By Kamalini Wijayatilake and Camena Guneratne

The Sri Lanka Report on domestic violence was undertaken by CENWOR for the regional project on Monitoring Progress in the Elimination of Discrimination Against and the Achievement of Equality for women, conducted by the International Women’s Rights Action Watch Asia-Pacific (IWRAW-AP). The purpose of the project was to create a mechanism by which to assess and facilitate the fulfilment of State obligations under the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women and the Beijing Platform for Action. CENWOR as the focal point in Sri Lanka for this project was required to identify a priority area to be monitored based on whether it results in extensive gender disparities. CENWOR identified violence against women as the area it would study, with specific reference to domestic violence. The first activity of the project would be to produce a baseline report on the identified issue as a basis on which to measure the fulfilment of the State’s obligations in the advancement of women’s rights.

Asia Pacific Gender Equality Network (APGEN), Centre for Women’s Research (CENWOR) Colombo, 2002, 105p.

Report completed by Jane E. M Callaghan and Joanne H. Alexander

This epot fouses o hildes epeiees of doesti iolee, i failies affeted doesti iolee. Ou epot is oeed ith hildes epeiees i situatios hee the ai perpetrator and victim of violence would be legally defined as two adults in an intimate relationship ot hee the hild is ioled i datig iolee.  Research and professional practice that focuses on children as damaged witnesses to domestic violence tends to describe children as passive and helpless. Our study, based on interviews with more than a hundred children across four European countries, recognises the significant suffering caused to children who experience domestic violence. However, it also tells a parallel story, about the capacity of children who experience domestic violence to cope, to maintain a sense of agency, to be resilient, and to find ways of resisting violence, and build a positive sense of who they are.

UNARS, 2015, 272p.

By Amy Stanton

There is a scarcity of research that considers the role of school for children who have relocated because of domestic violence and abuse. In spite of this, the impact on school age children is well evidenced and can have severe long- lasting implications for a child in their ecosystem (CAADA, 2014; Sterne & Poole, 2010). This research used qualitative methodology and a social constructionist perspective underpinned by Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological theory to investigate how children 7 – 10 years experienced school when they had relocated because of domestic violence and abuse. Data was collected from five children using vignettes and drawings. Four Deputy Head Teachers, one Inclusion Manager and five Educational Psychologists were interviewed using a semi-structured interview. Thematic Analysis was used to analyse the accounts of children and school professionals. The findings showed children felt under threat in the classroom and playground

UCL Institute of Education

By R.A.Duff*

Both the trial judge and the Court of Appeal seemed to base their view that a mistaken belief in consent must be reasonable if it is to secure an acquittal on evidential principles, not on the substantive principle that one who acts on an unreasonable belief really has the mens rea of rape. That mens rea consists, they agreed, in "the intention to do the prohibited act":" it involves an awareness of the woman's lack of consent, and is in principle negatived by any honest belief in consent. But proof of the fact of non-consensual intercourse creates a presumption that the defendant knew she did not consent, and casts on him the evidential burden of adducing evidence to rebut that presumption. "before any issue as to his state of mind can arise for the jury's consideration".' This burden is not discharged by "a bald assertion of belief for which the accused can indicate no reasonable ground"," but only by evidence of a reasonable belief: if such evidence is adduced, the prosecution must prove either that that belief was not honestly held or that it was not reasonable.

The Liverpool Law Review VoJ. III (2) 119811, 16p.

By Rachel Egan & Janet Clare Wilson

The present study examined victims’ attitudes to rape and rape-reporting behaviour. There were 36 Rape Victims, and approximately half reported their rape to the police (Rape Victim – Report) and half did not report their rape to the police (Rape Victim – Not Report). There were 42 Crime Victims, and approximately half reported the crime to the police (Crime Victim – Report) and half did not (Crime Victim – Not Report). Participants filled out a questionnaire which consisted of six scales: Rape Myth Acceptance, Just World Beliefs, Attitudes towards the Police, Locus of Control, the Pro-Victim scale and the Anti-Rapist scale. The results showed that Rape Victims-Not Report had significantly higher levels of Rape Myth Acceptance and Internal Locus of Control than Rape Victims-Report. However, all rape victims reported similar levels of Just World Beliefs and Attitudes towards the Police. Rape Myth Acceptance was significantly related to Just World Beliefs for crime victims but not for rape victims. Finally, crime victims had higher levels of Internal Locus of Control than rape victims.

Psychiatry, Psychology and Law, Vol. 19, No. 3, June 2012, 345–357

By John Braithwaite

A proposition of the theory of reintegrative shaming is that a reason some societies have lower rates of rape is that rape is unthinkable to most men in those societies. This presentation shows how war interrupts the unthinkableness of rape. Bougainville society seems to have had a low level of rape until its war of the 1980s and 1990s. A single rape was one of the important sparks that lit its civil war. It caused perhaps over 5% of the population to lose their lives and perhaps over a third to be displaced from their homes. As in most wars, rape became common in Bougainville. A theory of why war causes epidemics of rape helps criminologists understand rape better. It can also help international relations scholars to see that the bigger problem caused by armed conflict today may be crime rather than battle deaths. Rape in peace and in war is interpreted according to Eliza Ahmed’s theory of shame management and pride management. Ahmed’s work is seen as an important advance in evidence- based criminological theory. A deficiency of reintegrative shaming theory is that it neglects pride as the flip-side of shame as an emotion. Shame displacement may be important to the explanation of rape; yet narcissistic pride may be more important. In war we see more vividly the social dynamics of how shame displacement and narcissistic pride allow both rape and the onset of war itself. Bougainville helps us to ponder how historically sustained, deep and broad restorative justice processes may be part of what is needed to return a society to peace and to low levels of rape.

Address to Stockholm Criminology Symposium, 16 June, 2006, 15p.

By Kimberly A. Lonsway and Louise F. Fitzgerald

Theories of sexual aggression and victimization have increasingly em- phasized the role of rape myths in the perpetuation of sexual assault. Rape myths are attitudes and generally false beliefs about rape that are widely and persistently held, and that serve to deny and justify male sexual aggression against women. Acceptance of such myths has been assessed with a number of measures, and investigators have examined its relationship with numerous variables and interventions. Although there has been extensive research in this area, definitions, terminology, and measures of rape myth acceptance (RMA) continue to lack adequate theoretical and psychometric precision. Despite such criticisms, we em- phasize that the significance of this type of research cannot be overstated because it has immense potential for the understanding of sexual assault. The present article offers a theory-based definition of rape myths, re- views and critiques the literature on rape myth acceptance, and suggests directions for future research. In particular we argue that such work must include the development and application of improved measures, with more concern for the theoretical and methodological issues unique to this field.

Cambridge University Press 0361-6843194, 32p.

By Kristine M. Chapleau; Debra L. Oswald

The concepts of power and sex are closely associated in our society. A common example is describing sex as a conquest or as a surrender, which suggests that sex is about one person overpowering another. Similarly, describing being taken advantage of in a business trans- action as ‘‘getting screwed’’ sexualizes power transac- tions. The connection between power and sex is most apparent and serious in acts of rape. Indeed, earlier theories of sexual aggression examined if rapists are motivated by either power or sex (e.g., Brownmiller, 1975; Ellis, 1991; Thornhill & Thornhill, 1992). More recent theories, however, have examined how perpetrators are motivated by the combination of power and sex at the implicit (Bargh, Raymond, Pryor, & Strack, 1995; Kamphuis, de Ruiter, Janssen, & Spiering, 2005; Zurbriggen, 2000) and explicit (Malamuth, Linz, Heavey, Barnes, & Acker, 1995) levels of cognitive processing.

Publisher Routledge, 25 January 2010, 14p.

By Dr Anastasia Powell, Dr Nicola Henry, Dr Asher Flynn and Dr Emma Henderson

Since the 1980s, laws regulating the meaning and interpretation of sexual consent have been substantially reformed across Australian and international jurisdictions. Of particular note in an Australian context are the significant changes to the definition of consent introduced in Victoria in 2006 and 2007, which were primarily informed by the Victorian Law Reform Commission’s review of legislative provisions relating to sexual offences. In this article, we explore the persistence of traditional rape discourses in the courtroom following the 2007 Victorian reforms by examining meanings of ‘sex’ and ‘consent’ in a pilot sample of rape trials. Our analysis suggests that although deeply entrenched societal myths or discourses about rape continue to pervade Victorian courtrooms, there is some evidence of a shift towards a legal focus on the accused’s state of mind, in addition to that of the victim-complainant. This shift, however, is only prominent in cases in which the accused testifies. In light of these preliminary findings, we suggest that further comparative analyses of the qualitative impact of law reform on discursive constructions of ‘sex’ and ‘consent’ in rape trials may provide alternative measures of the impact of rape law reform.

Powell, A., Henry, N., Flynn, A. and Henderson, E. (in press, 2014). ‘Meanings of “Sex” and “Consent”: The Persistence of Rape Myths in Victorian Rape Law’, in Griffith Law Review, (accepted 10 January 2014), 1-38.

By ALIRAZA JAVAID

On an unimaginable, uncertain and unpredictable night, I was alone after a night out, floating aimlessly when really I should be getting home, to sleep and to experience the dreaded hangover the next day: but no, something kept me lingering on after the night out fuelled with alcohol and excitement. I was drunk. There was just one thing on my mind and that was finding love; I was still embedded in naivety, even at the age of 20–21, which was how old I was when my selfish offender raped me. When I was lingering on while people on the night out had started to disperse into their own ways, getting taxis to go home alone or with strangers for casual sex, I was looking for something or should I say someone, someone with whom I had previous sex with. Him and I had sex twice before. I wanted to see him again for the third time, as I was thirsty for some more sex. I fancied him. I lusted over him. I wanted to fall in love with him, but he just wanted to penetrate me and then to leave me, like all men. I never gave up trying to fall head over heels for him, though, so I went to see him after the night out; it was not dark as such, the light started to shine. While I was intoxicated, I made my way to his flat. Eventually, he came downstairs to get me after he was sleeping.

Palgrave Macmillan, 2018, 302p.

By Shraddha Chigateri, Mubashira Zaidi and Anweshaa Ghosh

This research seeks to address the question of when and why the state in India responds to women’s claims making by foregrounding the mobilisations of women’s groups on two issues: anti-rape laws and domestic work. In particular, it analyses the relationship between women’s claims making and laws and policies, especially focusing on the issues around which mobilisations take place, the processes and strategies of claims making by women’s groups, and the processes through which the changes in laws and policies occur. The research addresses these concerns at both a national level, as well as two subnational levels, Gujarat and Karnataka. It also compares the differences and similarities in mobilisations, structural configurations, actors and coalitions between the two issue areas, and across the levels (national and subnational).

Institute of Social Studies Trust, New Delhi, April 2016, 226p.

By Katherine J McLachlan

Women who have been raped rarely report their assaults to police. Researchers have attributed this to a range of reasons, both personal and systemic, including the influence of stereotypes and myths about rape on victims’/survivors’ decision- making. Rape myths often reflect community attitudes, social norms and police responses. For example, victims/survivors may blame themselves and also expect police will blame or disbelieve them. Such expectations (or subsequent experiences) of negative police responses undermine victims’/survivors’ faith in police. Poor or uncertain expectations held by victims/survivors are often borne out in reality, for police responses to rape are typically inconsistent and unpredictable. The potential diversity of responses is reflected in the mixed experiences reported by victims/survivors in my study.

Faculty of Education, Humanities, Law and Theology,, March 2007, 256p.

By Kiran Kaur Grewal PhD

This thesis is a comparative analysis of the public discourses in France and Australia on a series of highly mediatised gang rapes. In the context of Australia, the ‘Sydney gang rapes’ attracted intense media and political attention in 2001 through reports of a gang rape phenomenon involving gangs of young ‘Lebanese’/’Muslim’ men targeting and raping ‘Australian’ girls. Some commentators also identified links between these gang rapes and what they identified as being similar gang rapes involving ‘young Muslim men’ in France: a phenomenon known as ‘les tournantes’.

Yuval-Davis, Nira 1997, Gender and nation, SAGE Publishers, London, 2009, 424p.

BY Richard Grelling.. Translated By Alexander Gray. Introduction by Colin Heston.

Richard Grelling’s The Crime (Das Verbrechen), translated into English by Alexander Gray and published in London and New York between 1917 and 1919, is conceived as both a moral successor and completion to his earlier pacifist landmark, J’Accuse!, written between August 1915 and November 1916. In creating this extended work, Grelling sought to underscore the causes of World War I and dissect the self-justifying rhetoric that sustained the conflict long after its outbreak. Volumes I and II lay foundational groundwork, tracing the immediate antecedents of the war: imperialist tendencies within Germany and, on the part of the opposing Entente powers, ostensibly defensive motives followed by trait protectionism.

Never before in the annals of humankind has a crime of such sweeping magnitude been committed—and seldom has its perpetration been met with denial so unashamed. Within the very citadels of reason and culture, a proud civilization unleashed catastrophe under the guise of necessity—only to scramble afterward in self-exculpation. It is in this spirit of moral defiance—standing firm against voices of dissent, even from one’s own kin—that The Crime is offered to you. In the trilogy’s third volume, Grelling moves beyond the origins of war into the heart of wartime rationalization, exposing the “war-aims” that enabled aggression to persist under the cloak of purpose. May this work cast a clear light upon the structures of self-deception that allowed the world’s descent, and may it stir an unyielding clarity in us to recognize—and reject—such patterns again.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 261p.

By Ian Mynot and Oksana Ihnatenko

This report summarises the main findings of the first meeting of the Taskforce on Public–Private Partnership in Fighting Financial Crime in Ukraine

Overview

On 15 November 2024, RUSI’s Centre for Finance and Security and the Center for Financial Integrity (CFI)1 launched a Taskforce on Public–Private Partnership in Fighting Financial Crime in Ukraine. An in-person meeting in Warsaw, held on a non-attributable basis, convened 40 representatives, including those from the public and private sectors in Ukraine, and international experts.

The discussion included two sessions focused on the current state of public–private partnerships (PPPs) in Ukraine and on international experience and recommendations. This report summarises the main findings of each of these sessions.

London: The Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies. (RUSI) 2025. 15p.

By Rusi - Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies

Economic crime poses a significant threat to the UK, undermining its financial stability and security. To address this threat, in March 2023, the UK government launched the Economic Crime Plan 2,1 outlining a series of coordinated actions that should be undertaken across multiple government departments. Among these measures, the National Economic Crime Centre (NECC) was tasked with developing a people strategy to strengthen expertise and cross-sector collaboration, considering partnerships with industry and other stakeholders such as academia.2 Although there is a growing body of research on economic crime in the UK, there is scope for academia to play a more important role as a valuable resource in combatting economic crime. In October 2024, the NECC and the Home Office convened the first Economic Crime Academic Forum, hosted by RUSI’s Centre for Finance and Security. The forum aimed to bridge the gap between academic research and policymaking by fostering dialogue and identifying actionable solutions to issues including money laundering, fraud, kleptocracy and corruption. Academic participants came from a range of related disciplines and included both more established and early career academics, bringing a range of perspectives. Government attendees came from multiple government departments and law enforcement. The discussions focused on three aspects of research on economic crime: economic crime threats; the response to economic crime in terms of policy, enforcement and evaluation; and research methods and associated challenges. Due to the breadth and fluidity of the discussion, this report does not provide a linear summary of the matters raised. Instead, it details ways in which academics conduct research on economic crime, identifies gaps and challenges in research and academic engagement with government initiatives, and explores potential solutions. The forum was conducted on a non-attributable basis.

London: Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies (RUSI), 2025. 11p

By European Union Drugs Agency (EUDA)

The European Drug Report 2025: Trends and Developments presents the EUDA’s latest analysis of the drug situation in Europe. Focusing on illicit drug use, related harms and drug supply, the report provides a comprehensive set of national data across these themes, as well as on specialist drug treatment and key harm reduction interventions

This report is based on information provided to the EUDA by the EU Member States, the candidate country Türkiye, and Norway, in an annual reporting process. The purpose of the current report is to provide an overview and summary of the European drug situation up to the end of 2024. All grouping, aggregates and labels therefore reflect the situation based on the available data in 2024 in respect to the composition of the European Union and the countries participating in the EUDA’s reporting exercises. However, not all data will cover the full period. Due to the time needed to compile and submit data, many of the annual national data sets included here are from the reference year January to December 2023. Analysis of trends is based only on those countries providing sufficient data to describe changes over the period specified. The reader should also be aware that monitoring patterns and trends in a hidden and stigmatised behaviour such as drug use is both practically and methodologically challenging. For this reason, multiple sources of data are used for the purposes of analysis in this report. Although considerable improvements can be noted, both nationally and in respect to what is possible to achieve in a European-level analysis, the methodological difficulties in this area must be acknowledged. Caution is therefore required in interpretation, in particular when countries are compared on any single measure. Caveats relating to the data are to be found in the online Statistical Bulletin 2025 , which contains detailed information on methodology, qualifications on analysis and comments on the limitations in the information set available. Information is also available there on the methods and data used for European-level estimates, where interpolation may be used :

PortugalEuropean Union Drugs Agency (EUDA); 2025 355p

By Erik Gamm and Mitch Morrissey

DNA evidence, where it’s available, is crucial to solving sexual assault cases—according to one study, it raises the likelihood of a guilty verdict from less than a third to nearly 75%. The trouble and expense of processing it, however, can create backlogs that put cases on hold for years. Dozens of state and local law-enforcement agencies have faced this problem over the decades since DNA technology emerged.

This year, due in part to years of alleged misconduct by one of its forensic scientists, the Colorado Bureau of Investigation (CBI) found itself with a queue of more than 1,400 untested sexual assault kits and without the means to process new ones promptly. The unsolved cases stuck in this backlog represent substantial further crime risks from repeat offenders, delayed justice for victims, and tangible costs to Colorado’s economy.

Key Findings

By processing all of the 1,369 DNA kits in the state’s backlog, Colorado could prosecute up to 200 rape cases.

This would also prevent up to 1,030 sexual assaults, 108 other violent crimes, 230 property offenses, and 113 drug/alcohol, public disorder, and other crimes.

At a testing cost of $2,000 per kit and adjudication, public-services, and work-loss costs totaling $82,000 per case, clearing the backlog and prosecuting cases associated with it will cost the state $21 million. In return, Colorado’s economy will eventually save $234.7 million due to prevention of future crimes.

The longer authorities take to clear the backlog, the larger the costs and smaller the savings will become.

CSI estimates that, by training 15 more DNA scientists over the next year, CBI will clear its DNA backlog of excess kits by July 2027. Delayed processing of kits currently in the backlog, which are expected to be tested by September 2026, will have allowed $51.8 million worth of additional criminal activity.

Even kits that don't lead to convictions are worth testing for the qualitative benefits they offer, like identifying deceased and incarcerated perpetrators, adding to the national DNA database, and providing closure to victims.

Greenwood Village, CO: Common Sense Institute, 2025. 12p.

By Brown, K., Crawford, A., Lloyd, C, Birks, D., Capstick, N., Wood, M., et al. (2024).

Children who are victims of crime and those drawn into offending behaviours are amongst the most vulnerable in society. The evidence is clear: life chances of young people are significantly affected by childhood experiences of crime, harm, abuse, and victimisation, as well as engagement with the criminal justice system. This is not deterministic and many children find ways to cope with the adversities they face. However, adverse childhood experiences greatly elevate the probability of a young person becoming involved with the police and we must act to support these children before they become trapped within the criminal justice system. It is therefore of the utmost importance that we promote a whole-child approach to childhood vulnerability that focuses on needs – one that is informed by the evidence base on best practice throughout the UK and internationally. We make three evidence-based recommendations that align with the new government’s Opportunity Mission to improve outcomes for CYP and reduce crime.

Child of the North and the Centre for Young Lives. , 2024. 50p.

By Megan Kang

This study draws on 95 interviews and observations with gang-affiliated individuals in Chicago to examine how gang structures shape disengagement and desistance from crime. Over the last two decades, the city’s gangs have experienced a decline in group closure, or their capacity to regulate membership and member behavior, and a blurring of boundaries between those active in a gang from all others. In the past, Chicago’s gangs maintained closure and bright boundaries that made gang affiliations, norms, and territories clearly defined. Leaving these gangs required costly exit rituals that signaled an unambiguous departure while facilitating desistance. Today, with weaker gang structures and blurry boundaries, leaving a gang is no longer a distinct event. However, the ease of gang disengagement makes desistance harder, as inactive members struggle to knife off past ties and access turning points. In this uncertain landscape, desistance tactics can backfire, sending blurred signals—behaviors intended to create distance from former affiliates and rivals but appear as wavering commitment to supporters—that trap individuals in a liminal space between social worlds. Contrary to leading desistance theories that emphasize individual readiness, opportunity, and pro-social bonds, this study underscores how group structures critically shape pathways out of crime

Unpublished paper 2025, 55p.