By M. H. Cochran (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Michael H. Cochran’s Germany Not Guilty in 1914, published in 1931, stands as a provocative and revisionist challenge to the dominant narrative of German culpability for the outbreak of World War I. Written in response to Bernadotte Schmitt’s influential The Coming of the War, Cochran’s book offers a meticulous critique of the “war guilt” thesis enshrined in the Treaty of Versailles, which placed sole responsibility for the war on Germany. With a foreword by Harry Elmer Barnes and later commentary by Henry Adams, the book is deeply embedded in the interwar historiographical debates that questioned the moral and political foundations of postwar peace settlements.

Published during a period of growing disillusionment with the Versailles Treaty and rising revisionist sentiment in the United States and Europe, Cochran’s work was part of a broader intellectual movement that sought to rehabilitate Germany’s image and challenge the punitive postwar order. While not universally accepted, the book found an audience among scholars and political thinkers who viewed the war guilt clause as unjust and historically flawed. Its reception was mixed—praised for its rigor and boldness, but criticized for its perceived apologetics and selective use of evidence.

In 2025, Germany Not Guilty in 1914 remains relevant not only as a historical artifact but as a lens through which to examine the politics of blame, the construction of historical narratives, and the enduring consequences of diplomatic failure. The evolution from “guilt” to “responsibility” reflects broader changes in how societies understand conflict, justice, and reconciliation. As international law and historical memory continue to intersect—especially in debates over reparations, war crimes, and collective trauma—Cochran’s challenge to the Versailles narrative invites reflection on how history is written, who writes it, and to what ends.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. p.166.

By Harry Elmer Barnes (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Harry Elmer Barnes’s In Quest of Truth and Justice stands as a provocative and enduring challenge to the way history is written, remembered, and weaponized. Published in 1928, the book is a cornerstone of historical revisionism, particularly in its reassessment of the causes and culpability of World War I. Barnes argued that the dominant narrative—one that placed sole blame on Germany—was not only historically inaccurate but also morally unjust. He believed that truth and justice in historical scholarship required a fearless confrontation with political orthodoxy and propaganda, especially when such narratives served the interests of victors and power structures.
Barnes’s work was not merely an academic exercise; it was a moral crusade against what he saw as the corruption of historical truth by political expediency. He insisted that historians must act as independent arbiters of fact, not as servants of state ideology. His critique of the Treaty of Versailles and the war guilt clause was rooted in a broader concern: that distorted history could perpetuate injustice, fuel future conflicts, and undermine democratic accountability.
This ethos—of challenging dominant narratives and seeking justice through historical clarity—finds powerful echoes in today’s global conflicts, particularly in Ukraine and Gaza. Both crises are steeped in competing historical claims, contested identities, and politicized narratives that shape international responses and public opinion.
In both Ukraine and Gaza, Barnes’s legacy invites us to ask uncomfortable questions: Who controls the narrative? Whose history is being told, and whose is being silenced? Are we pursuing truth and justice, or merely reinforcing the power structures of the present?
Ultimately, In Quest of Truth and Justice is not just a historical text—it is a call to intellectual courage. In an age of polarized media, geopolitical propaganda, and moral ambiguity, Barnes’s work reminds us that history is not a weapon to be wielded by the powerful, but a mirror in which societies must confront their own truths. As we grapple with the complexities of Ukraine and Gaza, his message remains urgent: justice begins with honest history.

By Munroe Smith. Introduction by Colin Heston.

When Munroe Smith, the American jurist and scholar of comparative constitutional law, published Militarism and Statecraft in the early twentieth century, the world stood at a threshold. The balance of power in Europe was faltering, national ambitions clashed violently with the ideals of peace and progress, and the question of whether nations could master the destructive temptations of militarism was no longer abstract. It was a pressing reality. Smith’s concern was not simply with armies and weapons, but with the deeper political psychology that drives nations toward war. He sought to expose how the logic of militarism—discipline, hierarchy, and force—could infiltrate civil government, undermining the very statecraft that was supposed to serve reason, justice, and stability.

At the time of its writing, Smith was addressing the dangers of an era when Prussian militarism, the rivalries of empires, and the failure of diplomacy threatened the international order. His work can be read as both analysis and warning: a sober reflection on how the pursuit of military superiority can distort the priorities of states, drawing them away from long-term peace toward short-term domination. For Smith, the central challenge was not only to prepare adequately for defense but also to ensure that the military ethos did not overwhelm civil society and political judgment.

The value of these reflections is not confined to Smith’s age. In 2025, more than a century later, the tension between militarism and statecraft persists, albeit in new forms. The end of the Cold War did not usher in an era of lasting peace, but rather revealed the fragility of international institutions and the persistence of rival nationalisms. Today, the global order is marked by renewed great-power competition, particularly between the United States and China, alongside Russia’s continuing assertiveness in Europe. The conflicts in Ukraine, the South China Sea, and the Middle East remind us that the balance of deterrence and diplomacy remains unstable.

Moreover, the rise of advanced technologies—autonomous weapons systems, cyberwarfare, artificial intelligence in military planning, and the militarization of outer space—has created new arenas where Smith’s questions echo with urgency. If he warned against the creeping influence of military logic on the political state, how much more should we be concerned when the logic of algorithms and machine efficiency begins to shape the most consequential decisions of war and peace? The issue is no longer only about armies marching across borders but about invisible lines of code and satellites in orbit—yet the fundamental danger is the same: that the tools of defense become ends in themselves, driving state policy rather than serving it.

Smith also recognized that militarism poses a danger to the vitality of democratic institutions. In times of insecurity, citizens may surrender too readily to centralized authority, trading liberties for promises of safety. In 2025, as societies grapple with disinformation campaigns, rising authoritarianism, and deep political polarization, Smith’s warning acquires a renewed resonance. The militarization of politics—whether through expanded security states, the rhetoric of perpetual conflict, or the invocation of national emergency—remains a challenge to civic freedom.

What Smith offers, therefore, is not a simple rejection of military power but a call for balance. Statecraft requires prudence, restraint, and a recognition of the limits of force. True security, he suggests, cannot rest on militarism alone, for unchecked military logic corrodes the very foundations of peace. In 2025, as nations navigate the double-edged sword of military innovation and the uncertainty of a multipolar world, his insights invite us to reflect on the perennial dilemma: how can we cultivate security without letting the instruments of war dominate our political imagination?

To read Militarism and Statecraft today is to encounter a voice from another century that speaks to our own. It reminds us that the dilemmas of power, security, and diplomacy are not new, even as the technologies and actors change. Smith’s work urges us to see beyond immediate crises and to measure the costs of militarism not only in battles fought, but in the subtle ways it reshapes our societies, our freedoms, and our possibilities for peace. If the twenty-first century is to avoid the mistakes of the twentieth, it will be by heeding the balance that Smith demanded: a statecraft that governs militarism, rather than a militarism that governs the state.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 151p.

By Jesse Frederick Steiner

In Community Organization, Jesse Frederick Steiner offers a pioneering exploration of how communities evolve, organize, and mobilize to meet collective needs. First published in 1925, this seminal work remains a cornerstone in the fields of sociology and social work, providing timeless insights into the dynamics of community life.

Steiner masterfully examines the interplay between economic forces, social institutions, and grassroots movements, tracing the development of key initiatives such as the playground movement, school-community centers, public health campaigns, and the rise of the American Red Cross. Through detailed case studies and philosophical reflections, he reveals how communities can transform from fragmented groups into cohesive, purpose-driven entities.

Whether you're a student of social sciences, a community leader, or simply passionate about civic engagement, Community Organization offers a rich, thoughtful framework for understanding and shaping the social fabric of our lives.

The Century Co. NY. London. 1825. 401p.

By Albert Kales (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Albert M. Kales’s Unpopular Government in the United States, published in 1914, is a searching and often unsettling examination of the American democratic system at a time when the country was undergoing profound political and social transformation. Kales, a legal scholar and reform advocate, wrote during the Progressive Era—a period marked by widespread concern over corruption, inefficiency, and the growing disconnect between the ideals of democracy and the realities of governance. His book is not a polemic but a carefully reasoned argument that seeks to understand why a government founded on popular sovereignty could become so alienated from the people it purports to serve. An important aspect of Kales’s reform agenda is his emphasis on civic education. He believes that a more informed electorate is essential to the health of democracy and calls for greater efforts to educate citizens about the workings of government and the responsibilities of citizenship. He also supports mechanisms such as the initiative and referendum, which allow citizens to bypass legislatures and enact laws directly, though he cautions that these tools must be used judiciously to avoid further complicating the political process.

Although Kales’s book did not become a staple of political science curricula, it has been periodically rediscovered by scholars interested in the history of democratic theory, administrative reform, and the Progressive movement. His insights into voter disengagement and the structural barriers to meaningful democratic participation have gained renewed relevance in contemporary discussions about democratic backsliding, political polarization, and the role of technocracy in modern governance. However, many of Kales’s core ideas continue to resonate in modern political systems, particularly in debates about democratic participation, judicial independence, and the role of expertise in governance.

By August Bebel (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

August Bebel’s Woman and Socialism is one of the most influential and enduring works in the history of socialist and feminist thought. First published in 1879 as Die Frau und der Sozialismus, the book represents a groundbreaking synthesis of Marxist theory and the struggle for women’s emancipation. Bebel, a co-founder of the German Social Democratic Party and a leading figure in the international socialist movement, sought to demonstrate that the liberation of women was not only compatible with socialism but essential to its realization. His work remains a foundational text for understanding the intersection of class and gender oppression, and it continues to resonate in contemporary debates about equality, labor, and social justice.

Woman and Socialism is not merely a critique; it is also a vision of transformation. Bebel outlines how a socialist society would fundamentally alter the conditions of women’s lives. In such a society, he argues, the means of production would be collectively owned, and both men and women would participate equally in productive labor. The state would assume responsibility for many of the functions traditionally relegated to women—such as childcare, education, and elder care—thus freeing women from the confines of domestic servitude. Marriage would become a voluntary and egalitarian union, based on mutual affection rather than economic necessity.

Bebel’s work is notable for its breadth and depth. He addresses a wide range of issues, including education, reproductive rights, prostitution, and the role of women in political movements. He also engages with contemporary debates within the socialist movement, challenging those who viewed the “woman question” as secondary or divisive. For Bebel, the emancipation of women is not a peripheral concern but a central pillar of socialist theory and practice. He argues that a society cannot be truly free or just if half its population remains oppressed. Bebel explores a wide range of themes that connect the struggle for women’s emancipation with the broader goals of socialism.

Bebel’s introduction itself serves as both a historical overview and a political manifesto. It invites readers to reconsider the roots of gender inequality and to imagine a future in which social and economic structures support, rather than hinder, human flourishing. Bebel’s synthesis of feminism and socialism was ahead of its time, and his insistence on the inseparability of class and gender struggles remains a powerful and relevant message. His work continues to inspire activists, scholars, and readers committed to building a more equitable world.

There are a number of editions and translations each edition slightly different. For example, sometime the title is written as Woman Under Socialism. The extensive use of tables of statistics also varies form one edition to another. This edition has been reformatted, designed, abridged and annotated with an Introduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston to remove errors and other distracting content that occurred in the original edition, making the book more accessible for the present day reader.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 359p.

By Allan L. Benson (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Allan L. Benson’s The Truth About Socialism is a bold and impassioned political manifesto that seeks to demystify socialism for the American public and to present it not as a foreign ideology or a utopian dream, but as a practical and necessary response to the injustices of early 20th-century capitalism. Written during a time of profound economic inequality, labor unrest, and political disillusionment, the book is both a critique of the existing capitalist order and a call to action for working-class Americans to reclaim their rightful share of the nation’s wealth and power. Benson is particularly effective in dismantling the myths and fears surrounding socialism. He anticipates the objections of his critics—those who equate socialism with tyranny, inefficiency, or the loss of individual freedom—and responds with clarity and conviction. He argues that true freedom cannot exist in a society where economic survival depends on the whims of employers and where political power is bought and sold by the wealthy. For Benson, socialism is not the enemy of liberty but its fulfillment: a system in which all people have the material security and democratic voice necessary to live freely and fully.

Benson's introduction to The Truth About Socialism sets the stage for a powerful and accessible exploration of socialist principles. It combines moral passion with analytical rigor, historical insight with political urgency. Benson’s work remains a compelling document of its time, reflecting the hopes and struggles of a generation seeking to build a more just and equitable society. It also continues to resonate today, as debates over inequality, labor rights, and the role of government in the economy remain as vital as ever.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 132p.

By William English Walling (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

William English Walling’s The Socialists and the War: A Documentary Statement of the Position of the Socialists of All Countries; With Special Reference to Their Peace Policy is a powerful and timely compilation that captures the ideological and political turmoil that gripped the international socialist movement during the First World War. Published in 1915, at the height of the global conflict, the book serves as both a historical record and a moral inquiry into how socialist parties and leaders across nations responded to the unprecedented crisis of global warfare. Walling, a prominent American socialist and journalist, undertakes the ambitious task of documenting the fractured responses of socialist organizations to the war, revealing both the strength and the fragility of international solidarity in the face of nationalism and militarism.
The introduction to this volume sets the tone for a work that is as much about disillusionment as it is about documentation. Walling begins by acknowledging the deep betrayal felt by many socialists when the war broke out and major socialist parties—particularly in Germany, France, and Britain—chose to support their respective national war efforts. This decision, in many cases, ran counter to the long-standing commitments of the Second International, which had pledged to oppose imperialist wars and to promote working-class unity across national borders. Walling does not shy away from the painful truth: that the war exposed the limits of internationalism and revealed the powerful grip of nationalism even within movements that had long claimed to transcend it.
A central theme of the book is the tension between socialist ideals and national loyalties. Walling presents a wide array of primary documents—speeches, party resolutions, manifestos, and editorials—that illustrate how socialist leaders justified their support for or opposition to the war. Some, like the German Social Democrats, argued that they were defending their nation against aggression; others, like the Russian Bolsheviks and a minority of Western European socialists, condemned the war as a capitalist enterprise and called for revolutionary opposition. Walling’s editorial voice is present throughout, guiding the reader through these conflicting positions and offering critical commentary on their implications.
Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 523p.

By William English Walling (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

William English Walling’s Socialism As It Is: A Survey of the World-Wide Revolutionary Movement is a landmark work in early 20th-century political thought, offering a penetrating and pragmatic analysis of the global socialist movement at a time when it was rapidly gaining momentum. Published in 1912, the book stands apart from many contemporary treatments of socialism by refusing to rely solely on abstract theory or ideological polemic. Instead, Walling grounds his analysis in the lived realities, organizational structures, and political strategies of socialist parties and labor movements across the world. His goal is not to speculate on what socialism might become, but to examine what socialism already is—how it functions, how it evolves, and how it interacts with the broader forces of capitalism, democracy, and industrial society.
From the outset, Walling makes clear that his focus is on the practical socialism of organized movements, not the utopian visions or doctrinal purity of theorists. He critiques both the uncritical idealism of some socialist writers and the dismissive caricatures offered by opponents of socialism. Instead, he insists that socialism must be understood through its actions—through the decisions made in party congresses, the resolutions passed by labor unions, and the policies pursued by socialist representatives in parliaments and municipalities. This empirical approach allows Walling to present socialism not as a monolith, but as a dynamic and multifaceted phenomenon, shaped by national contexts, historical contingencies, and internal debates.
Ultimately, Socialism As It Is is a work of both scholarship and advocacy. Walling writes with the conviction that socialism is not only a viable political force but a necessary one, capable of addressing the deep inequalities and instabilities of modern industrial society. Yet he is also clear-eyed about the challenges the movement faces—from internal divisions to external repression, from ideological rigidity to political compromise. His introduction sets the tone for a book that is both analytical and engaged, offering readers a nuanced and grounded understanding of socialism not as a distant ideal, but as a living, evolving force in the world.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 361p.

By Daniel Rueda

The Rise of Nationalist Populism explores the intersection between populism and nationalism, conducted through the discursive analysis of three Populist Radical Right parties that have gained prominence during the 2010s: Rassemblement National (France), Lega (Italy) and Vox (Spain). Due to its rise in Europe, the United States, and further afield, there is a growing interest in right-wing populism, an exclusionary and illiberal form of populism that has been able to attain success in several countries. This book contributes to the analysis of how populism, understood as a way of constructing the political, is shaped by the ideologies that permeate it. It examines how a certain form of nationalism is shaped by populist dynamics, that is by a certain form of identity-building. The book analyses the intersection between nationalism and populism in right-wing populist parties by using a discourse analysis methodology based on Ernesto Laclau’s works, thus conducting an examination similar to the ones presented by the Essex School of Discourse Analysis. The empirical analysis focuses on party literature and carefully selected candidate speeches at a national level for its three case studies, as well as providing an overarching comparison. The book shows how the economic crisis and the irruption of issues related to sovereignty and national identity arising in France, Italy and Spain paved the way for the emergence of their respective right-wing populist forces. The book will appeal to researchers and students of political science,

Oxford, UK: Routledge, 2025. 274p.

By Mary E. Richmond

“The Long View” serves both as a historical document and as a critique of the limitations and challenges facing social work in the early 20th century. The title itself suggests her forward-thinking approach, urging practitioners to consider the long-term effects of their interventions rather than focusing solely on immediate relief. In this sense, the book represents a call for a more holistic and preventive approach to social work rather than a reactive or crisis-driven model. A key strength of her work is Richmond’s insistence on the importance of professionalization in social work. She argues for a rigorous, research-informed approach to casework, emphasizing the need for training, standardization, and ethical responsibility. This argument anticipates later debates in the field about the tension between bureaucratic efficiency and personalized, client-centered care. Richmond’s work in this book also highlights her concern with the social and structural determinants of poverty, distinguishing her from social workers who focus primarily on individual moral failings.

Originally published 1930 Russell Sage Fdn. Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 411p.

CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION, US. Department of Justice

• Tulsa Race Massacre: Violent attack on Black community of Greenwood, Oklahoma, May 31-June 1, 1921.
• Massive Destruction: 10,000 white Tulsans destroyed homes, businesses; hundreds of Black residents killed.
• Law Enforcement’s Role: Deputized white residents participated in violence, looting, and arson.
• Failure of Justice: Authorities failed to help survivors; legal attempts for reparations were unsuccessful.
• Historical Reckoning: DOJ review acknowledges massacre’s impact, despite expired statutes of limitations.
• Legal Analysis: Modern laws could have prosecuted hate crimes, but were unavailable in 1921.
• Insurance Denials: Black residents denied compensation due to “riot clause” in policies.
• Federal Investigation: DOJ’s Cold Case Unit reviewed the events under the Emmett Till Act.
• Government’s Role: White officials obstructed rebuilding efforts, imposed restrictive fire codes.
• Survivors’ Plight: Left without resources, faced systemic racism and state-sanctioned brutality.
• Historical Documentation: Review includes survivor accounts, primary materials, and past investigations.
• Confrontation Trigger: Arrest of Dick Rowland and sensationalized newspaper article incited violence.
• Continued Efforts: Work to ensure future generations understand the massacre’s magnitude continues.

CIVIL RIGHTS DIVISION, US. Department of Justice. 2025. 126p

United States. Department Of Defense;

From the document: "This report covers unidentified anomalous phenomena (UAP) reports from May 1, 2023 to June 1, 2024 and all UAP reports from any previous time periods that were not included in an earlier report. The All-domain Anomaly Resolution Office (AARO) received 757 UAP reports during this period; 485 of these reports featured UAP incidents that occurred during the reporting period. The remaining 272 reports featured UAP incidents that occurred between 2021 and 2022 but were not reported to AARO until this reporting period and consequently were not included in previous annual UAP reports. AARO resolved 118 cases during the reporting period, all of which resolved to prosaic objects such as various types of balloons, birds, and unmanned aerial systems (UAS). As of May 31, 2024, AARO has an additional 174 cases queued for closure, pending a final review and Director's approval. As of the publishing date of this report, all 174 cases have been finalized as resolved to prosaic objects including balloons, birds, UAS, satellites, and aircraft. Many other cases remain unresolved and AARO continues collection and analysis on that body of cases. It is important to underscore that, to date, AARO has discovered no evidence of extraterrestrial beings, activity, or technology. None of the reports AARO received during the reporting period indicated that observers suffered any adverse health effects."

United States. All-Domain Anomaly Resolution Office. 14 NOV, 2024. 18p.

May Contain Markup

By Murray Clark Havens, Carl Leiden & Karl M. Schmitt

Nature of Assassination: The book explores the definition, scope, andstate of knowledge on political assassinations, emphasizing their impact on political systems.

Case Studies: It includes detailed case studies of notable assassinations,such as Martin Luther King Jr., Henrik Verwoerd, and Patrice Lumumba,analyzing the assassins, conspiracies, and impacts.

Impact Analysis: The authors discuss the varying impacts of assassinations, from negligible to destructive, on political systems,personnel, and policies.

Research Challenges: The book highlights the difficulties in studying assassinations, including data collection and interpretation, and calls for further research in this area.

Prentice-Hall, 1970, 174 pages

by A. G. R U S S E L.L

● Focus on Race and Colour: The document explores the social and economic implications of racial differentiation, particularly within the British Colonial Empire, emphasizing the practical importance of these issues over physical differences.

● Historical Context: It discusses the historical development of racial issues, including the impact of European expansion and the Industrial Revolution on race relations.

● Colonial Exploitation: The text highlights the economic exploitation of colonies, particularly in Africa, and the profits made by European companies at the expense of native labor.

● Educational Challenges: The document addresses the educational disparities faced by colonized peoples and critiques the Western educational system for its failure to adequately serve these populations.

London. Gollancz. 1944. 273p.

By W.D. Weatherford,

Addresses the complex issue of racial adjustment and is introduced by James H. Dillard. It explores the history and progress of Black people from Africa to America, highlighting the struggles and achievements in the face of adversity. The author emphasizes the importance of mutual understanding and trust between races to overcome racial antipathy and achieve social justice. Historical Context: The book provides a detailed account of the African background, the impact of slavery, and the ongoing challenges faced by Black people in America.

NEGRO UNIVERSITIES PRESS. NEW YORK. 1924. 483p.

SHANTON, KAREN L.; WOLANIN, TYLER L.

From the document: "Provisions for a secret ballot appear in all states' laws or constitutions [hyperlink]. Consensus that the ballot should be secret--that voters should not be able to be linked to their selections--is a somewhat recent development in American history. How to preserve ballot secrecy and balance it against other election objectives like promoting transparency, protecting against fraud, and ensuring accessibility for all eligible voters is also an ongoing issue, featuring in current election policy debates."

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE. 5 JUL, 2024 4p.

UNITED STATES. CYBERSECURITY & INFRASTRUCTURE SECURITY AGENCY; UNITED STATES. FEDERAL BUREAU OF INVESTIGATION;

From the document: "The Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), in coordination with the Department of Homeland Security's (DHS) Office of Intelligence and Analysis (I&A), the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency (CISA), and the U.S. Election Assistance Commission (EAC) prepared this overview to help partners defend against insider threat concerns that could materialize during the 2024 election cycle. For years, federal, state, local, and private sector partners nationwide have worked closely together to support state and local officials in safeguarding election infrastructure from cyber, physical, and insider threats. Because of these efforts, there is no evidence that malicious actors changed, altered, or deleted votes or had any impact on the outcome of elections. Over the past several years, the election infrastructure community has experienced multiple instances of election system access control compromises conducted by insider threats. While there is no evidence that malicious actors impacted election outcomes, it is important that election stakeholders at all levels are aware of the risks posed by insider threats and the steps that they can take to identify and mitigate these threats. This document outlines several recent examples of election security-related insider threats, discusses potential scenarios that could arise during the 2024 election cycle, and provides recommendations for how to mitigate the risk posed by insider threats."

UNITED STATES. ELECTION ASSISTANCE COMMISSION; UNITED STATES. DEPARTMENT OF HOMELAND SECURITY. 2024. 9p.

By Abby Chin

At the Olympic Games Rio de Janeiro 2016, world champion and Russian swimmer Yulia Efimova walked into the Olympics Aquatics Stadium not to cheers, but to the sound of boos.2 The crowd, and many athletes, condemned Efimova as a drug-using outcast who should not be allowed to compete in the Games. At the Rio Olympic Games, Efimova was one of seven swimmers from the Russian Federation who were formerly banned from the competition due to previously failed drug tests and the “World Anti-Doping Agency’s investigation into state-sponsored doping.”3 However, after an intense arbitration process, Efimova and her teammates were approved for competition. Efimova’s doping dispute began in 2013 when she received her first positive drug test and served a sixteen-month suspension.4 Next, in 2016, she tested positive for meldonium—the substance at issue for the alleged Russian state-sponsored doping.5 However, because meldonium did not officially become a banned substance until January 2016, many athletes claimed that, although they were no longer actively taking it, they were still testing positive because traces of meldonium were left in their system.6 This left a question about who would decide an athlete’s future competition eligibility after a positive test. While many different agencies were involved, Efimova’s positive drug test came from the World Anti Doping Agency (WADA). A positive test usually leads to a suspension, which athletes can appeal through the Court of Arbitration for Sports (CAS). However, because the positive test results occurred in an Olympic year—and with the was scrutiny of the entire Russian Olympic Federation—the International Olympic Committee (IOC) would also influence the outcome of the doping investigation.7 In its press release, the IOC stated athletes who had served prior suspensions unrelated to meldonium would be banned.8 If meldonium was the athlete’s first offense, it was up to the individual federations governing each sport to decide the fate of each individual athlete.9 However, the IOC decision conflicted with CAS precedent, which allowed athletes to return to competition with a clean slate after serving their entire suspension for a positive drug test.10 As a result, there was confusion and uncertainty as to whether these Olympic athletes could compete.11 Efimova appealed to the CAS, requesting to be reinstated to compete as she had already served her suspension. The CAS, believing it was inappropriate to ban athletes like Efimova for having already served suspension, granted the appeal.12 Efimova was able to compete in Rio despite the backlash of many other competitors and nations.13 Whether Efimova deserved the backlash, it became clear there was a significant problem with the uncertainty and lack of knowledge as to the appropriate process for punishing athletes who tested positive. Through the different rulings of the three major governing bodies involved, Efimova was placed under rigid scrutiny, in part because people did not understand the disciplinary process, her right to an appeal, and her right to receive relief from her sanction. This Note will examine the effect of the governing bodies, specifically during an Olympic year, on athletes involved in doping disputes and suggest a more streamlined arbitration process for the governing bodies to use when determining the eligibility of athletes in doping disputes. Currently, the arbitration process lacks transparency and efficiency because of the arbitrator selection process, the costs associated with bringing a dispute in front of an appeals panel, and the mandatory nature of arbitration in international sports. Hence, to create more just dispute outcomes, the arbitration process should become more informal, and athletes should be given the option for a final appeal. Section II of this Note discusses the different governing bodies and their processes for dealing with doping disputes. Section III demonstrates how the different governing bodies work around each other when handling disputes. This section also analyzes the positive and negative impacts of the way in which governing bodies work together. Section IV explores Efimova’s doping dispute in depth to provide an example of the arbitration process. Section V specifically describes the current concerns with the CAS arbitration process and ultimately offers a possible solution for a better-streamlined dispute process, such as modifying the current arbitration and arbitrator selection proceedings or allowing for an appeal from a CAS arbitrator decision.

OHIO STATE JOURNAL ON DISPUTE RESOLUTION [Vol. 33:3 2018]

HO, BIANCA; DOYLE, KIERAN

From the document: "Pro-Palestine demonstrations involving students in the United States have nearly tripled from 1 to 26 April compared with all of March, ACLED [ [Armed Conflict Location and Event Data]] data show [...]. New York has been one of the main student protest battlegrounds since the Israel-Palestine conflict flared up in and around Gaza last October, and the arrest of more than 100 students at Columbia University in New York around 18 April heralded a new wave of campus demonstrations."

ARMED CONFLICT LOCATION & EVENT DATA PROJECT. 2 MAY, 2024. 5p.