By the American Civil Liberties of North Carolina; Sam Davis, et al.

Over the past seven years, North Carolina schools have devoted more than $100,000,000 dollars to placing more police officers in more schools.1 These massive investments have come in lieu of funding the kinds of support proven to enhance student well-being and learning. According to 2015–2016 federal data, North Carolina ranks near the top nationally in terms of the presence of police officers in schools,2 but among the worst states in terms of school funding.3 Additionally, schools in North Carolina have struggled to recruit and retain adequate staffing levels.4 The choice to prioritize funding police officers instead of teachers, counselors, and other schoolbased mental health providers has harmful and long-lasting consequences for North Carolina’s children, especially children of color and children with disabilities. Indeed, North Carolina was recently ranked as one of the worst states for overall youth mental health.5 And children are experiencing more acute mental health needs after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic, which exacerbated existing inequities for students of color, as is visible in rising rates of depression, anxiety, and suicide, particularly for Black youth,6 and contributed to worsening conditions for students with disabilities.7 North Carolina’s massive investments in police are not paying off: police officers do not improve safety in schools. Instead, the presence of police officers harm students, including by criminalizing typical adolescent behavior that police choose to deem disorderly or otherwise criminal. For example, police officers are empowered to arrest students for disorderly conduct in schools—a criminal offense in North Carolina—that then funnels them into the criminal legal system. This report presents and discusses the implications of federal data regarding the staffing its schools with police officers instead of the mental health providers that students need like counselors, nurses, psychologists, social workers, and community health workers. The report analyzes the consequences of this choice by reviewing federal data regarding school referrals to law enforcement, with particular attention to disparities by race and disability status. In addition, the report highlights state data that shows disturbing racial disparities regarding school-based complaints, and charges for disorderly conduct in schools in particular. In sum, North Carolina fails to meet the recommended ratios for school-based mental health providers across the board despite the fact that today’s children—and Black children in particular—need access to mental health support now more than ever before. Instead, North Carolina continues to maintain a high number of police officers in its schools who have expansive discretion to decide which students to refer into the criminal legal system and for what. The consequences of this choice are dire, especially for Black students and students with disabilities.

Raleigh: ACLU of North Carolina, 2023. 29p.

By Gabrielle T. Isaza

De-escalation training has been widely promoted as a best practice to reduce harms during police-citizen encounters, particularly as it relates to police use of force. Despite this wide promotion, very little is known about the training’s effectiveness. This dissertation explores the impacts of a well-known de-escalation training, Integrating Communications, Assessment, and Tactics (ICAT), on a sample of police officers in Southwest Ohio. Specifically, this dissertation examines changes in officer attitudes and perceptions as well as self-reported use of the training using T-Test comparisons, ordinary least square regressions, descriptive statistics, and an examination of focus group discussions. Pilot survey instruments were developed and tested for use in future de-escalation training evaluations. This study found significant changes in officer attitudes related to the use of force, understanding of persons in crisis, and officer confidence in handling critical incidents in the hypothesized directions. However, minor levels of training decay were detected, indicating the importance of continual reinforcement of the training curriculum. Additionally, counter-intuitive findings related to one component of the training were found. Nonetheless, these empirical results demonstrated that ICAT training influenced officers in a way that made them more amenable to the principles and practices of de-escalation. This study adds to the very limited evidence base on de-escalation training effects for police. These findings are critical because the effective use of de-escalation techniques to diffuse conflicts can save lives and reduce the injuries of both citizens and police officers.

Cincinnati: University of Cincinnati, 2020. 200p.

By Emilee Green, Brian Kuczynski, Morgan McGuirk and Jessica A. Reichert

Repeated and deadly encounters between law enforcement officers and Black Americans have given way to mounting calls for police reform. Reformers have proposed reallocating funds from policing to communities and social services, rethinking police use of force policies, and improving measures for officer accountability. This literature review briefly describes the impetus for police reform, reviews proposed police reforms, and examines available research on the effectiveness of police reforms. Overall, research indicates police agencies should not only focus on reducing crime, but also protecting and fostering the relationship between the public and police.

Chicago: Illinois 2022. 20p.

By Kristy Docherty and Brigid Russell

The purpose of this report is to present the findings of the evaluation of the Police Scotland and Local Government Collaborative Leadership Pilots (hereafter referred to as ‘the programme’). This evaluation has been undertaken independently by Dr Kristy Docherty and Brigid Russell on behalf of the Scottish Institute for Policing Research (SIPR) between August 2021 and February 2022. The objectives of the evaluation were: • To critically examine the programme. • To capture and analyse information about the activities, processes, characteristics, and outcomes of the programme. • To offer insights and suggestions for future action with the purpose of improving programme effectiveness, and/or to inform and shape future programme decisions. It is important to note that our evaluation took place while the programme was still running, participants were at various stages and they had not completed all of their sessions. This ‘formative’ approach was deliberate and links in principle with the embedded evaluation process adopted by the facilitation team.

Edinburgh: Scottish Institute for Policing Research. 2022. 68p.

By Daniel Mejía, Ervyn Norza, Santiago Tobón, and Martín Vanegas-Arias

We study the effects of broken windows policing on crime using geo-located crime and arrest reports for 80 Colombian cities. Broadly defined, broken windows policing consists of intensifying arrests -sometimes for minor offenses- to deter potential criminals. To estimate causal effects, we build grids of 200 × 200 meters over the urban perimeter of all cities and produce event studies to look at the effects of shocks in police activity in the periods to follow. We use spikes in the number of arrests with no warrant -which are more likely associated with unplanned police presence- as a proxy for shocks in broken windows policing. As expected, we observe an increase in crimes during the shock period, as each arrest implies at least one crime report. In the following periods, crimes decrease both in the place of the arrests and the surroundings. With many treated grids and many places exposed to spillovers, these effects add up. On aggregate, the crime reduction offsets the observed increase during the shock period. Direct effects are more immediate and precise at low crime grids, but beneficial spillovers seem more relevant at crime hot spots. The effects of broken windows policing circumscribe to cities with low or moderate organized crime, consistent with criminal organizations planning their activities more systematically than disorganized criminals.

Bogotá, Colombia: Universidad de los Andes–Facultad de Economía–CEDE, 2022. 34p.