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Promise vs. Reality: Access to Justice for Refugees in Greece

By Vivi Paschalidou

The project titled “InteGRation: Tackling chronic challenges in the field of integration of refugees in Greece” was funded by the Oxford Policy Engagement Network (OPEN) at the University of Oxford and supported the partnership of the Border Criminologies research network with the Greek Council for Refugees. The present report is one of the outputs of the above project. In response to requests from refugee participants for information about state funded free legal aid in Greece, we created a new leaflet that provides practical information on the topic. It includes essential guidance on how to navigate the free legal aid system and a list of contact points for requesting aid at the courthouses in Athens and Thessaloniki. This leaflet has been distributed in the two major Greek cities’ Courts of Law in four languages: English, French, Arabic and Farsi. This builds on an ongoing collaboration between the two organisations. Together they have contributed to a number of key developments in the field of academic and policy inquiry into border control and immigration detention in Greece, including increasing public access to knowledge about immigration and creating a leaflet on access to rights in immigration detention. Greek Council for Refugees is a specialized Non-Governmental Organization that has been leading efforts to protect asylum and human rights in Greece since 1989. It provides free legal and social services to refugees and individuals from third countries who are entitled to international protection, with special emphasis on the most vulnerable cases, such as unaccompanied minors and victims of human trafficking. Border Criminologies is an international research network and website based at the Centre for Criminology at the University of Oxford, which showcases original research from a range of perspectives, supports advocacy work and creates practical resources to help those working in the migration field. This report examines a specific aspect of the integration of applicants and recipients of international protection in Greece: The effectiveness of their access to the Greek justice system. We undertook thirty interviews with respondents from fourteen countries. Our questions focused on the refugees’ experience with the Greek justice system, the difficulties they faced and their recommendations for its amelioration. We also interviewed members of two key stakeholders, namely the judiciary and legal professionals handling asylum and migration law.

Athens: Greek Council for Refugees, 2024. 40p.

Not Just an Afterthought: The Experience of Women in Immigration Detention

By Australian Human Rights Commission

In April and May 2024, the Commission visited the Broadmeadows Residential Precinct (BRP) and parts of the Melbourne Immigration Detention Centre (MIDC), the Villawood Immigration Detention Centre (VIDC), and the Perth Immigration Detention Centre (PIDC), all facilities where women are held. This Report documents the key observations arising from the Commission’s inspection of these facilities. Some of the issues that the Commission identifies are specific to individual facilities and others are systemic in nature. The Report finds that in an overwhelmingly male system, women in immigration detention are often an afterthought when it comes to detention infrastructure, the provision of programs and activities, equitable access to services and the delivery of staff training. Women’s experiences of detention differ substantially from men’s, not only because they are minorities, but because they have particular needs and vulnerabilities that are often unrecognised and unmet. For many of the women, the negative impacts of detention are compounded by histories of abuse and trauma and heightened risk of exposure to violence and sexual harassment. The Report finds that these impacts are exacerbated by the continued use of operational quarantine (separation from the main population without medical symptoms) and the probable separation from family supports owing to the limited accommodation available for women close to their families and the inadequacy of visiting facilities for those with children. The Report finds that women have fewer opportunities for meaningful self-development, and the programs and activities offered are often unresponsive to their needs or not age appropriate. Staff working in these facilities often have no specific training on the vulnerabilities and needs of women in their care, which can result in routine activities being undertaken insensitively or exposing women to further trauma. The Report emphasises concern about women being routinely exposed to the possibility of harassment and violence because many of the services that are available to them are located in male compounds or adjacent to them. In particular, the Report highlights concern about the co-location of men and women in the Broadmeadows Residential Precinct and, the safety of women at Villawood Immigration Detention Centre, who are housed next to a compound with registered sexual offenders. The recommendations made in this Report are designed to assist the Department to improve the situation for women in immigration detention, ensuring they are managed safely, while also protecting their human rights.

Sydney: Australian Human Rights Commission, 2024. 93p.

Migrants’ Perceptions of Smugglers in Port Sudan: Service Providers and Sometimes Criminals

By The Mixed Migration Centre

Sudan serves as a key country of transit for movements along the Central Mediterranean Route, linking countries in East and the Horn of Africa to North Africa. Since the outbreak of conflict in April 2023, safe migration routes through the country have shifted away from Khartoum and migrants from conflict-affected regions are more reliant on smuggling networks to overcome limited mobility options and restrictive visa policies in neighbouring countries. This snapshot examines migrants' perceptions of their smugglers, the services they provide, and the abuses that migrants perceive smugglers to be perpetrating. It should be noted that while interviews with migrants were carried out in the second half of 2024, most respondents had been in Sudan since before the outbreak of war in April 2023 and are reflecting both on their interactions with smugglers along the journey to Sudan and once in the country. This is the first of two snapshots published on smuggling dynamics along routes to and within Sudan. The second snapshot on the role of smugglers is available here. Key findings • Over half of migrants felt that their smugglers helped them to reach their intended destination (59%) and did not feel intentionally misled by their smugglers (56%). • Perceptions varied by age, with youth (aged 18-24) expressing less confidence in their smugglers than older respondents (aged 25+). • The main services supplied by smugglers were providing accommodation (45%) and food/water (46%), facilitating border crossings (33%), and dealing with authorities (32%). Youth were more reliant on smugglers for crossing borders and dealing with authorities compared to older migrants (56% and 41% vs. 25% and 29%, respectively). • More than half of respondents (58%) described their smuggler as a "service provider or businessperson". Youth more often perceived their smugglers as criminals than older respondents (33% vs. 15-18%). • Few migrants (9%) perceived smugglers as perpetrators of abuse during their journey. For those who did (n=28), kidnapping (18 cases), detention (16 cases), physical violence (10 cases), and robbery (7 cases) were the top abuses.

London/Denmark: Mixed Migration Centre, 2025. 10p.

Migrant Returnees as (Anti-)Migration Messengers? A Case of Street-Level Representative Bureaucracy in Senegal

By Katerina Glyniadaki, Nora Ratzmann, Julia Stier

International organizations and foreign-funded NGOs run campaigns in Senegal to raise awareness of the perils of irregular migration. To increase their effectiveness, these organizations often enlist local migrant returnees to share their personal migration experiences and transmit an anti-irregular migration message to their compatriots. This article examines whether policymakers' assumptions regarding the representativeness of migrant returnees operating as (anti-)migration messengers in terms of shared identities corresponds to reality at the street level. It draws from theories of street-level bureaucracy and representative bureaucracy and is based on 31 qualitative interviews with migrant returnees and experts. The study shows that migrant returnees engaged in migration information campaigns are not as representative of the local population as envisaged by policymakers, potentially impacting policy outcomes. They stand out from their compatriots in terms of skillsets and social status – partly because of the selection mechanism employed by organizations and partly because of the training and capacity-building efforts directed at migrant returnees.

International Migration. 2025;63:e13382.

Captain Canot Or Twenty Years Of An African Slaver

By Brantz Mayer, Introduction by Colin Heston

Full Title: Captain Canot; or, Twenty Years of an African Slaver: Being an Account of His Career and Adventures on the Coast, in the Interior, on Shipboard, and in the West Indies, Written Out and Edited from the Captain’s Journals, Memoranda and Conversations.

This riveting account of the 19th century slave trade delves into the life and adventures of Theodore Canot, a notorious figure in the transatlantic slave trade. Through Mayer's meticulous writing, based on Canot's own journals and conversations, readers are taken on a journey across the African coast, the interior, and the treacherous seas. Experience the raw and unfiltered reality of the 19th-century slave trade, as Canot navigates the complexities of his morally ambiguous career. This book offers a unique perspective on historical events, providing insights into the human condition and the dark chapters of our past. It's a must-read for history enthusiasts and anyone interested in understanding the depths of human resilience and the complexities of ethical dilemmas. Embark on this unforgettable voyage with Captain Canot and witness history through the eyes of a man who lived it. It’s a story of adventure, survival, and reflection.

Key Events and Themes:

• Military Engagements: The text describes a planned military expedition involving American settlers, highlighting the tense and violent interactions between colonists and African natives .

• Escapes and Betrayals: Canot is betrayed by his crew and attempts to escape, illustrating the treacherous nature of his ventures .

• Storm Survival: A perilous sea journey showcases Canot’s leadership and navigation skills during a storm, emphasizing his resilience and quick thinking .

• Cultural Interactions: Canot’s dealings with African chiefs and societies reveal the intricacies of trade and cultural exchanges, often marked by exploitation and manipulation [52-55].

• Revolts and Discipline: A slave revolt aboard Canot’s ship underscores the constant threat of rebellion and the harsh measures taken to maintain control.

• Social Dynamics: The narrative also explores the social dynamics within Canot’s trading community, including the influence of alcohol and the tension between different ethnic groups.

First Publication: 1854. The book was first published in the United States by D. Appleton & Company in New York. This edition Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 301p.

Testimonials To The Merits Of Thomas Paine

Compiled By Joseph N. Moreau.

"Testimonials to the Merits of Thomas Paine" is a compilation authored by Joseph N. Moreau, first published in 1861. This work gathers various testimonials and commendations from notable figures, highlighting the significant impact of Thomas Paine's writings, such as "Common Sense," "The Crisis," "Rights of Man," "English System of Finance," and "Age of Reason." The collection aims to underscore Paine's contributions to political thought and his influence on revolutionary movements. In recent years, this historical work has been reprinted by publishers like Hansebooks, ensuring its continued availability to those interested in Paine's enduring legacy.

The\is 1874 edition is dedicated to Rev. M.D. Conway of Cincinnati, Ohio, recognizing him as the first clergyman to publicly defend Paine's reputation from the pulpit. This dedication underscores Moreau's intent to rehabilitate Paine's image, which had been tarnished due to his critiques of organized religion and his radical political views.

Beyond this compilation, specific details about Moreau's life and other works remain scarce. His contribution through this volume, however, reflects a 19th-century effort to acknowledge and preserve Thomas Paine's legacy in political thought and advocacy for individual rights.

Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 88p.

On The Border With Crook

By John BOURKE (Author), Graeme Newman (Editor)

"On the Border with Crook" by John G. Bourke is a historical account that provides a detailed narrative of the American Indian Wars, focusing on the campaigns led by General George Crook. Bourke, who served under Crook for fifteen years, offers a firsthand perspective on the military strategies and daily life of soldiers on the American frontier.

General George Crook was a notable United States Army officer who played significant roles in both the American Civil War and the Indian Wars. Born on September 8, 1828, in Ohio, Crook graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1852.

During the Civil War, Crook served with distinction in various battles, including the Second Battle of Bull Run, the Battle of Antietam, and the Battle of Chickamauga. After the war, he was assigned to the western frontier, where he became known for his campaigns against Native American tribes. His efforts in the Apache Wars and the Great Sioux War were particularly notable.

This new edition of the book originally published in 1891 has been thoroughly edited for its many grammatical and spelling errors, sometimes incomprehensible quaint usage of native American language, splatters of French and other European languages, and many, sometimes confusing attempts by Bourke, the original author, to express slang in the English language. The internal design and style of the book have also been modernized to allow for an easier and more comfortable read.

New York. Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 517p.

Political Writings of Thomas Paine: Volumes 1 and 2

By Thomas Paine

Thomas Paine's Political Writings Volumes 1 and 2 are a comprehensive collection of his most influential works, reflecting his pivotal role in the American and French Revolutions. These volumes include seminal texts such as Common Sense, The Rights of Man, and The Age of Reason, among others.

Volume 1 primarily covers Paine's early writings, including his famous pamphlet Common Sense, which powerfully argued for American independence from Britain. This volume also includes his series of essays titled The American Crisis, written during the Revolutionary War to inspire the American troops.

Volume 2 continues with Paine's later works, focusing on his contributions to political philosophy and his advocacy for social reforms. This volume includes The Rights of Man, in which Paine defends the French Revolution and argues for natural rights and democratic government. It also features The Age of Reason, in which Paine critiques organized religion and promotes deism.

Together, these volumes offer a thorough insight into Paine's revolutionary ideas and his enduring impact on political thought.

Thomas Paine's writings are rich with several recurring themes that reflect his revolutionary spirit and commitment to social justice. Here are some of the main themes:

1. Liberty and Independence: Paine passionately advocated for the independence of the American colonies from British rule. In "Common Sense," he argued that it was both a natural right and a practical necessity for the colonies to break free from British tyranny.

2. Rights of Man: Paine believed in the inherent rights of individuals. In "The Rights of Man," he defended the French Revolution and argued that all men are born with natural rights that should be protected by governments.

3. Democracy and Republicanism: Paine was a strong proponent of democratic principles and republican forms of government. He believed that governments should be based on the consent of the governed and that hereditary monarchy was an unjust and outdated system.

4. Social Justice and Equality: Paine's writings often touched on issues of social justice and economic equality. He advocated for progressive taxation, social welfare programs, and the abolition of slavery.

5. Reason and Secularism: In "The Age of Reason," Paine critiqued organized religion and promoted deism, emphasizing the importance of reason and scientific inquiry over religious dogma.

6. Revolution and Change: Paine saw revolution as a necessary means to achieve political and social change. He believed that oppressive systems should be overthrown to establish more just and equitable societies.

These themes collectively highlight Paine's vision for a world where individuals are free, equal, and governed by rational and just principles.

The Writings of Thomas Paine: Volumes 1-4

The four volumes of Thomas Paine's writings, edited by Moncure Daniel Conway, offer a comprehensive collection of Paine's influential works. Here's a brief summary of each volume:

  1. Volume 1 includes early political writings, such as Common Sense and The American Crisis. These works were pivotal in inspiring American colonists to seek independence from Britain. Paine's clear and persuasive arguments helped galvanize public opinion in favor of the revolutionary cause[1].

  2. Volume 2 focuses on Paine's writings during the French Revolution. It includes "Rights of Man," in which Paine defends the Revolution and argues for natural rights and democratic government. His critiques of monarchy and advocacy for social reforms are central themes.

  3. Volume 3 contains Paine's religious and philosophical writings, most notably "The Age of Reason." In this work, Paine critiques organized religion and promotes deism, emphasizing reason and scientific inquiry over religious dogma.

  4. Volume 4: This final volume includes Paine's later political and social writings, such as "Agrarian Justice." In it, Paine discusses economic inequality and proposes a form of social security funded by a landowner tax. The volume also includes various letters and essays on political and social issues.

These volumes collectively showcase Paine's profound impact on political thought and his enduring legacy as a champion of liberty, equality, and reason.

Unauthorised Migration: Timeline and Overview of UK-French Co-operation

By Melanie Gower

There is a long history of cooperation between the UK and France over immigration controls at their shared borders. This has been formalised through a series of bilateral agreements, including the Sangatte Protocol (1991) and the Treaty of Le Touquet (2003). The latter allowed for France and the UK to carry out immigration controls in each other’s territories at seaports. The Sandhurst Treaty (2018) provided a legal framework for broader cooperation on border and migration issues. Early agreements addressed security around the Channel Tunnel and ferry terminals and preventing people crossing the border by hiding in vehicles. Since 2019 cooperation has focused on small boat crossings. Small boats have been the predominant recorded method of irregular arrival in the UK since 2020. The Home Office says 82 organised criminal gangs responsible for people smuggling by small boats have been “dismantled” since a Joint Intelligence Cell with France was established in July 2020. UK funding commitments Many border control agreements since 2014 have had associated funding commitments. The UK will provide €541 million (around £476 million at the time of the agreement) between 2023/24 and 2025/26, under a three-year deal made in March 2023. France is due to make an unspecified “substantial and continuing” contribution. How is the effectiveness of UK spending assessed? There is limited official information published about how the funding attached to successive agreements is spent and monitored. The government says France and the UK jointly assess the impact of cooperation and funding through regular strategic reviews. The government doesn’t publish details of review outcomes. It says doing so could undermine border security controls and the UK-France relationship.

Recent statistics The UK–France Joint Leaders’ Declaration issued in March 2023 included an agreement to increase the interception rate of boats crossing the English Channel and to “drastically reduce the number of crossings year on year”. Fewer people and boats were detected arriving in the UK in 2023 compared with 2022. The number of people intercepted and returned to France was also lower. • 36% fewer people were detected arriving by small boats in 2023 than in 2022. The Home Office says this is largely explained by a 93% reduction in Albanian nationals arriving by small boats 2023, which it attributes to recent partnership work between the UK and Albania. Arrivals of other nationalities reduced by 14% overall. • 46% fewer boats were detected arriving in the UK without permission in 2023 than in 2022, although the average number of people in each boat increased from 41 to 49. • France prevented fewer crossing attempts in 2023 than in 2022. The Home Office says this reflects the decline in the overall number of crossing attempts in 2023. Data for the first nine months of 2024 shows the number of people arriving in small boats (25,244) was slightly more than for the same period in 2023 (24,830). This is despite fewer boats (479) arriving in the first nine months of 2024 than over the same period in 2023 (506). More recent provisional data shows significantly more people and boats arrived in October and November 2024 compared to in 2023. The Home Office has cited weather conditions as a relevant factor. Topical issues Some stakeholders, including Border Force unions, some MPs, and migrants’ rights advocates, have criticised agreements between the UK and France for falling short of what they think is needed to address unauthorised border crossings. Their alternative suggestions have included powers for French law enforcement to arrest and detain intercepted migrants; powers for UK counterparts in France; and enhanced safe and legal routes for asylum seekers wishing to come to the UK. There have been reports of French police intervening more to prevent small boat departures since the 2023 UK-France funding agreement. Some commentators have linked the increased funding with an increase in migrant fatalities in 2024. Recent UK governments have wanted formal agreements with European states to return unauthorised migrants who travel to the UK. So far, the Labour government has prioritised practical cooperation with neighbouring countries over pursuing a formal returns agreement with the EU.

London: UK House of Commons Library, 2024. 31p.

Unauthorised Migration: UK Returns Agreements with Other countries

By CJ McKinney, Melanie Gower

The UK has agreements with some countries for the return of people lacking legal residence. These agreements take various forms and are not usually published.

The attached briefing lists known agreements and links to the text where available. The government has confirmed the existence of some form of agreement with 24 countries since 2021, some recent and some struck up to 20 years ago:

In 2021, the government confirmed that it has formal returns agreements with Afghanistan, Algeria, Angola, Azerbaijan, China, Djibouti, Democratic Republic of Congo, Guinea, Iraq, Kuwait, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Korea, South Sudan, Switzerland and Vietnam. That accounts for 16 countries, excluding the deal with Afghanistan because it has been inoperable in practice since regime change later in 2021.

Since 2021, the government has signed formal returns agreements with Albania, Georgia, Serbia, Moldova and Pakistan. These five replaced European Union agreements with those countries in which the UK took part while an EU member.

In 2021, the UK and India agreed a migration and mobility partnership that included provisions on returns.

In 2024, the UK and Bangladesh announced an informal returns agreement described as standard operating procedures.

In 2020, the UK and Ireland set up an informal returns agreement covering asylum seekers (rather than British or Irish citizens), described as non-legally binding operational arrangements.

There may well be other informal or even formal agreements, the existence of which has not been disclosed. The arrangement with Ireland was not announced at the time and only came to public attention in 2024.

Agreements made in the form of a treaty are published and laid before Parliament, but the government is not required to publish a memorandum of understanding or operational protocol. It has refused, for example, to disclose the contents of the 2022 Pakistan agreement.

London: UK House of Commons Library, 2024. 10p.

Towards the More Effective Use of Irregular Migration Data in Policymaking

By Jasmijn Slootjes and Ravenna Sohst

Across Europe, concerns about irregular migration have dominated media headlines and shaped recent elections. Discussions of and policymaking related to irregular migration are often a numbers game, fueled by the latest estimates of changing migration trends and migrant populations. Data on irregular migration also influence decision-making, advocacy, and strategic and operational planning of a wide range of governmental and nongovernmental actors.

But despite playing such important roles, data on irregular migration are often inadequate—either lacking altogether, uneven, or difficult to access. This has consequences for policymakers, service providers, and other stakeholders that would benefit from better access to reliable data.

This MPI Europe policy brief explores obstacles that hinder the effective collection and use of irregular migration data, how this affects policymakers and other actors, and potential avenues for strengthening the evidence base. This study, which is part of the Measuring Irregular Migration and Related Policies (MIrreM) project, draws on insights shared in workshops and interviews by policymakers, subject matter experts, NGO representatives, and other stakeholders.

Brussels: Migration Policy Institute - Europe, 2024. 18p.

Shifting Sands: Migration Policy and Governance in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt

By Margaret Monyani

North Africa is a focal point for global migration flows, making effective and humane management approaches vital.

North Africa’s role in global migration needs effective, humane management. This report examines Libya, Tunisia and Egypt’s migration policies, highlighting their impact on stability and migrant safety. It emphasises the need for stable governance, socio-economic development and international cooperation. The report offers recommendations for balanced approaches that address security as well as humanitarian needs.

Key findings Socio-economic instability is still a key driver of migration in North Africa. High unemployment pushes people to look for opportunities abroad, exacerbating migration flows. Regional migration dynamics are complicated by external influences. Policies in Libya, Tunisia and Egypt focus on restricting migration to Europe rather than supporting the African Union’s (AU) Free Movement Protocol, which limits opportunities for regional integration and economic development. Recommendations Libya should: Advocate for a shift in international initiatives from a focus on migration control to one that emphasises human rights, dignity and the protection of migrants, particularly within EU-funded programmes Adopt non-detention approaches for migrants, such as community-based care, regularisation pathways and access to legal support, to prioritise their rights and well-being Tunisia should: Develop a comprehensive national asylum policy that aligns with international standards to better protect asylum seekers and refugees Revisit bilateral agreements with European nations to align them with regional African migration aims, supporting the AU’s Free Movement Protocol Bolster legal and operational capacities to disrupt smuggling networks through investment in resources and law enforcement training Ongoing conflict in Libya has created a vacuum where militias and smuggling networks control migration routes, leading to severe human rights abuses in unofficial detention centres. Human rights violations against migrants are widespread in Libya, while Tunisia and Egypt face challenges in providing legal protection and basic services to migrants. Egypt should: Implement policy reforms that focus on enhancing economic opportunities to address the root causes of migration, particularly through job creation and economic stability Revise visa restrictions to reduce irregular migration and encourage safer migration pathways Strengthen legal frameworks to combat human trafficking and foster deeper regional cooperation The AU should: Accelerate the ratification of the Free Movement Protocol by addressing specific political and logistical barriers in North Africa, promoting intraregional mobility Develop a platform for real-time information exchange on migration trends, human trafficking and smuggling networks, enhancing evidencebased decision making and rapid responses Strengthen cooperation with the EU to ensure migration policies prioritise both security concerns and migrants’ rights

Pretoria, South Africa: Institute for Security Studies, 2024. 24p.

Undeterred: Understanding Repeat Migration in Northern Central America

By Abby Córdova, Jonathan Hiskey, Mary Malone, and Diana Orcés

U.S. efforts to control unauthorized crossings of its southwest border have long rested on the idea of deterrence — if migrants know that a border is dangerous to cross and the likelihood of deportation is high, they will be dissuaded from trying in the first place. Despite the seemingly intuitive logic of this strategy, and the billions of dollars invested in it, deterrence efforts largely have failed, with the number of border crossings in recent years exceeding those of 30 years ago.

To understand why this decades-old, bipartisan deterrence strategy has proven ineffective, the authors focus on individuals from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras who have previous migration experience, with a vast majority of them seeking entry into the U.S. These individuals have direct knowledge of the difficulties and dangers a border crossing poses, yet many report plans to try to cross the border again. To understand why they persist, the authors rely on survey data specifically collected to better understand the root causes of international migration.

Journal on Migration and Human SecurityVolume 12, Issue 3, September 2024, Pages 160-181

The British Anti-Slavery Movement

May Contain Markup

By Sir Reginald Coupland

"The British Anti-Slavery Movement" by Sir Reginald Coupland is a comprehensive historical account detailing the efforts to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the British Empire. The book is structured into several chapters, each focusing on different aspects of the movement, from the African slave system to the abolition of slavery in the British Isles and colonies.It highlights the significant contributions of key figures such as William Wilber force, Granville Sharp, and Thomas Clarkson, who played pivotal roles in advocating for the end of slavery. Coupland also discusses the broader implications of the abolitionist movement, including its impact on British Imperial policy and its moral and humanitarian motivations.

The book delves into the various phases of the anti-slavery movement, including the fight against the foreign slave trade and the suppression of theEast African slave trade. Coupland provides a detailed narrative of the challenges and successes faced by the abolitionists, emphasizing the interplay between economic, political, and moral factors. The introduction to the second edition by J.D. Fage offers additional context, reflecting on Coupland's contributions to the field of imperial history and the ongoing relevance of his work. Overall, the book serves as a crucial resource for understanding the complexities and legacy of the British anti-slavery movement.

Frank Cass & Co LTD London, 1933, 255 pages

The Rise and Fall of the Immigration Act of 1924: A Greek Tragedy: Doing the right thing for the wrong reason, then doing the wrong thing for the right reason

By George Fishman

Summary

  • The Immigration Act of 1924 ushered in a four-decade-long Great Pause in mass immigration. This allowed the United States to assimilate the 20-plus million immigrants who arrived during the “Great Wave” that had begun in the 1880s. And the Act fostered a national economic climate conducive to the flowering of the American Dream, especially for Black Americans. Economists have concluded that from 1940 to 1970, largely paralleling the Great Pause, the average real earnings of white men rose by 210 percent and those of Black men rose by 406 percent.

  • Not only “progressives”, “liberals”, “conservatives”, and “racists” supported restrictionist policies. So did many Black leaders. A leading Black newspaper concluded that the dramatic decrease in immigration during the First World War “gave [Blacks] the opportunity to get a foothold in the economic world”, but that “there have been many grave doubts about their ability to keep this foothold when fierce competition set in again”. Another proclaimed that the war “showed us just how keen a competitor cheap European labor had been for” Black workers.

  • Roy Beck, founder of NumbersUSA, recently set forth an audacious hypothesis that the 1924 Act “was the greatest federal action in U.S. history — other than the Civil War Constitutional Amendments — in advancing the economic interests of the descendants of American slavery, and perhaps of all American workers”. The Act led to a tighter labor market, resulting in an openness and even a desire by employers both North and South to recruit Black workers. This, in turn, opened the door for the Great Migration of millions of Blacks out of the South and helped pave the way for the civil rights revolution of the 1960s. And it turned America into a middle-class society for whites and for Blacks. Beck’s hypothesis is not only plausible, it is the most compelling reading of the historical evidence.

  • But not only did the 1924 Act dramatically reduce immigration, it also established country-by-country immigration quotas in reaction to the vast increase in immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe since the 1880s. Sen. David Reed argued that “[i]t was natural that the[ new immigrants] should not understand our institutions” and that they were “wholly dissimilar to the native-born Americans … untrained in self-government”. Thus, “it was best for America that our incoming immigrants should hereafter be of the same races as those of us who are already here”. The debate over the 1924 Act focused to a large extent on often ugly racial rationales for restriction.

  • In 1965, Congress, in its zeal to remove the demon of national origins quotas, restarted mass immigration. Congress could have easily accomplished the former without the latter, but it did not do so. The results have been disastrous for our country, with a 19 percent drop in the average real earnings of white men (from 1970 to 2014) and a 32 percent drop for Black men.

Washington, DC: Center for Immigration Studies, 2024.

Mass Deportation: Devastating Costs to America, Its Budget and Economy

By American Immigration Council

In recent months, leading politicians and policymakers have renewed calls for mass deportations of immigrants from the United States. While similar promises have been made in the past without coming to fruition—during the 2016 presidential campaign, for example, Donald Trump pledged to create a “deportation force” to round up undocumented immigrants —mass deportation now occupies a standing role in the rhetoric of leading immigration hawks. To cite just one example, former U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) director Tom Homan has promised “a historic deportation operation” should a hawkish administration return to power.While some plans have envisioned a one-time, massive operation designed to round up, detain, and deport the undocumented population en masse, others have envisioned starting from a baseline of one million deportations per year.

Given that in the modern immigration enforcement era the United States has never deported more than half a million immigrants per year—and many of those have been migrants apprehended trying to enter the U.S., not just those already living here—any mass deportation proposal raises obvious questions: how, exactly, would the United States possibly carry out the largest law enforcement operation in world history? And at what cost?

Using data from the American Community Survey (ACS) along with publicly-available data about the current costs of immigration enforcement, this report aims to provide an estimation of what the fiscal and economic cost to the United States would be should the government deport a population of roughly 11 million people who as of 2022 lacked permanent legal status and faced the possibility of removal. We consider this both in terms of the direct budgetary costs—the expenses associated with arrest, detention, legal processing, and removal—that the federal government would have to pay, and in terms of the impact on the United States economy and tax base should these people be removed from the labor force and consumer market.

In terms of fiscal costs, we also include an estimate of the impact of deporting an additional 2.3 million people who have crossed the U.S. southern border without legal immigration status and were released by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) from January 2023 through April 2024. We consider these fiscal costs separately because we don’t have more recent ACS data necessary to estimate the total net changes in the undocumented population past 2022, or the larger impact on the economy and tax base of removing those people, an impact that is therefore not reflected in this report.

In total, we find that the cost of a one-time mass deportation operation aimed at both those populations—an estimated total of is at least $315 billion. We wish to emphasize that this figure is a highly conservative estimate. It does not take into account the long-term costs of a sustained mass deportation operation or the incalculable additional costs necessary to acquire the institutional capacity to remove over 13 million people in a short period of time—incalculable because there is simply no reality in which such a singular operation is possible. For one thing, there would be no way to accomplish this mission without mass detention as an interim step. To put the scale of detaining over 13 million undocumented immigrants into context, the entire U.S. prison and jail population in 2022, comprising every person held in local, county, state, and federal prisons and jails, was 1.9 million people.

In order to estimate the costs of a longer-term mass deportation operation, we calculated the cost of a program aiming to arrest, detain, process, and deport one million people per year—paralleling the more conservative proposals made by mass-deportation proponents. Even assuming that 20 percent of the undocumented population would “self-deport” under a yearslong mass-deportation regime, we estimate the ultimate cost of such a longer operation would average out to $88 billion annually, for a total cost of $967.9 billion over the course of more than a decade. This is a much higher sum than the one-time estimate, given the long-term costs of establishing and maintaining detention facilities and temporary camps to eventually be able to detain one million people at a time—costs that could not be modeled in a short-term analysis. This would require the United States to build and maintain 24 times more ICE detention capacity than currently exists. The government would also be required to establish and maintain over 1,000 new immigration courtrooms to process people at such a rate.

Even this estimate is likely quite conservative, as we were unable to estimate the additional hiring costs for the tens of thousands of agents needed to carry out one million arrests per year, the additional capital investments necessary to increase the ICE Air Operations fleet of charter aircraft to carry out one million annual deportations, and a myriad of other ancillary costs necessary to ramp up federal immigration enforcement operations to the scale necessary.

Some of the report’s key findings include:

  • A multi-year mass deportation campaign, which would expand the infrastructure needed to arrest, detain, process, and remove one million undocumented immigrants per year, would cost $88 billion on average per year or a total of $967.9 billion.

  • This operation would take over 10 years. For the same costs, the U.S. government could build 2.9 million new homes, pay full tuition and expenses for 8.9 million people to attend an in-state public college for four years or even increase annual worldwide funding for cancer research 18-fold for every year of the operation.

  • Mass deportation would also deal a devastating blow to the U.S. economy, shrinking our GDP between 4.2 to 6.8%, and hit key industries already struggling with chronic labor shortages.

Washington, DC> American Immigration Council, 2024. 54p.

Philosophical Perspectives on Punishment

MAY COTAIN MARKUP

Edited by Gertrude Ezorsky

Concepts of Punishment: Explore Definitions and fundamental ideas about punishment, including its role in enforcing obedience and expressing societal condemnation.

The Justification of Punishment:oTeleological Theories: Discusses punishment as a means to achieve beneficial outcomes, such as deterrence and reform.oRetributivism: Argues that punishment is justified as a form of justice and moral right.

Teleological Retributivism: Combines elements of both teleological and retributive theories, emphasizing justice and beneficial consequences.

Strict Liability: Examines the rationale and implications of imposing punishment without the need to prove intent or negligence.

The Death Penalty: Analyzes the moral and practical arguments for and against capital punishment.

Alternatives to Punishment:Investigates non-punitive measures such as rehabilitation and societal approaches to crime.

The book features contributions from notable philosophers like Plato, Immanuel Kant, John Stuart Mill, and Karl Marx, providing a comprehensive analysis of the ethical, legal, and social dimensions of punishment.

State University of New York Press, 2015, 377 pages

A Short History of British Expansion: The Modern Empire and Commonwealth

By James A. Williamson

The book “A Short History of British Expansion” by James A. Williamson provides a comprehensive overview of the British Empire’s growth and development, focusing on key historical events, policies, and figures that shaped its expansion. The fourth edition,published in 1958, includes revisions and extensions to cover events up to the end of 1952.

Industrial and Agricultural Revolutions (1783-1870):The effects of the American secession and the Industrial Revolution,including advancements in oceanic trade, factory enterprise, and transport. The Agricultural Revolution’s impact on increased output and enclosures.

Population Growth: Diverse views on the social effects of the revolutions.oSignificant growth in British and Irish populations and 19th-century emigration.

Fundamental Ideas:oShifts in national outlook pre-and post-1870.oThe rise of free trade, influenced by Adam Smith’s“Wealth of Nations,”andthe Manchester School’s economic reforms.

Oceanic Expansion:oExploration of the Pacific and improvements in shipping and navigation.oKey voyages by Cook, Vancouver, and others, and the impact of theNapoleonic Wars on colonial policies.

Great Britain and Latin America: The emancipation of Spanish colonies and the opening of China and Japan. Changes in oceanic trade and the development of new trades like tea, rice,and jute.

Colonial Administration: Changes in colonial governance post-American secession.oThe rise of Radical imperialists and the Manchester School’s influence on free trade and colonial self-government.

Macmillan, 1967, 391 pages

Mayhew's London

MAY COTAIN MARKUP

Edited by Peter Quennell

Publication and Influence: First published in 1851, Mayhew’s work influencedCharles Dickens and provided a background for his novels. A new edition with improvements appeared ten years later, and a fourth volume was added in 1862.

Abridged Edition: Quennell’s edition focuses on the graphic and personal side ofMayhew’s survey, offering a detailed panorama of London in the1850s.

Social Classes: The book categorizes various street people, including costermongers, patterers, street performers, and mechanics, detailing their habits,amusements, and social dynamics.

Costermongers: A significant portion of the document is dedicated to costermongers, their unique slang, economic practices, and community life. It Discusses their gambling habits, political views, and interactions with the police.

Education and Language: The document highlights the uneducated state of costermongers, their distinctive slang language, and the education of their children.

Honesty and Conveyances: Insights into the honesty among costermongers, their conveyances, and the Smithfield races where they buy their donkeys.

Daily Life and Work: Costermongers operate in various parts of London, often in poorer neighborhoods, starting their day early to buy goods from markets like Billingsgate.

Economic Practices: Many do not own their stock or equipment, borrowing at high interest rates. They use slang weights and measures to maximize profits.

Spring Books, 1851, 592 pages