FREEMAN, BEN; CLEVELAND-STOUT, NICK

From the document: "This brief takes a deep dive into a newly available tranche of data tracking foreign influence in the U.S. political process. The new data was released in early 2024 following reforms to the Foreign Agents Registration Act (FARA), which made access to all foreign registrants' political activities and campaign contributions publicly available. The brief unearths a complex web of foreign influence in the United States -- with countries like Saudi Arabia, Ukraine, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Azerbaijan reaping the benefits of massive political influence campaigns."

QUINCY INSTITUTE FOR RESPONSIBLE STATECRAFT. Quincy Brief No. 59. 2024.

By Jakob Manthey, Jürgen Rehm,and Uwe Vertheina

With the enforcement of the Cannabis Act on 1 April 2024, Germany has adopted one of the most liberal legal approaches to cannabis on the continent. The German model prioritises a non-profit approach and precludes legal market mechanisms. We believe these are the main drivers for increasing cannabis use and related health problems, based on observations following cannabis legalisation in Canada and many states in the U.S. Although legalising cannabis possession and cultivation may not immediately eliminate the illegal market, it is expected to serve public health goals. Despite the overall positive evaluation of the Cannabis Act in Germany, there are three potential areas of concern: the potential for misuse of the medical system, the normalization of cannabis use, and the influence of the cannabis industry. The German model may herald the beginning of a new generation of European cannabis policies, but concerted efforts will be required to ensure that these policy reforms serve rather than undermine public health goals.

The LANCET Regional Health - Europe, Vol 42 July, 2024

By Sana Khan,, Emily West and Stephanie Rosof

   In recent years, cities and counties across the country have made great strides to strategically reduce jail incarceration without jeopardizing community safety. To keep this momentum going, it is critical to examine the safety implications of these jail population reform efforts. This is especially true against the backdrop of COVID-19 era increases in violent crime, with unsubstantiated hypotheses suggesting that increases in violent crime were a result of efforts to reduce jail populations and not of the major socio economic impacts of lockdowns. The John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation’s Safety and Justice Challenge (SJC) presents a unique opportunity to explore the relationships between criminal legal reform, the COVID-19 pandemic, and violent crime. Since 2015, jurisdictions participating in the SJC have planned and implemented data-driven reform strategies to both safely reduce unnecessary jail incarceration and advance equity across the criminal legal system. These jurisdictions serve as models for pursuing data-driven criminal legal system reform. The SJC allows for comparisons of jail populations and crime pre- and post-reforms; SJC timelines also provide a look at how reforms were associated with violent crime before, during, and after the pandemic. As the lead data and analytic partner for the initiative, the Institute for State and Local Governance at the City University of New York (CUNY ISLG) has been studying the community safety implications of the SJC over time. This has resulted in a series of reports exploring trends in crime, incarceration, and returns to jail custody in 16 participating cities and counties. The first two reports were issued in 2021 and 2023, covering individuals in jail through 2020. This brief presents the most up-to-date data— through April 2023—on the outcomes of individuals released from jails after SJC reforms were passed. Additionally, this brief expands on previous work by distinguishing returns to jail that involve a new alleged criminal offense and those that involve administrative reasons only, such as failing to appear in court or violating a condition of release. Findings include: • Two years out from COVID-19’s peak, there continues to be no apparent correlation between changes in incarceration and violent crime. Most individuals released from jail on pretrial status did not return to jail custody, and local violent crime rates varied regardless of changes to the jail population—suggesting that jail reduction reforms can be implemented safely. • About 80 percent of people who were released on pretrial status were either not rebooked into jail at all (75 percent) or were returned to jail for administra tive reasons (7 percent)—therefore, not a threat to public safety. • The pandemic-era increase in violent crime was not caused by jail reduction reforms; people released pretrial were very unlikely to return to jail charged with a violent crime, about 2% of indi viduals released pretrial returned with a new violent crime charge. This rate has remained consistent for almost a decade, predating reform efforts.    

New York: CUNY Institute for State & Local Governance, 2024. 23p.

By Daniel Eizenga and Amandine Gnanguênon

HIGHLIGHTS • Extremist violence in the Sahel is spilling over into coastal West African countries. • Governments in coastal West African countries play the leading role in responding to this threat by proactively strengthening ties with local communities in vulnerable regions. • Regional security cooperation can bolster national defenses through intelligence sharing, coordinating border patrols, and training focused on community protection. • Forging a multitiered strategy—linking support to communities with regional and international bodies—would help contextualize local responses while sustaining regional cooperation to address the mplex threat posed by violent extremist groups 

   .

Africa Security Brief no. 43

 Washington, DC: Africa Center for Strategic Studies, 2024. 12p.

By Vincent Freigang and Maíra Martini

Russia’s brutal invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 ignited a global reckoning over the dangers of kleptocracy and the international community’s decades-long complicity. The initial response of the advanced Western economies was to unleash new waves of targeted sanctions against Kremlin-linked individuals. But denying safe haven to Russian kleptocrats calls for multilateral efforts, including tracking down the illicit wealth they have diligently hidden across the globe.

In a welcome step, several governments – primarily Western economies such as those making up the G7 – are now joining efforts to share intelligence and cooperate across borders as part of a dedicated task force. This study assesses how well countries leading multilateral efforts to freeze and seize kleptocrats’ assets are equipped to deliver on their objectives. The comparative analysis covers eight countries: Australia, Canada, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Transparency International, 2022. 52p.

By Maíra Martini and Theo Van der Merwe

The decision of where to invest in real estate will depend on the stability and reliability of the real estate market in the country, as well as on the risks of having a dirty deal uncovered and punished. Not surprisingly, the corrupt and criminal favour stable markets with inadequate anti-money laundering laws and where anonymity is guaranteed.

Investigations show real estate data can be a powerful tool to detect potential money laundering and other criminal activities. Access to property-related data – such as legal and beneficial ownership, historical ownership data, value and dates of purchase – can go a long way towards exposing key red flags for authorities, journalists and activists.

In 2017, Transparency International published an analysis of anti-money laundering and corruption prevention mechanisms in the real estate sector in four key markets. The report – Doors wide open – identified ten main problems that have enabled corrupt individuals and other criminals to easily purchase luxurious properties anonymously and hide their stolen money in Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States. Now, our new report analyses the availability of key real estate data in these four significant property markets.

The limited availability of real estate data and of beneficial ownership data, in particular, means that we still know very little about who owns properties, and whether they have been purchased with dirty money. This continues to be the case in the four markets – Australia, Canada, the United Kingdom and the United States.

Transparency International Australia, 2020. 18p.

A call for civilian reserves in hybrid warfare

By Dan Svantesson

Australia’s cyber environment is under constant attack. The threats are multi-faceted and growing. Beyond the well-known cybercrime and cybersecurity challenges, we face a barrage of online mis- and dis-information aimed at undermining our social cohesion. Despite increased emphasis on the cyber domain, our existing public and private capacity is likely insufficient to counter the full range of threats we face in cyberspace.

Against this background, Australia must adopt a whole-of-society approach to the defence of the cyber environment. This discussion paper seeks to canvass options for an Australian ‘cyber intelligence and information militia’; that is, a ‘crowdsourced’ civilian volunteer cyber reserve capability fit to engage in open-source intelligence (OSINT) and information warfare. Such a resource could play an important role in supplementing existing or developing capabilities.

Canberra: Australian Capital Territory, Social Cyber Institute, 2024. 

By Jade McEwan, Rachel Carson, Rae Kaspiew, John De Maio, Briony Horsfall

The abuse of older people has devastating physical, emotional and social consequences for older Australians, their families and communities. At least one in six older Australians experience abuse, and that when abuse occurs, only around one third of victims seek help.

The key policy framework for tackling this abuse, the National plan to respond to the abuse of older Australians 2019-2023, was recommended in the Australian Law Reform Commission’s 2017 Elder abuse – a national legal response final report.

This independent evaluation finds that the National Plan is achieving its aims of uniting governments, agencies and organisations in tackling the abuse of older people.

The evaluation highlights a range of important achievements under the National Plan, including the delivery of Australia’s first National Elder Abuse prevalence Study, funding of innovative service responses, and a range of awareness raising initiatives.

Australian Institute of Family Studies (AIFS) , 2024. 209p.

 By Europol’s European Migrant Smuggling Centre (EMSC)

  Migrant smuggling and trafficking in human beings (THB) pose a serious threat to the EU’s security, as well as to the irregular migrants and THB victims involved. Both crime areas are embedded in the broader serious and organised crime environment, with criminals taking advantage of existing infrastructures and engaging in multiple illegal activities. The criminals involved in these crime areas constantly adapt their methods to maximise profits and evade law enforcement. Geopolitical events, economic and social crises, as well as the digital environment, have provided new opportunities for criminals to exploit. Against the backdrop of irregular migration at EU’s external borders reaching in 2023 the highest levels since 2016, Europol’s European Migrant Smuggling Centre (EMSC) is at the forefront of the EU’s fight against migrant smuggling, supporting EU Member States in disrupting the criminal networks that orchestrate this form of organised crime. The EMSC also continues to stand together with law enforcement in EU Member States to combat the criminal exploitation of vulnerable people for the purpose of economic gain. The EMSC’s mandate is first and foremost to provide operational support to cross-border investigations in the Member States, but also to deliver expertise and resources, as well as a platform for the swift and safe exchange of information. The successful operations supported by the EMSC reflect the pivotal role played by law enforcement authorities in the Member States in sharing information and initiating cross-border investigations, as well as the importance of joining efforts at EU level and beyond, to disrupt criminal networks active in migrant smuggling and THB.  

Luxembourg: Publications Office of the European Union;, 2024. 15p.

Abuse, protection, and justice along routes between East and West Africa and Africa’s Mediterranean coast

By Duncan Breen

At the end of May, 30 people were murdered in the town of Mizdah, south of Tripoli, allegedly by traffickers. These were among the latest in a long series of deaths along the route from West Africa or the East and Horn of Africa to Libya. At least 68 refugees or migrants are known to have died along the route this year alone. As refugees and migrants travel along the Central Mediterranean route to Libya, many continue to be subjected to horrific violence at multiple points along the way, as the testimonies in this report show, even before any attempt to cross the sea to Europe. It remains one of the deadliest land crossings in the world. This report draws on data collected by the Mixed Migration Centre’s 4Mi monitors along the route to map the places where refugees interviewed in 2018 and 2019 most frequently reported deaths, sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), physical violence, and kidnappings occurred.

At the end of 2017, UNHCR shared recommendations related to trafficking with several key States and agencies to encourage further actions to protect refugees and migrants from abuses along the Central Mediterranean route. In follow up to those recommendations, UNHCR, together with the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC), seeks to draw further attention to the human rights abuses that take place along multiple sections of the Central Mediterranean land route. In doing so, and through the recommendations included in this report, UNHCR and MMC call for measures to hold perpetrators of crimes and human rights violations along the route accountable; for more measures to assist and protect victims; and for greater cooperation between States to increase protection and access to solutions, and enhance access to justice.

Geneva: Mixed Migration Centre, 2020. 48p.

Abuse, Protection and Justice along Routes between East and West Africa and Africa’s Mediterranean Coast. A route-based perspective on key risks

By  Michele Cavinato

In the complex landscape of migration, this second volume of the report ‘On This Journey, No One Cares if You Live or Die’ emerges as a crucial body of work that sheds light on the stark realities faced by refugees and migrants traversing the perilous Central Mediterranean Route (CMR) all the way from East and Horn of Africa and West Africa to the North African coast of the Mediterranean and  across the sea. Jointly published by IOM, MMC, and UNHCR, this report delves into the protection risks faced by refugees and migrants during these journeys. It aims to inform increased and concrete routes-based protection responses to reduce the suffering associated with the desperate journeys refugees and migrants undertake, and a call to action to address the root causes of displacement and drivers of irregular migration through positive action on peace, climate change, governance, inequality and social cohesion, as well as the creation of safe migration  pathways.

Geneva: Mixed Migration.Centre, .2024. 71p. _____________________________ This is a joint IOM, MMC and UNHCR publicatio

By  Kingsley L Madueke, et al

  This report explores the dynamics of armed banditry in North West Nigeria, aiming to unravel their evolution, structure and the illicit economies that bandit groups engage in for financing and resourcing, as well as their interactions with local communities and other non-state armed groups. Focusing on Nigeria’s North West region, this report explores the internal dynamics of armed bandit groups,1 as well as the ecosystem and landscapes within which they operate, identifying potential entry points for interventions. As concerns grow regarding potential alliances between some bandit groups and violent extremist organizations – namely Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), Ansaru and Jama’atu AhlusSunnah Lidda’Awati Wal Jihad (JAS) – operating in North West, this report explores not only to what extent these alliances exist but what shapes their formation. Nigeria’s North West region, encompassing Katsina, Kaduna, Kano, Sokoto, Jigawa and Zamfara states, has since 2011 witnessed a surge in armed bandit activities.2 Reported civilian fatalities resulting from violence by armed bandits in North West between 2018 and 2023 surpassed those inflicted by JAS and ISWAP in Nigeria’s North East region within the same period.3 Responses have largely consisted of military operations and local vigilante efforts. However, military operations’ impact has been temporary and banditry persists. This necessitates a better understanding of why banditry is resilient: bandit group structure and engagement with illicit economies are key elements of this resilience. The existing body of media and expert analyses pertaining to armed bandits in North West Nigeria has predominantly concentrated on the violence they inflict and its repercussions, with less focus on their structure, resourcing and financing mechanisms, and the physical and social environment within which they operate. This report aims to fill this gap, focusing on Zamfara and Kaduna – two major flashpoints of armed banditry in Nigeria’s North West. This report engages with the ongoing debate around categorizing non-state armed groups and explores whether the bandits can be said to exercise any governance functions or operate as political, as well as criminal, actors. This report explores the dynamics of armed banditry in North West Nigeria, aiming to unravel their evolution, structure and the illicit economies that bandit groups engage in for financing and resourcing, as well as their interactions with local communities and other non-state armed groups. Focusing on Nigeria’s North West region, this report explores the internal dynamics of armed bandit groups,1 as well as the ecosystem and landscapes within which they operate, identifying potential entry points for interventions. As concerns grow regarding potential alliances between some bandit groups and violent extremist organizations – namely Islamic State West Africa Province (ISWAP), Ansaru and Jama’atu AhlusSunnah Lidda’Awati Wal Jihad (JAS) – operating in North West, this report explores not only to what extent these alliances exist but what shapes their formation. Nigeria’s North West region, encompassing Katsina, Kaduna, Kano, Sokoto, Jigawa and Zamfara states, has since 2011 witnessed a surge in armed bandit activities.2 Reported civilian fatalities resulting from violence by armed bandits in North West between 2018 and 2023 surpassed those inflicted by JAS and ISWAP in Nigeria’s North East region within the same period.3 Responses have largely consisted of military operations and local vigilante efforts. However, military operations’ impact has been temporary and banditry persists. This necessitates a better understanding of why banditry is resilient: bandit group structure and engagement with illicit economies are key elements of this resilience. The existing body of media and expert analyses pertaining to armed bandits in North West Nigeria has predominantly concentrated on the violence they inflict and its repercussions, with less focus on their structure, resourcing and financing mechanisms, and the physical and social environment within which they operate. This report aims to fill this gap, focusing on Zamfara and Kaduna – two major flashpoints of armed banditry in Nigeria’s North West. This report engages with the ongoing debate around categorizing non-state armed groups and explores whether the bandits can be said to exercise any governance functions or operate as political, as well as criminal, actors. ■ Depending on the type of illicit economy and the level of influence they exert over it, armed bandits vary their engagements with illicit economies, shifting between attacks and robberies targeting actors in licit and illicit supply chains; imposition of levies; and assumption of control of part (or more rarely the entirety) of the supply chain. This variability in engagements with illicit economies renders a unidimensional response strategy inadequate. ■ A bandit group’s degree of influence over an area and the type of economy bandits are using for resource extraction contribute to shaping the level of violence against communities. Violence by bandits is higher when their influence is lower, and kidnapping and cattle rustling are characterized by greater violence than engagement in other revenue-generating activities. ■ Armed bandits exhibit some behaviours that fall within definitions of ‘governance’, though profit and predation appear to be the primary motivations for their actions. The concept of governance is important for understanding bandits in the political/criminal spectrum    

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, 2024. 53p.

By Héni Nsaibia, et al.

  This report analyzes the operations and organizational structure of the al-Qaeda-affiliated Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) in the Sahel region of Africa, focusing on the group’s engagement with illicit economies and tactical use of economic warfare. Specifically, the report emphasizes the central role of illicit economies in JNIM’s governance strategies, and in financing and resourcing the group’s armed struggle. It also tracks how JNIM has evolved organizationally, with these internal changes dictating shifts in its involvement in regional illicit economies. These political and organizational changes, and the group’s highly strategic engagement with illicit economies, have underpinned JNIM’s expansion into new geographies, its retention of influence in areas of control, and its resilience to disruption. Further, the report provides further insights into JNIM’s strategies for expansion and population control, and argues that understanding the role of JNIM within illicit economies is crucial to gaining insights into the group’s governance, financing, and resourcing, as well as its strategic objectives across the central Sahelian states of Mali, Burkina Faso, and Niger, and the northernmost areas of several West African littoral states. JNIM’s organizational structure balances unity and central power with local adaptation and flexibility, which has allowed the group to build a cohesive yet adaptable organization. However, the group’s exponential growth since its formation strains ongoing cohesion, and operational and tactical objectives differ due to differences within the vast territories in which the group operates. JNIM exerts control and authority over local populations by force using both violent and non-violent means, such as providing civilian services, justice, and dispute mediation; these means vary depending on the context. This unified and locally flexible strategy is also evident in JNIM’s strategic engagement with local licit and illicit economies. While JNIM’s engagement in illicit activities is intimately linked to the diverse financing and resourcing of JNIM’s war economy, it goes beyond merely accumulating financial resources. JNIM utilizes these resources to enhance its legitimacy and to gain  popular support while furthering its strategic and governance objectives. Further, JNIM’s quasi-regulatory role in certain illicit economies – including in enabling access to some stateprohibited resources – is central to its positioning as an alternative governance provider, posited as preferable to regulatory regimes imposed by the state. The under-explored dimension of economic warfare is highlighted in the report as a vital component of JNIM’s overall strategy, which encompasses the destruction and sabotage of critical and public infrastructure, the establishment of checkpoints along transport routes, attacks on commercial and logistic convoys, the imposition of embargoes and blockades, and other tactics such as forced population evictions. The economic warfare dimension of JNIM’s strategy significantly overlaps with the organization’s effort to expand its competitive systems of control over the population, through which JNIM seeks to weaken the state and impair its authority. The report concludes by forecasting the trajectory of JNIM’s expansion, especially in light of evolving state responses. Given its current organizational structure and adaptive strategies, JNIM appears poised to continue its growth and influence. The group’s strategic use of illicit economies and economic warfare serves as a potent driver of its territorial control strategies, and these elements are expected to remain integral to JNIM’s operational blueprint. As state actors devise their own strategies to respond to JNIM’s activities, the group’s adaptability will be put to the test. The effectiveness of these state responses, in turn, will hinge on a profound understanding of JNIM’s organizational dynamics, its strategic engagement with local economies, and the ways in which it navigates and leverages the complex socio-political landscapes within which it operates. Anticipating the future of JNIM necessitates a sustained and nuanced focus on these factors. This report aims to contribute to such an understanding, providing a foundation upon which more effective and informed strategies can be developed to address the challenges posed by JNIM in the Sahel region  

Issue 1

Geneva: Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime 2023. 49p.

By Kate Fitz-Gibbon, Sandra Walklate, Jasmine McGowan, JaneMaree Maher, Jude McCulloch

This project aimed to develop new understandings of risk and system interactions prior to intimate femicide in order to build the evidence base required to inform early intervention and the prevention of intimate femicide in Australia. Drawing on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of intimate femicide sentencing decisions imposed over a decade in Australian superior courts, the new knowledge generated from this project is intended to inform and assist in developing a more risk-sensitive approach to preventing and responding to intimate femicide in Australia and overseas, thereby enhancing women’s security.

This report presents findings from the collection of over 250 intimate femicide sentencing judgments and the in-depth analyses of 235 of these. These judgements were used, in part, to identify potential points of intervention that might have provided an opportunity to prevent such killings.

In Australia, at least one woman a week is murdered by her current or former partner. According to Destroy the Joint, this equated to the killing of at least 57 women in 2022 and at least 64 women in 2023 allegedly as a result of men’s violence. At the time of finalising this report, an unusually high number of killings allegedly by men’s violence in the first four months of 2024 in Australia has reignited national attention over the need to better address women’s risk of fatal violence (see, inter alia, AAP, 2024; Priestley, 2024; Tuohy, 2024).

Intimate partner homicides are recognised as the most preventable type of homicide because it is assumed that histories of abuse can provide clear indicators of risk (see, inter alia, Bugeja et al., 2013; Dearden & Jones, 2008; Virueda & Payne, 2010). While intimate partner homicides are monitored and examined in Australia via the work of the Australian Institute of Criminology and state-based death review teams, there is no fully funded, multi-systems approach to the prevention of men’s lethal violence against women (McPhedran & Baker, 2012). As in Australia, international efforts to review and count such deaths are carried out in different ways and are often fraught with difficulties (see, inter alia, Walklate et al., 2020; Dawson & Vega, 2023).

In Australia and comparable international jurisdictions, a range of provisions, measures, laws and programs are designed to assess and address the risk of intimate partner violence. These include civil orders alongside programs that provide increased levels of protection and monitoring for women deemed at high risk of repeat victimisation. These instruments include the development of various risk assessment and management frameworks (Walklate et al., 2020). While magistrates, police and specialist support services use these instruments to identify and respond to risk (Boxall et al., 2015; Robinson & Moloney, 2010; Wakefield & Taylor, 2015), there is evidence that these approaches are limited by their conceptualisations of risk and in their scale of implementation and inconsistency in application.

This project sought to contribute new evidence to inform the further development of whole-of-systems preventive approaches to repeat violence and intimate femicide. Specifically, the project aimed to build evidence based on the following touchpoints:

• Places where an intervention between the initial emergence of family violence and the fatal outcomes had occurred.

• What could potentially be known about those points of intervention.

• If/how the pathway from intervention to safety could be better supported.

This report presents findings from the collection of over 250 intimate femicide sentencing judgments and the in-depth analyses of 235 of these. These judgements were used, in part, to identify potential points of intervention that might have provided an opportunity to prevent such killings. Sentencing judgments typically include narrative accounts from a judge, who describes how and where the crime took place as well as the circumstances that led to it.

This project builds current understandings of the potential points of intervention prior to the killing of women by their male intimate partners. In doing so, this project has contributed to building understanding of who perpetrates intimate femicide.

Melbourne: Monash University, 2024. 40p.

By  Coen Teunissen, Michael John Cahill, Sarah Napier, Timothy Cubitt, Hayley Boxall and Rick Brown

This study examined the sexual exploitation of children on dating apps, and their revictimisation as adults. Findings showed that, from a sample of 9,987 Australian dating platform users surveyed, 8.8 percent had used these platforms while under 18 years of age. Of these, 59.3 percent reported receiving at least one sexually exploitative request from another dating platform user who knew they were under 18. 

Respondents who were victimised on dating platforms while under 18 were more likely to be revictimised as an adult through online and offline sexual violence. They also experienced a greater number of harms. These findings highlight the risks associated with underage dating platform use, the potential for revictimisation as an adult, and the need for these platforms to implement additional safety measures to reduce access among children and adolescents.

Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 697. 

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. 2024. 16p.

By Emma Belton and Adrian Cherney

Violent extremism risk assessment tools have become an important way of understanding and managing the threat posed by radicalised offenders in custodial and community settings. The aim of this study was to examine the applicability, interrater reliability and predictive validity of the Violent Extremism Risk Assessment—Version 2 Revised (VERA‑2R) against data on individuals who have radicalised in Australia. Two trained assessors—the authors— completed VERA-2R risk assessments for a sample of 50 extremist offenders. Results showed differences in risk profiles between individuals who were violent and non-violent. It was found that the VERA-2R had good interrater reliability but low predictive validity.

Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 690. 

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology. 2024, 19p.

By Rae Cooper, Elizabeth Hill, Suneha Seetahul, Meraiah Foley, Marnie Harris, Charlotte Hock, Amy Tapsell

Sexual harassment is a systemic and pervasive feature of the retail industry ecosystem and a persistent part of daily interactions between retail workers, and their managers, peers and customers. It is such a common experience that many retail workers perceive it as just 'part of the job'. Sexual harassment causes harm on multiple levels - it affects the wellbeing of individual employees, damages team cohesion, and creates economic damage for businesses.

This study reveals that sexual harassment is a persistent and pervasive feature of retail work, arising from a complex interplay of institutional, industry-wide and organisational factors. Institutional frameworks, including employment laws, set the context for retail operations and workforce experiences.

The insights in this report provide a detailed understanding of the drivers of workplace sexual harassment in the retail industry, offering a foundation for industry-wide change.

Key findings:

• Sexual harassment in the retail workplace is experienced by retail workers as routine and unavoidable, influenced by industry norms and narratives such as the customer is always right.

• A range of people perpetrate sexual harassment including managers, colleagues and customers.

• The retail industry must improve its organisational policies, training practices and reporting processes to better prevent and respond to workplace sexual harassment.

ANROWS Research Report 04/2024

Australia's National Research Organisation for Women's Safety (ANROWS( 2024. 126p.

By Timothy Broady, Catherine Thomson, Ilan Katz, Sarah Judd-Lam

With funding from the Department of Communities and Justice, the NSW Ageing and Disability Commission (ADC) commissioned the Social Policy Research Centre (SPRC) at UNSW, in partnership with Carers NSW, to conduct the ADC Carers Project. 

The aim of the project was to provide the ADC with clear evidence-based findings, recommendations, and advice to inform their work with carers of adults with disability and older people. Specifically, the research was designed to inform the handling of future reports about abuse, neglect and exploitation by the ADC, ways for the ADC and service systems to better support carers, and opportunities for early intervention and prevention strategies. 

This report presents the findings from the analysis of quantitative and qualitative data held by the ADC in relation to reports about alleged abuse, neglect, and exploitation of adults with disability and older people. 

The analyses focused on identifying factors associated with different types of alleged abuse and neglect of older people and adults with disability, as well as factors associated with reported ADC actions, assistance provided, and outcomes for older people and adults with disability. 

Initial recommendations are provided based on these findings. 

Sydney: University of New South Wales, Social Policiy Research Centre,  2024. 61p.

By Alexandra Gannoni, Alexandra Voce, Sarah Napier and Hayley Boxall

This study sought to identify principles to guide the development and implementation of initiatives that aim to prevent child sexual abuse material (CSAM) offending. It did so through a review of research on the implementation and effectiveness of initiatives that aim to prevent CSAM offending, and through input from an international expert advisory group.

Seven principles are described in this paper: the use of advertising campaigns; confidentiality and anonymity; an empathetic and non-judgemental approach; accessibility; training and support; tailored programs; and evaluation. These broad principles can act as a valuable resource for practitioners and policymakers.

Trends & issues in crime and criminal justice no. 696. 

Canberra: Australian Institute of Criminology.2024. 18p.

By Brigitte Gilbert

There has been increasing concern over the low conviction rate for sexual assault. This paper uses data from the NSW Police Computerised Operational Policing System (COPS) and the NSW Criminal Courts datasets to track the progress of sexual assaults reported to the NSW Police Force in 2018 through the NSW criminal justice system. The study examines the attrition of incidents, defendants, and charges from the reporting stage through to the sentencing of a proven matter. Attrition rates are tracked separately for contemporary child sexual assault, historic child sexual assault, and adult sexual assault offences.
   There has been increasing concern over the low conviction rate for sexual assault. This paper uses data from the NSW Police Computerised Operational Policing System (COPS) and the NSW Criminal Courts datasets to track the progress of sexual assaults reported to the NSW Police Force in 2018 through the NSW criminal justice system. The study examines the attrition of incidents, defendants, and charges from the reporting stage through to the sentencing of a proven matter. Attrition rates are tracked separately for contemporary child sexual assault, historic child sexual assault, and adult sexual assault offences. The study findings show that: • In 2018, 5,869 incidents of sexual assault were reported to NSW police. Of these, 872, or 15%, resulted in the commencement of criminal proceedings against one of 969 defendants and involving 3,369 individual criminal charges for sexual assault or a related sex offence. • Only a small proportion of reported sexual assault incidents resulted in a criminal conviction, with just 8% of reported contemporary child sexual assault incidents, 7% of reported historic child sexual assault incidents, and 6% of reported adult sexual assault incidents resulting in a proven charge. • The largest point of attrition was seen during the police investigation stage, with no legal action taken against an accused in 85% of reported sexual assault incidents. This was consistent across contemporary child, historic child, and adult sexual assaults. • The second largest attrition point was during court proceedings, with two out of five defendants having all their charges withdrawn by the prosecution, dismissed due to mental health, or ‘otherwise’ disposed of. A slightly higher proportion of defendants appearing in historic child sexual assault matters (49%) had all charges against them withdrawn/dismissed or otherwise disposed of, than defendants appearing in contemporary child sexual assault (43%) and adult sexual assault (43%) matters. • For the small number of matters that did progress to court, only a minority of defendants (41%) had a sexual offence charge proven, either by way of a guilty plea or guilty verdict. A lower conviction rate was observed amongst those charged with adult sexual assault (38%) compared with defendants charged with contemporary child sexual assault (43%) and historic child sexual assault (44%). • The majority of defendants (77%) found guilty of sexual assault were sentenced to prison. Prison sentences were imposed for 72% of defendants found guilty of contemporary child sexual assault, 87% of defendants found guilty of historic child sexual assault and 80% of defendants found guilty of adult sexual assault  

Bureau Brief No. BB170

Sydney: The NSW Bureau of Crime Statistics and Research (BOCSAR), 2024. 23p.