By The Organization of Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH),

This report documents widespread atrocities and international human rights violations during the conflict in northern Ethiopia. It presents evidence of mass killings, sexual violence, forced displacement, and attacks on civilians by Ethiopian and Eritrean forces. The report calls for independent investigations and international accountability to address impunity and ensure justice for victims.

Washington, DC:  Organization of Justice and Accountability in the Horn of Africa (OJAH), 2025. 13p.

By Ashley N. Muchow

Toward the end of the 20th century, the U.S. witnessed a wave of immigration made up of both legal residents and a large undocumented population that have since settled, started families, and developed strong community ties. Modern immigration policy has concentrated heavily on enforcement in the absence of comprehensive immigration reform, and a growing body of research suggests these escalations may carry unintended social consequences.

This dissertation consists of three interrelated studies that seek to disentangle the structural factors that affect levels of economic and social integration of minority and immigrant populations. Using data from Los Angeles, this dissertation focuses on two aspects of public life critical to productive and healthy living: the labor market and public safety. The first chapter considers how undocumented immigrants fare in the labor market. The second examines whether recent escalations in immigration enforcement influenced the willingness of Latino immigrants to engage with the police. Finally, the third chapter evaluates the effectiveness of community policing in reducing crime and increasing police engagement in predominately-Latino neighborhoods.

Overall, this dissertation suggests that enforcement-focused immigration policy intensifies barriers to integration and may jeopardize public safety, but there are tools localities can use to improve conditions in affected communities. I find both real and perceived exclusions limit immigrants' access to the formal labor market and law enforcement, and conclude with evidence of a promising approach to improve public safety in minority communities. These findings stress the need for federal immigration policies that balance enforcement with maintaining resident confidence in public institutions and encouraging the well-being and advancement of vulnerable populations.

Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 2019. 122p.

By Sylvia Walby, Philippa Olive, Jude Towers, Brian Francis, Sofia Strid, Andrea Krizsán, Emanuela Lombardo, Corinne May-Chahal, Suzanne Franzway, David Sugarman, Bina Agarwal and Jo Armstrong

Rape shatters lives. Its traumatising effects can linger for many years after the immediate pain and suffering. Rape is a consequence and a cause of gender inequality. It is an injury to health; a crime; a violation of women’s human rights; and costly to both the economy and society. Stopping rape requires changes to many policies and practices. There is no simple solution; rather, a myriad of reforms are needed to prevent rape. New policies are being innovated around the world, north and south, which are often intended to prevent rape and to support victims/survivors simultaneously. This book provides an overview of the current best practice from around the world for ending rape.

Policy Press 2015, British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data, 307?

By Ashley Currier and Rashida A. Manuel

Marshalling research about male rape and unwanted sex in contemporary African contexts, this article explores how cultural definitions of sex and sexuality affect African sexual minority men’s perceptions of rape, non-consensual sex and unwanted sex in Malawi, a country in which same-sex sexual practices are stigmatised and punished. We analyze two divergent accounts of unwanted sex offered by two gay Malawian men the first author 10 interviewed in 2012. Feminist and queer theoretical insights about representing the agency of African gender and sexual minorities guide our inquiry. Our analysis shows how activist socialisation can intervene in and reshape how African sexual minority men perceive and name unwanted and/or coercive sex.

Routledge 10th September 2014, 17p.

Edited by Bonnie S. Fisher

Since the 1970s, researchers and practitioners from a wide spectrum of disciplines have documented that violence against women and family violence are substantial problems in the United States (see Crowell and Burgess, 1996). Because of their persistent efforts, Congress passed the Violence Against Women Act of 1994 (Title IV of Public Law 103–322, the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994), and the Violence Against Women Office, now called the Office on Violence Against Women (OVW), was established in the U.S. Department of Justice. These Federal acts marked violence against women and family violence as national problems in need of both interdisciplinary scientific inquiry and development of community-based prevention and intervention policies and practices.

2004, 356p.

By Jennifer Rose Wies

This research explores the themes of participation and professionalization as they intersect with power in domestic violence advocacy by using a case study from one region in Kentucky. Throughout this dissertation, I investigate the ways political and economic pressures influence local domestic violence advocates and the ways these macro-level pressures influence 1) an advocate’s level of participation in the organization and 2) a transition in social service provision to a professional model of advocacy. The research illustrates that the nature of domestic violence service provision is changing in the United States as a result of the increasingly privatized nature of social service provision and subsequent shifts in domestic violence advocacy participation practices and professionalization trends.

University of Kentucky, 2006, 252p.

Edited by Christof Heyns

As in recent issues of our Journal, in this tenth edition we highlight one theme, to which we dedicate five of nine total articles. This theme refers to the plight of the millions of migrants and refugees who find themselves in dire situations in many countries around the world. The article by Katharine Derderian and Liesbeth Schockaert of Médecins sans Frontières realistically portrays the terrible human tragedy of refugees and, from the point of view of human rights, discusses the concept of refugee, according to the criteria of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), under who- se guidance and with whose generous support we were able to organize this edition. The UNHCR criteria and the foundations of the protection system for refugees are explained in the article by Juan Carlos Murillo.

Human Rights Univeristy Network, Year 6 • Number 10 June 2009, 204p.

By DIANE BELL

Synopsis-Here I revisit three contentious issues: intraracial rape, feminist theorising around race and gender, and the problematics of cross-cultural collaboration (see Bell & Nelson, 1989). I begin by examining the modes of analysis of abuse of Aboriginal women as revealed in recent reports, and offer comparative case material from North America. With particular reference to the shifting bases of my relationship to Topsy Napurrula Nelson, I trace a personal, partial, and hidden history of an idea, that is, a more empowering feminist future may be envisaged by grounding our theorising on questions of gender, race and violence in the possibility of relationality. I suggest that the propensity to engage in social construct boundary maintenance is obscuring the fact that it is women who are being brutalised. With reference to the handling of violence against women by the courts and by “communities,” I argue cross-cultural collaborations and enunciation of women’s law can empower women. Forging a sustainable vision of a meaningful future in the current crisis requires that the needs of woman be addressed; that in pursuit of the politics of difference we not lose sight of questions of power; that the politics of law, the nation state, the academy, and Aboriginal liberation struggles that shape the “master narratives,” are interrogated from within and from “elsewhere.”

Pergamon Press, 1999, 28p.

Edited by Laura Hilly & Richard Martin

Access to justice is the cornerstone of any fair and equitable legal system. As Sir Bob Hepple in his post ‘The Equality Agenda in 2015’ contained in Chapter 11 of this anthology (p 210) emphasises: “This year marks the 800th anniversary of Magna Carta, so it is not inappropriate to recall clause 40 (still on the statute book), which states: “To no one will we sell, to no one will we refuse or delay, right or justice.”” But writing on the second anniversary of the introduction of sweeping cuts to civil legal aid by the Legal Aid, Sentencing and Punishment of Offenders Act 2012 (‘LAPOS’), in the wake of debilitating fee hikes in UK employment tribunals and an ongoing diminution of criminal legal aid, it is reasonable to ask what price are we all now paying for these ‘reforms’ of access to justice in England and Wales? While some of the proposed reforms highlighted in this chapter ultimately failed to make it onto the statute books (for example, the proposed presumptive cost orders to burden amicus interveners: see Daniel McCredden ‘Presumptive Cost Orders: A Threat to Public Interest Interventions’ p 17) most of them succeeded in being enacted. And with the re-election of the Conservative Party to Government in May 2015, many of these cuts are here to stay.

Oxford Human RIghts Hub, 2015,384

By RAYMOND G. GETTELL (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

First published in 1924, this book emerged at a time when the study of politics was being transformed from a largely historical and moralistic pursuit into a more rigorous, analytical discipline within American universities. Gettell’s work bridged the gap between the classical humanistic tradition of political reflection and the emerging political science of the early twentieth century, providing a lucid narrative of the major thinkers, schools, and debates that shaped Western political ideology.
The early decades of the twentieth century saw increasing professionalization in the social sciences, especially in fields like economics, sociology, and political science. Within political science, there was a tension between the empirical study of institutions and behavior (what would later be called "positivist" approaches) and the normative-historical approach that emphasized values, ideologies, and the moral purposes of politics. Gettell’s work traces the development of political ideas chronologically, beginning with the classical thinkers of ancient Greece—particularly Plato and Aristotle—whose inquiries into justice, the ideal state, and the nature of citizenship set the stage for centuries of political reflection. He then moves through the Roman period, early Christian thought, medieval scholasticism, Renaissance humanism, the rise of early modern political theory (with Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau), and onward to the nineteenth century, examining liberalism, socialism, nationalism, and other emergent ideologies.
For the modern reader, returning to Gettell’s work can serve as both a foundation and a springboard—a foundation for understanding the grand narrative of Western political thought, and a springboard for questioning, expanding, and diversifying that narrative to include new voices, global perspectives, and contemporary concerns. In it is an invitation to reflect critically on the ideas that continue to shape our political world. In an era marked by resurgent nationalism, territorial conflict, and the weakening of multilateral institutions, History of Political Thought retains a sobering relevance. Across the globe, from Ukraine and Russia, to Israel and Palestine, to China and Taiwan, we witness conflicts fueled by competing historical narratives, divergent political ideologies, and the enduring potency of the concept of sovereignty. These disputes often invoke deeply rooted claims to land, culture, and legitimacy, echoing ideas that can be traced back to the very thinkers Gettell profiles—whether it is Hobbes' notion of authority and order, Rousseau's theories of collective will, or the romantic nationalism that pervaded 19th-century political philosophy.
The idea of a world governed by shared norms—what Kant envisioned as a “perpetual peace” based on republicanism and international cooperation—remains elusive. States remain the final arbiters of their own security, often dismissing international judgments when they conflict with national interest or identity. Gettell’s text unintentionally underscores the fragility of systems that depend on consensus and voluntary compliance. Just as no political theory he surveys offers a perfect formula for reconciling liberty with order or equality with authority, no international institution can entirely overcome the foundational dilemma of political life: how to balance the need for collective restraint with the desire for self-rule. The UN, lacking coercive power over its most powerful members and constrained by veto politics in the Security Council, reflects this unresolved tension.
As global politics once again teeter between cooperation and confrontation, Gettell’s work calls us back to the deeper philosophical questions that must underlie any lasting peace: What is legitimate authority? Who decides? And how can competing visions of justice coexist in a shared political space?

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 433p.

By Joseph Lelliott

Previous research by the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) and others has shown that trafficking in persons could not occur on a large scale without the aid of corruption. Corruption facilitates all stages of trafficking, from the initial recruitment of victims through to situations of exploitation themselves. It also hinders effective investigation, prosecution, and punishment of perpetrators and allows traffickers to operate with impunity.

This report, developed through the partnership between ASEAN-Australia Counter Trafficking and UNODC Regional Office for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, examines how trafficking in persons and corruption legislation in ASEAN Member States (AMS) criminalises corruption as a facilitator of trafficking. It aims to identify current linkages between trafficking in persons and corruption in the criminal provisions of AMS legislation and highlights potential ways for provisions to be applied in practice to punish corruption that facilitates trafficking.

Trafficking in persons is of major concern throughout Southeast Asia, including in the ten ASEAN Member States. Evidence strongly indicates that various types of exploitation are widespread in the region. Previous research by UNODC and others has shown that trafficking in persons could not occur on a large scale without the aid of corruption. Corruption facilities all stages of trafficking, from the initial recruitment of victims through to situations of exploitation themselves. It also hinders the effective investigation, prosecution, and punishment of perpetrators and allows traffickers to operate with impunity. This report examines how trafficking in persons and corruption legislation in ASEAN Member States criminalizes corruption as a facilitator of trafficking. It has two aims: 1. To identify current linkages between trafficking in persons and corruption in the criminalization provisions of ASEAN Member States’ legislation. 2. To highlight how trafficking and corruption criminalization provisions can be applied in practice to punish corruption that facilitates trafficking.

Bangkok, Thailand: United Nations Office for Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Regional Office for Southeast Asia and the Pacific, 2025. 142p.

By Lawrence W. Sherman, Friedrich Loesel, Dorothy Newbury-Birch, David Weisburd

In late 1997, the key founder of the medical Cochrane Collaboration, Ian Chalmers, called Larry Sherman from Oxford to discuss the recent “Maryland Report” (Preventing Crime: What Works? What Doesn't? What's Promising?) submitted to the US Congress by Attorney General Janet Reno and her Assistant Attorney General, Laurie Robinson. The report had attempted to undertake a series of semi-systematic reviews in all areas for which federal funding had been made available. Sherman directed the project at the University of Maryland, where the co-authors collaborated. All of them had been informed, in part, by the systematic reviews that David Farrington had already published at Cambridge, such as his 1981 review of randomized experiments in crime and justice.

Chalmers was not the only person to suggest that the Maryland report should become a springboard for an ongoing process of systematic reviews. The same idea struck a Philadelphia radio broadcaster, Jerry Lee, who contacted Sherman in mid-1997 to discuss his possible donations to make that continuation happen. Within months, Jerry Lee had donated major funding to Maryland, including money for a visiting professorship at Maryland for Cambridge Professor David Farrington.

Farrington's engagement with the Maryland authors and Jerry Lee's support coincided with the developing support of the Cochrane community. By April 2000, Sherman delivered his inaugural lecture at the University of Pennsylvania, where by 2003, he founded its criminology department. The April 2000 event turned into a joint event for founding the Campbell Collaboration (named after program evaluation pioneer Donald T. Campbell) under the leadership of Penn Professor Robert Boruch (a former colleague of Campbell's and a renowned methodologist in social experiments).

A central actor in this effort was to be the first Chair of the Campbell Coordinating Committee on Crime and Justice, one of three initial substantive committees for overseeing systematic review production in social and human services. That Chair, by acclaim, was David P. Farrington. He was, for many reasons, an ideal choice. He had hundreds of co-authors from all over the globe, including students and many others who had asked him to collaborate. He also had an incredibly broad range of subject matter interests, from juvenile delinquency to domestic abuse to crime prevention programs, from street lighting to cognitive therapies.

For the next 4 years, the Campbell Crime and Justice Group (CCJG) met up to twice yearly, with Farrington as the Chair and Jerry Lee's foundation supporting meetings in Europe—and in conjunction with annual meetings of the American Society of Criminology. Farrington's leadership attracted a group of outstanding scholars, all of whom with years of experience in conducting and reviewing evaluations of anticrime programs. Farrington led these meetings to highly productive results. He also ensured that peer reviewers with appropriate expertise were found to move the Campbell Reviews to completion. His commitment to publication also ensured high visibility and policy influence from the Committee's work.

The global character of the reviews was aided by his recruitment of not just US and UK citizens but also Asians and Europeans. One of the most active members was Germany's Stockholm Prize-winning criminologist, Friedrich A. Loesel. As a leader of German criminology, Loesel collaborated with Farrington since the 1980s in the Advanced Research Center Prevention and Intervention in Childhood and Adolescence of the German Research Foundation. As first Presidents of the European Association of Psychology and Law, Loesel and Farrington promoted experimental research in this applied field of psychology. Both collaborated over many years in the CCJG and published together on program evaluations and protective factors agains youth violence. Farrington and Loesel also collaborated on the Academy oft Experimental Criminology, whose first President was Sherman in 1999. Farrington, as his successor, and several other presidents, produced a publication on the Academy's 20th Anniversary when Loesel was president. It summarized what had been achieved but also contained important perspectives for future experimental work and its relation to nonexperimental criminological research.

It is important to note David's commitment to the broader idea of advancing evidence-based policy and experimental research. He played a key role in advancing the annual Jerry Lee Symposiums (supported by the Jerry Lee Foundation), which brought together major researchers, policymakers, and practitioners and showcased Campbell's efforts. During David's tenure as Chair, he encouraged David Weisburd to found the Journal of Experimental Criminology, published by Springer, which is now a top impact criminology journal.

David Farrington also benefited from the teams associated with David Weisburd, who, with collaborators, produced early reviews of such topics as problem-oriented policing, community policing, second responders, and DNA testing. David F. also worked with David W. and Lawrence Sherman in developing funding from the National Institute of Justice and other sources,ir (2004) and then Chair of the Crime and Justice Group (from 2008).

Farrington and Weisburd worked to expand the recognition of the CCJG, for example, by authoring a Criminologist article on the group's efforts in 2007 (https://asc41.org/wp-content/uploads/ASC-Criminologist-2007-01.pdf). which provided critical support to the Jerry Lee Foundation for the activities of the CCJG. Farrington was not just a leader; he worked to mentor his younger colleagues to take leadership roles. David F. invited David W. to be Co-Cha Earlier, in 2002, Farrington, along with Anthony Petrosino (who worked with David F. as an editor for the group in its early years) and Weisburd wrote an article for The Forum, a publication of the Justice Research and Statistics Association (19, no. 2: 1–6). During this period, Farrington and Weisburd placed great emphasis on extending the number of Systematic Reviews that could be published. This was greatly aided by the appointment of David Wilson as editor for the CCJG

Campbell Systematic Reviews, Volume21, Issue 2, June 2025

By Saipira FURSTENBERG, Marcus MICHAELSEN, Siena ANSTIS

Transnational repression arises when foreign governments reach across national borders to coerce, control and silence individuals in other countries using a broad range of methods, ranging from digital surveillance to extraterritorial killings. Amongst the primary targets of transnational repression are human rights defenders, whose advocacy is perceived by repressive regimes as a threat to their interests and power. As a result, human rights defenders fleeing persecution or other forms of repression at home are now facing increasing danger even though they have moved abroad. The practice of transnational repression negatively impacts every level of society, from individual rights to national security and democratic institutions. This paper presents global trends in transnational repression against human rights defenders, focusing on human rights impacts and curtailment of civic space. It examines the human rights obligations of European Union (EU) Member States as host countries to address transnational repression and outlines some of the emerging policy responses by governments worldwide. The paper also examines how current EU legal and policy frameworks and instruments could be applied to counter transnational repression and provides recommendations for improving protection for the human rights defenders.

Brussels: European Parliament, 2025. 91p.

By The Sentry

In November 2018, the United Nations lifted sanctions on Eritrea, including a two-way arms embargo banning both the import and export of arms, after a successful campaign by Eritrea’s longtime rival, Ethiopia. As Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki and Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed Ali began to reestablish ties, having signed a formal peace agreement in September 2018, hope was high that this reset of regional relations would provide long-term security. That hope quickly faded as increasingly secret talks resulted in the military encirclement of Ethiopia’s Tigray region.

In the absence of the UN’s two-way arms embargo, the Eritrean Defense Forces (EDF) reequipped and rearmed, while its senior officers conspired with the newly configured Ethiopian security apparatus to launch the Tigray War in late 2020. The EDF played a prominent and highly problematic role in that conflict, committing atrocities in a campaign of collective punishment against the people of Tigray, at great human cost.

The Tigray War resulted in a humanitarian crisis of immense proportions. War crimes were perpetrated by all parties to the conflict, but the nature of atrocities and war profiteering carried out by the EDF was unmatched in scale and premeditation. The EDF engaged in massacres, widespread sexual violence, and systematic looting, including of Tigrayan factory machinery, medical supplies and equipment, and cultural antiquities.

Since the signing of the 2022 Pretoria Agreement that marked the end of the Tigray War, the EDF has continued to occupy territory within Ethiopia. Eritrean military commanders and their agents within Ethiopia continue to profit from a conflict economy, including through human trafficking, kidnapping, and illicit gold mining.

In the meantime, Eritrean President Isaias Afwerki has emerged as the clear winner of the new status quo, as Ethiopia’s fragile federal coalition continues to struggle with widespread disorder. With Russia emerging as a key military ally in the post-embargo landscape, the EDF now has few constraints on its continued rearmament. For Eritrea’s leadership, the new state of “no war, no peace” is proving advantageous.

Key recommendations

As a matter of urgent conflict prevention, the United States, European Union, United Kingdom, and other like-minded jurisdictions need to send a clear message to the Ethiopian government, the Eritrean government, the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF), and the Tigray Interim Administration (TIA) that they will face an escalated international response and sanctions if there is a resumption of conflict.

The US, the EU, and the UK should consider designating Eritrean Defense Forces Brigadier General Eyob Fessehaye (aka Halibay), Brig. Gen. Simon Oqbu (aka Riesi Mirak), and Maj. Gen. Romadan Osman Awliya for their responsibility for human rights violations in Tigray.

The UN Security Council should determine that Ethiopia-Eritrea border issues—including unimplemented components of the November 2, 2022, Pretoria peace agreement—constitute a threat to international peace and security, and it should thus establish a panel of enquiry with a Chapter VII mandate to monitor and report on the situat

Washington, DC: The Sentry, 2025. 45p.

By Agnes Mathilde Wergeland (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Slavery in Germanic Society sets out to trace the evolution of slavery from the late Roman world through the early and high medieval periods. Wergeland’s analysis begins by distinguishing classical slavery—predicated on the total alienation of the enslaved person from kinship, community, and legal personhood—from the systems of servitude that emerged in Germanic societies. As Germanic tribes moved into former Roman territories, they both absorbed and modified existing practices of unfree labor. Captives taken in war, debtors who had fallen into bondage, and the descendants of slaves formed a stratum of society that was neither fully outside nor fully within the emerging frameworks of medieval law.

Wergeland is especially attentive to the role of law codes in shaping and regulating these relationships. The Salic Law, the Lex Saxonum, and other Germanic legal compilations provide glimpses into a world where freedom and unfreedom were not binary categories but existed along a continuum. The distinction between a servus (slave), a colonus (tenant bound to the land), and a liber homo (freeman) was fluid and often contested. Her work suggests that these categories were not only legal but also deeply embedded in cultural ideas about honor, lineage, and the obligations of lordship.

Wergeland’s historiographical legacy is also tied to the broader cultural currents of her time. Writing in the aftermath of the American Civil War and during the height of European colonial expansion, she was acutely aware of slavery’s moral and political resonance. While she does not draw explicit parallels between medieval and modern forms of servitude, her decision to study the topic reflects a world in which questions of liberty, labor, and human rights were urgently contested.
In returning to Slavery in Germanic Society During the Middle Ages today, readers encounter a work that is both a product of its era and strikingly relevant to our own. It invites us to consider how deeply embedded systems of inequality are in the fabric of society, and how they can endure even as their outward forms change. Wergeland’s careful scholarship provides a foundation for ongoing conversations about freedom, coercion, and the ways in which human societies organize power and labor.
This edition reintroduces Wergeland’s study to a new generation of readers at a moment when the legacies of slavery and unfreedom are once again at the center of global debates. It offers not only an invaluable historical resource but also a reminder of the intellectual courage of a scholar who, against the odds, claimed her place in the academy and in the long conversation about justice and humanity.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 93p.

By Adam Gurowski (Author), Colin Heston (Preface)

Adam Gurowski’s Slavery in History is a sweeping and impassioned historical treatise that challenges the reader to reconsider the institution of slavery not as a fixed or inevitable component of human civilization, but as a corrosive anomaly that has repeatedly undermined the moral and structural integrity of societies throughout history. Written in the mid-19th century, a time when the question of slavery was at the forefront of political and ethical discourse—particularly in the United States—Gurowski’s work stands as both a scholarly inquiry and a moral indictment. His approach is not merely descriptive; it is analytical and polemical, seeking to dismantle the notion that slavery is a natural or historically justified institution.
From the outset, Gurowski frames slavery as a “general disease” rather than a social norm, arguing that its presence in any civilization is symptomatic of deeper political and moral decay. He rejects the deterministic view that slavery is a universal or necessary stage in societal development, instead positing that it is an aberration that has consistently led to the decline of the cultures that embraced it. This thesis is developed through a methodical examination of a wide array of civilizations—from the Egyptians and Phoenicians to the Greeks, Romans, and beyond. In each case, Gurowski explores how slavery was integrated into the social fabric, how it was justified or resisted, and ultimately, how it contributed to the weakening or collapse of those societies.
Adam Gurowski’s view on modern slavery, particularly as it existed in the 19th century, is deeply critical and morally charged. In Slavery in History, he argues that for the first time in human civilization, slavery had been elevated into a comprehensive ideological system—a “religious, social, and political creed” . This modern form of slavery, especially as practiced in the United States, was not merely a continuation of ancient customs but a deliberate and systemic institution, defended by theology, law, and public discourse. He is especially scathing in his critique of how slavery in the modern era had been rationalized and sanctified by political leaders, religious figures, and intellectuals. He describes this as a “new faith” with its own “temples,” “altars,” and “fanatical devotees,” suggesting that slavery had become a kind of state religion in parts of the American Republic. This metaphor underscores his belief that modern slavery was not just a social or economic system but a deeply entrenched ideology that corrupted every aspect of public life.
Finally, his introduction to Slavery in History serves as both a roadmap and a manifesto. It outlines the historical scope of the book—spanning ancient to modern civilizations—and sets the tone for a critical, morally engaged exploration of one of humanity’s oldest and most pernicious institutions. Gurowski’s work is not merely a catalog of historical facts; it is a call to conscience, urging readers to recognize the enduring consequences of slavery and to commit to the principles of justice and equality. In doing so, he positions his book as a vital contribution to the intellectual and ethical debates of his era—debates that, in many ways, continue to resonate today.
Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 172p.

By Hannibal Gerald Duncan (Author), Colin Heston (Preface) Format: Kindle Edition

Race and Population Problems by Hannibal Gerald Duncan is a product of its era—an ambitious, controversial, and often troubling contribution to the early 20th-century debates surrounding race, eugenics, and the sociopolitical implications of demographic change. Published during a time of intense anxiety over immigration, fertility rates, and racial hierarchy, Duncan’s work must be approached with both critical detachment and historical awareness. This preface aims to contextualize his arguments, dissect the theoretical frameworks he employs, and consider the legacy—both intellectual and political—of the ideas he advances.
The book appeared in the interwar period, when Western nations were grappling with the aftermath of World War I, economic uncertainty, and what many perceived as the unraveling of long-standing social and racial orders. In the United States, anxieties about immigration—particularly from Southern and Eastern Europe—converged with pseudo-scientific theories of race and heredity. The eugenics movement, bolstered by the popularity of Darwinian and Mendelian thought, provided an ideological framework for addressing what were seen as "population problems"—namely, the declining birth rates among "Nordic" peoples, the increasing fecundity of supposedly inferior groups, and the racial mixing that challenged white supremacist conceptions of national identity.
Duncan’s work fits squarely within this intellectual climate. It draws from the racial typologies common in early anthropological and sociological literature, and, like many of his contemporaries, he sees population dynamics not merely as matters of biology or demography but as fundamental determinants of national strength, cultural cohesion, and civilizational vitality.
At its core, Race and Population Problems is driven by a deterministic view of race, wherein biological heredity dictates intelligence, morality, productivity, and political capacity. Duncan frequently invokes the "biological law" to argue for the inherent superiority of certain races—usually Northern Europeans—and the degenerative consequences of racial intermixture. His demographic analysis is not neutral; it is laced with prescriptive anxieties about the dilution of white racial stock and the ascendancy of "undesirable" populations.
Modern readers must engage with Duncan’s work not as a valid scientific text but as a document of racial ideology—one that had real-world consequences. Books like Race and Population Problems helped lay the intellectual groundwork for discriminatory immigration laws (such as the Immigration Act of 1924), involuntary sterilization programs, and broader policies of racial exclusion. While Duncan’s tone is often measured, the policies he advocates are extreme and deeply coercive.
His use of "science" is selective and tendentious, relying on cherry-picked data, discredited anthropological categories, and assumptions about heredity and culture that are no longer tenable. The book is less a demographic study than a polemic—albeit a polished and sophisticated one—aimed at preserving white racial dominance.
Despite its overt racism and flawed methodology, Race and Population Problems provides an important window into the ways race, science, and nationalism converged in early 20th-century thought. Understanding Duncan’s arguments helps us trace the genealogy of contemporary racial and anti-immigrant ideologies, many of which still echo his concerns about national identity, cultural dilution, and the supposed threat of demographic change. It also serves as a cautionary tale about the misuse of science for ideological ends..
This edition has been designed, abridged awith an inroduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston .

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 286p.

By W. J. Ghent (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction) Format: Kindle Edition

To understand The Reds Bring Reaction, one must begin with the upheavals of the early 20th century. The Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 inspired a wave of leftist movements around the world and deeply alarmed Western governments. In the United States, the postwar period brought labor unrest, anarchist bombings, and heightened fears of Bolshevism. The result was the "First Red Scare" (1919–1920), which saw mass deportations, the Palmer Raids, the suppression of radical speech, and the widespread erosion of civil liberties.
Ghent, a writer long associated with progressive and socialist causes, viewed this climate with alarm. He did not oppose socialism—indeed, he had previously published works such as Our Benevolent Feudalism (1902) and Mass and Class(1904), both critical of capitalist structures—but he believed that the radical fringes of the socialist movement were jeopardizing the very reforms they sought. The Reds Bring Reaction is his intervention, a call for sobriety and responsibility within the left.
In today’s world of polarized politics, social media echo chambers, and the radicalization of both right and left, Ghent's message is strikingly modern. He reminds activists that rage is not a strategy, and that symbolic protest, when disconnected from public sentiment, can be counterproductive. He challenges progressives to think tactically, not just morally.
The Reds Bring Reaction is a powerful, timely meditation on the dangers of political absolutism and the fragility of reform. It is a work of both intellectual depth and moral clarity. Ghent’s warnings, though born of his time, speak across the decades. They caution us that history is not kind to those who mistake destruction for transformation or confuse noise with progress. For those seeking to understand the dialectics of political change—how hope can curdle into fear, how revolution can trigger repression—Ghent offers a vital lesson: the methods of a movement matter as much as its goals. In this, his voice remains as relevant as ever.
This edition has been reformatted, designed, abridged and annotated with an introduction by renowned novelist and story writer Colin Heston.

Power of Federal Judiciary Over Legislation by J. Hampden Dougherty is a compact but weighty work first published in 1912, offering a vigorous defense of the judiciary’s power to strike down unconstitutional laws. Written during an era of growing skepticism toward centralized authority, Dougherty’s book situates judicial review as an indispensable safeguard built into the American constitutional system. He begins by tracing the intellectual and historical roots of this power, arguing that it was not an accidental byproduct but an intentional creation of the framers. Drawing on the Constitutional Convention debates and the Federalist Papers—particularly Alexander Hamilton’s famous exposition in Federalist No. 78—Dougherty insists that the courts’ ability to declare legislative acts void is central to maintaining the supremacy of the Constitution.
Read today, Dougherty’s work resonates in a world facing renewed tensions between legislatures and courts. The questions he grappled with—how much power unelected judges should have over elected lawmakers, whether the judiciary can check majoritarian excesses without overstepping, and how to reconcile constitutional text with evolving social norms—remain pressing in 2025.
In an age of polarized politics, social media-driven outrage, and legislative gridlock, the themes of Dougherty’s book speak directly to contemporary challenges. His work encourages a sober reflection on whether judicial power is a threat to democratic self-government or an essential defense against its excesses.
More than a historical artifact, Power of Federal Judiciary Over Legislation functions as a mirror for modern constitutional crises. It underscores how the tensions between law and politics, and between judicial restraint and activism, are not new but woven into the fabric of American governance. As debates continue in 2025 about court-packing, term limits for justices, and the appropriate scope of judicial intervention, Dougherty’s concise and forceful treatise offers both a defense of the judiciary’s traditional role and a challenge to ensure it remains a stabilizing rather than destabilizing force in constitutional democracy.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 108p.

By Ethiraj Gabriel Dattatreyan and Sahana Udupa

How digital networks are positioned within the enduring structures of coloniality The revolutionary aspirations that fueled decolonization circulated on paper—as pamphlets, leaflets, handbills, and brochures. Now—as evidenced by movements from the Arab Spring to Black Lives Matter—revolutions, protests, and political dissidence are profoundly shaped by information circulating through digital networks. Digital Unsettling is a critical exploration of digitalization that puts contemporary “decolonizing” movements into conversation with theorizations of digital communication. Sahana Udupa and Ethiraj Gabriel Dattatreyan interrogate the forms, forces, and processes that have reinforced neocolonial relations within contemporary digital environments, at a time when digital networks—and the agendas and actions they proffer—have unsettled entrenched hierarchies in unforeseen ways. Digital Unsettling examines events—the toppling of statues in the UK, the proliferation of #BLM activism globally, the rise of Hindu nationalists in North America, the trolling of academics, among others—and how they circulated online and across national boundaries. In doing so, Udupa and Dattatreyan demonstrate how the internet has become the key site for an invigorated anticolonial internationalism, but has simultaneously augmented conditions of racial hierarchy within nations, in the international order, and in the liminal spaces that shape human migration and the lives of those that are on the move. Digital Unsettling establishes a critical framework for placing digitalization within the longue durée of coloniality, while also revealing the complex ways in which the internet is entwined with persistent global calls for decolonization.

New York: NYU Press, 2023. 264p.