic Courts and the Interpretation of International Law, Odile Ammann examines the methodology and reasoning which domestic courts, including Swiss courts, use to interpret international law. She argues that interpretative methods must be taken more seriously in international law. Readership: Domestic judges, academics working on international law, legal theory, and judicial reasoning, academic libraries, advocates, public servants, diplomats, students, and laypersons interested in the relationship between domestic and international law.

Leiden: Brill | Nijhoff, 2019. 404p.

The Legal Dragnet: Joint Enterprise Law and its Implications

By Nisha Waller

The legal dragnet examines the law and prosecution practice concerning secondary liability, often referred to as 'joint enterprise'. Focusing on homicide cases, it highlights the risks posed by the current ambiguous law and makes a case for creating a safer framework for prosecution.

The report finds joint enterprise laws are vague and wide in scope, causing systemic injustice, including overcriminalisation, over punishment, discriminatory outcomes, and convictions where there is no compelling evidence of intent and a defendant’s physical contribution is minimal.

In particular, the current law:

  • was not ‘fixed’ by the Supreme Court in 2016.

  • does not have clear parameters on secondary parties’ conduct and contribution to an offence.

  • lacks clarity about what counts as assistance and encouragement (the latter in particular).

Under the current vague law, suspects are routinely charged and cases constructed with an absence of rigour, quality, and precision as to the role of each defendant. The law encourages:

  • the police and Crown Prosecution Service to charge suspects based on poor-quality evidence.

  • ‘storytelling’ and highly speculative prosecution case theory to take precedence over strong evidentiary foundations.

  • the use of gang narratives and vague concepts such as ‘in it together’ to construct collective intent. The risks of legal vagueness are particularly borne by young Black men and teenagers, who are most likely to be labelled and stereotyped as gang members.

Given the gravity and long-standing nature of concerns about the current law, the scope of secondary liability law needs to be narrowed in favour of a clearer and safer legal framework. Preventing wrongful convictions and their grave implications should take priority over the ease of prosecution.

The government must make good on their commitment to reform the laws of secondary liability as soon as is practically possible.

A minimum next step is for the government to request a Law Commission review. In addition to legal reform, urgent action is required regarding the various unjust processes that have flourished under the current vague law, highlighted in this report, particularly police and Crown Prosecution Service charging decisions, the overuse and misuse of gang evidence, and speculative and far-reaching prosecution case theory

Centre for Crime and Justice Studies, 2024. 32p.

Political Racism: Brexit and its Aftermath

By Martin Shaw

Political Racism conceptualizes a distinctive form of racism – intentional, organized hostility mobilized by political actors – and examines its role in the Brexit conflict and in the rise of a new nationalist politics in the UK. In a compelling analysis the book argues that Powellite anti-immigrant racism, reinterpreted in numerical terms, was combined with anti-East European and anti-Muslim hostility to inform the Vote Leave victory. This type of racism, which has a special significance in societies where racism has been delegitimized, is shown to have further shaped the form of EU withdrawal and also the government’s post-Brexit policies.

Newcastle upon Tyne,  Agenda Publishing Limited, 2022. 184p.

Self-Determination in the International Legal System: Whose Claim, to What Right?

By Tom Sparks 

This open access book brings conceptual clarity to the study and practice of self-determination, showing that it is, without doubt, one of the most important concepts of the international legal order. It argues that the accepted categorisation of internal and external self-determination is not helpful, and suggests a new typology. This new framework has four categories: the polity-based, secessionary, colonial, and remedial forms. Each will be distinguished by the grounds, or the legitimacy-claim, on which it is based. This not only ensures consistency, it moves the question out of the purely conceptual realm and addresses the practical concerns of those invoking self-determination. By presenting international lawyers with a typology that is both theoretically consistent and more practically useful, the author makes a significant contribution to our understanding of this keystone of international law.

London: Hart Publishing, 2023. 280p.

Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations (RICO) Cases in Federal Courts, 2012–2022 

By Suzanne M. Strong, and Mark Motivans

This report provides statistics on the number of RICO investigations concluded and persons investigated by U.S. attorneys from fiscal year (FY) 2012 to FY 2022. It also presents statistics from FY 2018 to FY 2022 on investigations concluded by U.S. attorneys with multiple persons investigated; persons prosecuted, adjudicated, and sentenced with a RICO violation as the most serious offense; persons convicted with a RICO violation as the most serious offense or as a secondary offense; and conviction rates by state or territory.

Washington, DC:  U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2024.11p.

Document review of state practice standards for batterer intervention programs in the United States

By Hannabeth Franchino-Olsen  , Brittney Chesworth 

This document review investigated policies that govern Batterer Intervention Programs (BIPs) across the United States. The document review systematically analyzed current state practice standards (n = 46) across the United States that guide BIPs. Data collection and abstraction took place between June of 2019 and January of 2020. Descriptive statistics were calculated for standard development and revision processes, BIP oversight, and requirements for program structure and curriculum. This review revealed key findings about standard requirements, including: (a) most do not cite research as having informed their development; (b) most have been revised in the past decade; (c) state agencies involved in BIP oversight are typically social or health agencies or a judicial board; (d) most require BIPs to provide intakes, group education, gender-exclusive groups, two facilitators and to cover a variety of topics; (e) most do not require individualized treatment or program evaluation. Additional findings around program structure, intake and assessment, and curriculum and intervention requirements are explored. Collectively, standards not changed much in the last decade and often standards do not reflect the latest research on IPV perpetration. Multidisciplinary teams, including researchers familiar with the IPV literature, should work collaboratively to revise standards based on best practices.  

Aggression and Violent Behavior Volume 77, July–August 2024, 101941

Review of Lawlessness and Government Responses to Minnesota’s 2020 Riots  

By Minnesota Senate,  Joint Transportation and Judiciary and Public Safety Committee Minnesota Senate

After George Floyd’s death, Minnesota experienced an unprecedented series of riots (primarily in the Twin Cities area) that included arson, vandalism, looting, homicides, and assaults. As these riots grew, local law enforcement and law enforcement from around the state were so completely over whelmed it was necessary to activate the entire contingent of the Minnesota National Guard in order to restore law and order. Activation of the full Minnesota National Guard had not occurred since World War II. Lives were lost,  over 1,500 businesses and buildings were burned, approximately $500 million in property damage occurred, and community morale was deeply affected. As a result of these events, the Minnesota Senate convened several joint committee hearings consisting of members from the Transportation Finance and Policy Committee and the Judiciary and Public Safety Finance and Policy and Finance Committee (the Joint Committee). The Joint Committee’s purpose was to compile the facts, reach conclusions regarding the efficiency of state and local governments’ responses, and make recommendations to prevent similar catastrophes in the future. As the hearings progressed and the facts were examined, a theme emerged highlighting the response of both the state and local governments and their respective elected officials. The main themes that led the Joint Committee to the conclusions and recommendations found in this report were: 1. Failure to Lead: Executive leadership at the state and local level failed to distinguish between demonstrators and rioters. Furthermore, leaders failed to provide the guidance Minnesotans expect from their offices. 2. Philosophical Conflict Caused a Hesitation to Confront Ideological Allies: Minnesota Governor Tim Walz and elected local leaders identified with the causes promoted by the demonstrators, causing them to lose sight of their responsibility to protect the public from criminal acts committed during the riots. 3. Underestimation of the Escalation and Organization of the Riots: Governor Walz did not realize the severity of events as they unfolded, resulting in a delayed reaction and increased violence. 4. Refusal to Confront Criminal Violence with Force: Governor Walz and Minneapolis Mayor Jacob Frey initially chose to negotiate with and appease the rioters rather than give law enforcement the authority to confront criminal acts with enough force to restore law and order. A primary responsibility of the Office of the Governor of the State of Minnesota and local elected officials is to protect the public. Inaction on the part of state and local officials led to an increase in violence.  This summary is based on evidence presented to the Joint Committee and throughout this report. The Joint Committee’s conclusions and recommendations contained in this report are supported by over 350 fact citations from hearings, press conferences, news articles, data practice requests, and written testimony.  

St. Paul: Joint Transportation and Judiciary and Public Safety Committee Minnesota Senate, 2020. 61p.

Two Million Unnecessary Arrests: Removing a Social Service Concern from the Criminal Justice System

May Contain Markup

By Raymond T. Nimmer

Problem Identification: The document highlights the extensive issue of arrests for public drunkenness and vagrancy, which disproportionately affect skid row men and strain the criminal justice system.

Current Approaches: It discusses the effectiveness of current criminal justice approaches in addressing the needs of skid row men,often leading to a "revolving door" of arrests without meaningful intervention.

Alternative Solutions: The document explores alternative programs in cities like St. Louis and Washington, D.C., focusing on detoxification and social services rather than criminalization.

Research and Analysis: It provides a comparative analysis of traditional criminal justice systems and alternative programs,emphasizing the need for policy changes to improve outcomes for skidrow men.

Chicago American Bar Foundation , 1971, 202 pages

Colorado's First Year of Extreme Risk Protection Orders

By  Leslie M. Barnard, Megan McCarthy, Christopher E. Knoepke, Sabrina Kaplan, James Engeln and Marian E. Betz,

Background: Extreme Risk Protection Orders (ERPOs) are a relatively new type of law that is being considered or implemented in many states in the United States. Colorado’s law went into effect on January 1, 2020, after significant controversy and concern over the potential misuse of the law to confiscate weapons; many (n = 37 of 64) counties declared themselves “2nd Amendment (2A) sanctuaries” and said they would not enforce the law. Here, we reviewed the patterns of use of the law during its first year. Methods: We obtained all court records for ERPO petitions filed between January 1 and December 31, 2020. Data elements were abstracted by trained staff using a standardized guide. We calculated the proportion of petitions that were approved or denied/dismissed, identified cases of obvious misuse, and examined patterns by 2A county status. Finding and results: In 2020, 109 ERPO petitions were filed in Colorado; of these, 61 were granted for a temporary ERPO and 49 for a full (year-long) ERPO. Most petitions filed by law enforcement officers were granted (85%), compared to only 15% of petitions filed by family or household members. Of the 37 2A sanctuary counties, 24% had at least one petition filed, versus 48% of non-2A sanctuary counties. Across the 2A counties, there were 1.52 ERPOs filed per 100,000 population, compared to 2.05 ERPOs filed per 100,000 in non-2A counties. There were 4 cases of obvious law misuse; none of those petitions resulted in an ERPO or firearm confiscation. Conclusion: State-level studies suggest ERPOs may prevent firearm injuries. Robust implementation, however, is critical for maximal effect. Understanding ERPO experiences and challenges can inform policy creation and action in other states, including identifying how best to address concerns and facilitate evaluation.

Inj. Epidemiol. 2021 8(59)     

Recruitment and Retention for the Modern Law Enforcement Agency

By The Bureau of Justice Assistance and Office of Community-Oriented Policing Services

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, a tightening labor market, heightened community frustration with the policing profession, and concerns about officer safety and well-being, law enforcement agencies across the country face a historic crisis in recruiting and retaining qualified candidates. SocAs agencies continue to seek innovative ways to attract qualified potential candidates and retain current staff, the crisis demands an immediate and effective response to ensure that law enforcement agencies can maintain staffing levels sufficient to support their communities’ public safety needs. Addressing these issues may necessitate the reexamination of agencies’ foundational organizational structure and processes to more clearly and easily meet the needs and expectations of both law enforcement and the community. In response to this situation and recognizing that the way law enforcement professionals are recruited and retained has a major impact on violent crime reduction, overall public safety, and community trust—Attorney General Merrick Garland identified law enforcement recruitment and retention as a U.S. Department of Justice priority and directed the Office of Justice Programs’ Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA) and the Office of Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS Office) to hold a convening. On April 18, 2023, a group of more than 30 law enforcement and community leaders from across the country met in Washington, D.C., to discuss existing best practices and emerging and transformative solutions designed to address current staffing challenges. In addition to command staff and other law enforcement leaders from key stakeholder associations, other new vocal and innovative leaders were in attendance to assist in designing a national solution. As Associate Attorney General Vanita Gupta noted in her opening remarks, the issues of recruitment and retention are among the most important faced by federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial law enforcement agencies across the nation, regardless of size or location. The agenda was driven by information obtained from the participants during brief interviews conducted before the event and designed to promote meaningful, actionable discussion. This publication represents the outcomes of the convening, focusing on both short-term strategies and long-term solutions identified by participants, who shared examples of streamlining and modernizing the hiring process, incorporating technology, updating requirements, and increasing accessibility; discussed marketing strategies designed to attract service-oriented candidates; examined existing and potentially new benefits and incentives, including a focus on employee wellness and mental well-being, to entice current employees to stay; and addressed the need for transparency and accountability throughout the hiring and employment process to promote public confidence. While there is no one-size-fits-all solution for the law enforcement recruitment and retention challenges, agencies are encouraged to consider adopting strategies contained herein as they pertain to their situations.                                                                                                                                                               

Washington DC:  Bureau of Justice Assistance and Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, 2023. 60p.

Attitudes to Crime and Punishment in England and Wales, 1964–2023: A Reinterpretation of the 1980s and a Model of Interactions Between Concern, Punitiveness and Prioritization 

By Matteo Tiratelli

This paper assembles the largest set of British survey questions about criminal justice to date (1,190 question-year pairs) and uses it to measure crime concern, punitiveness, support for the death penalty, and the prioritization of crime as a social issue from the 1960s to today. Results lend some support to existing narratives of public opinion, showing that concern and prioritization grew steadily through the 1970s before declining from the mid-2000s, and that support for the death penalty has been falling since at least the 1960s. But they contradict orthodox accounts of the 1980s as a period of rising punitiveness, showing instead that support for tougher policing and sentencing was highly volatile and subject to significant demographic variation until the late 1990s. I also show that crime concern is particularly responsive to the true rate of crime and propose a model for the interaction between these different strands of public opinion.  

The British Journal of Criminology, azae058, https://doi.org/10.1093/bjc/azae058, Published: 13 August 2024


Blue On Blue: Investigating Sexual Abuse of Peacekeepers

By Phoebe Donnelly, Dyan Mazurana, and Evyn Papworth

Peacekeeping missions. In reality, however, many women (and some men) deployed as military or police peacekeepers are subjected to sexual abuse by other members of the organizations they serve. Until now, there has been little research specifically focused on this sexual abuse by uniformed peacekeepers against their peacekeeping colleagues. This paper helps fill that gap, drawing on a survey of peacekeepers as well as data from interviews and a closed-door workshop. T his research reveals that sexual abuse is a major threat to uniformed peacekeepers, especially women. Among all survey participants, approximately one in ten said they experienced sexual abuse while serving in a peacekeeping mission, while a similar proportion witnessed sexual abuse against another peacekeeper. The proportion was significantly higher for women (28 percent experienced and 26 percent witnessed) than for men (2 percent experienced and 4 percent witnessed). A large share of the incidents of abuse were perpetrated by higher-ranking men within the mission. The main factor enabling this abuse was the internal organizational cultures of the police and military forces of troop- and police-contributing countries (T/PCCs). Despite the prevalence of sexual abuse within peacekeeping missions, the UN and T/PCCs have not put in place adequate policies to effectively respond to the issue. This lack of attention is in contrast to the relatively robust architecture for reporting on and investigating sexual exploitation and abuse of host communities. Policies and attention to the sexual abuse of peacekeepers and sexual exploitation and abuse of host communities have been artificially separated, but these forms of abuse are fueled by similar dynamics of militarism and inequality. The responsibility for addressing sexual abuse within peacekeeping operations lies both with T/PCCs and with the UN, which should require the highest standards for behavior within peacekeeping missions. Existing systems for addressing sexual exploitation and abuse of host communities are generally not designed for or used to address sexual abuse of peacekeepers. As a result, peacekeepers have little confidence in mechanisms for reporting sexual abuse that they experience or witness against their colleagues. Moreover, when incidents are reported, the prevailing sentiment is that perpetrators are not held accountable due to a culture of impunity within peacekeeping missions. Because current systems are insufficient and ineffective, women peacekeepers often have to protect themselves and respond to sexual abuse on their own. If the UN and T/PCCs do not prevent and respond to sexual abuse and dismantle the patriarchal cultures that enable it, their initiatives to increase women’s meaningful participation in peacekeeping operations will fail. The UN needs to take the sexual abuse of peacekeepers as seriously as it takes peacekeepers’ sexual exploitation and abuse of host communities, especially considering the interconnected systemic causes of both types of abuse. Toward this end, the UN and T/PCCs could consider the following recommendations: 1. Transform the organizational cultures that enable sexual abuse of peacekeepers: Because they have a particularly important role to play in changing the organizational culture, mission leaders should be evaluated, in part, based on whether they create and maintain a diverse, tolerant, inclusive, safe, secure, and respectful workplace. 2. Mandate robust training to prevent sexual abuse of peacekeepers: The UN should ensure that all peacekeepers receive thorough training specifically focused on all forms of sexual abuse within militarized organizations. 3. Require T/PCCs to address sexual abuse of peacekeepers within their contingents: Among other steps, the UN should update memoranda of understanding with T/PCCs to include explicit language on preventing and addressing the sexual abuse of peacekeepers. 4. Create a robust, confidential, and victim-centric reporting and investigation infrastructure: The UN should build the capacity of existing mechanisms for addressing sexual abuse of host communities to also address sexual abuse of peacekeepers. This system must be outside of the peacekeeping mission and T/PCCs’ chain of command.

New York: International Peace Institute 2022. 34p.

Personalizing the State: An Anthropology of Law, Politics, and Welfare in Austerity Britain

By Insa Lee Koch

Liberal democracy appears in crisis. From the rise of ‘law and order’ and ever tougher forms of means-testing under ‘austerity politics’ to the outcome of Britain’s referendum on leaving the EU, commentators have argued over why democracy has taken an illiberal turn. This book shifts the focus from the ‘why’ to the ‘how’ and the ‘what’: to how citizens experience government in the first place and what democracy means to them. Based on long-term ethnographic fieldwork, it takes these questions to Britain's socially abandoned council estates, once built by local authorities to house the working classes. From the perspective of these citizens, punitive shifts in welfare, housing, and policing are part of a much longer history of classed state control that has acted on their homes and neighborhoods. But this is only half of the story. Citizens also pursue their understandings of grassroots politics and care that at times align with, but at others diverge from official policies. The anthropology of state-citizen relations challenges narratives of exceptionalism that have portrayed the people as a threat to the democratic order. It also reveals the murky, sometimes contradictory desires for a personalized state that cannot easily be collapsed with popular support for authoritarian interventions. Above all, this book exposes the liberal state’s disavowal of its political and moral responsibilities at a time when mechanisms for voicing working-class citizens’ demands have been silenced.

Oxford, UK; New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. 289p.

Hidden Price of Justice: Fines and Fees in DC’s Criminal Legal System

By Michael Johnson, Jr.

The use of criminal legal fines and fees to fill state and local budgetary gaps has deep roots in a history of anti-Black racism. That history is evident in Washington, DC where the regressive nature of these financial obligations and the high costs of incarceration criminalize, extract wealth, and create collateral consequences that disproportionately impact Black and low-income communities. This report details the harms of fines and fees in DC’s criminal legal system, particularly for those unable to pay, and the perverse incentives created by using fines and fees to fund core government services. The authors use interviews with four formerly incarcerated DC residents to highlight the need for systemic reforms and provide recommendations to mitigate these harms in DC.

Key Findings:

  • In federal BOP facilities, people who do not make payments towards their fines lose privileges such as access to commissary spending, denial of higher pay opportunities for work assignments, and denial of drug treatment and community-based programs.

  • D.C residents can be incarcerated for up to a year for unpaid court financial obligations.

  • The DOC and BOP require anyone with outstanding financial obligations to pay their debt in full as a condition of release, and failure to do so can result in re-incarceration.

  • Revenue from Mayor Bowser’s addition of 342 traffic cameras in 2023 is expected to double between fiscal years 2024 and 2025.

  • Criminal fines range from $100 for minor offenses to $125,000 for offenses punishable by 30 years or more.

  • Workers in local DOC facilities earn up to $.50 per hour; a 15-minute phone call is more than double the hourly earnings for someone incarcerated in local DOC facilities.

  • DOC charges a 9 percent surcharge on all commissary goods — on average, generating over $2 million annually between 2018 and 2023. 

  • The work release program in DC requires incarcerated workers to pay fees on their wages, effectively functioning as a 20 percent income tax.

Recommendations:

  • Improve transparency by investing in data systems that can collect, coordinate, and report on criminal fines and fees.

  • Eliminate incarceration and supervision-related fees.

  • Provide economic support for those with criminal legal involvement and their families.

Washington, DC: The DC Fiscal Policy Institute, 2024. 33p.