By Anita Ramsak and  Eyueil Abate  

Ethiopia is a country of origin and transit, with migration primarily occurring around three main routes: (a) Eastern route through Djibouti towards Saudi Arabia; (b) Southern route through Kenya towards South Africa; and (c) Northern route through Libya towards Europe. In 2022, the number of unaccompanied children who migrated via the Eastern route doubled in comparison to 2021, and unaccompanied children made up 38 per cent of all children on the move from Ethiopia in 2022. En route, children may face protection risks including arbitrary arrest and detention, human trafficking for the purposes of labour or sexual exploitation, gender-based violence, extortion and denial of access to basic needs. Broad structural factors, such as conflict, drought and poverty are driving children and adults to migrate despite the protection risks. To understand the current knowledge gaps in the nexus between migration and child protection, as well as propose improvements, this study relies on primary and secondary data analysis. With a particular focus on exploring linkages between child migration and trafficking in children in Ethiopia, the report concludes with the institutional and legal landscape for children on the move and highlights key policy gaps in protecting children on the move across Ethiopia.Geneva, SWIT:  International Organization for Migration. 2023, 94p.

By Cole Anderson and Caitlin McKennie

Relative to 2015, statewide net migration (i.e., in-migration subtracted by out-migration) has declined by 52.5% as of 2025. This reflects 36,146 fewer individuals arriving in Colorado in 2025 – roughly four times the capacity of Red Rocks Amphitheatre.i Low net migration presents a growing challenge to Colorado’s economic stability and labor force sustainability. Historically, net migration – particularly among working-age individuals – has been a critical driver of the state’s labor force growth and overall economic vitality. A sustained decline in net migration reduces the inflow of skilled workers, limiting the ability of businesses to recruit talent and expand operations. This dynamic places upward pressure on wages, contributes to labor shortages, and constrains economic productivity across key sectors. Declining migration trends compound the challenges posed by Colorado’s rapidly growing 65+ population. By 2030, Colorado expects roughly 40,000 retirees per year.ii As outlined in a CSI report released in July, while this demographic is expanding, its participation in the labor force is not expected to increase meaningfully in the coming decades. Without a stronger inflow of working-age residents, Colorado’s labor market may face a growing talent shortfall, making it increasingly difficult to meet future workforce demands.  According to a recent study by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), Colorado ranks 14th (not including the District of Columbia) in terms of regional price parities relative to all other states (a measurement that evaluates the differences in price levels across states for a given year).iii If these issues remain unaddressed, they could have long-term consequences for the state’s economic competitiveness and growth prospects. Evidence suggests this scenario is already emerging: Colorado’s economic growth is slowing, with job growth projected to increase by only 1.2% in 2025. During the first quarter of 2025, Colorado’s job growth ranked 26th in the nation. This deceleration is suggested to be linked to decreased net migration and an aging population, both of which pose risks to the state’s labor force capacity and overall economic dynamism.

Greenwood Village, CO: Common Sense Institute, 2025. 10p.   

By Christine Mitchell, Renae A. Badruzzaman

  When you witness someone in crisis — a mental health emergency or other escalating situation — what are your options to intervene? For most, the only available option is to call 911. And in most places, the 911 system is directly tied to the police department, making police involvement essentially inevitable. But police are not a source of safety, especially for Black, Indigenous, disabled, and people with mental health needs. Policing in the US is a system rooted in violence and punishment, not care. Calling the police can escalate a crisis, turning calls for distress into arrest, violence, or death. Without trusted, community-led alternatives, we are left with a wrenching dilemma: stay silent and unsupportive in moments of crisis, or risk escalation, criminalization, and compounded trauma and violence. Because of this, many communities across the US are working to interrupt police violence against people with mental health needs by building up community-based, community-led, non-police crisis response programs. While more evaluations of each of these types of programs are needed, there is already a body of literature that suggests these alternative models are both more effective at meeting the needs of people in crisis and more trusted by the community. One such program is Mental Health First (MH First), a project of the Anti Police-Terror Project (APTP) launched in 2020 in Oakland and Sacramento, CA. MH First is a community-led crisis response hotline outside of the 911 and police system that community members can call when they, or someone in their community, is experiencing a crisis. The program’s guiding principles include autonomy, healing justice, abolition, intersectionality, disability justice, and harm reduction. This evaluation — conducted while the program is on a strategic planning hiatus — takes a close look at MH First’s first four years of operation to assess how the program is working, what impacts it’s had, and what is needed to grow its reach and deepen effectiveness. Using a mixed-methods process evaluation, we conducted 29 interviews with key stakeholders, and analyzed 167 survey responses from community members in Oakland and Sacramento. Our evaluation focuses on community perceptions of MH First, program strengths, and areas for growth. In particular, we examined the program’s current structure and operations, perceived impact, and potential for deepening and increased services to the Oakland and Sacramento communities Overall, interviewees and survey respondents were very positive about and appreciative of the program. Interviewees noted that the program is trusted by and rooted in the local communities it serves, an essential part of providing appropriate and accessible care to those who call. Trust is further increased by the clear, transparent values of community, autonomy, and abolition that guide MH First’s work. Importantly, MH First is building power and self-efficacy in the local and national community through their trainings, technical assistance, and volunteer recruitment — through which they have trained thousands of volunteers to staff the program. On the national level, interviewees named that MH First provides a strong model that indicates that non-police mental health crisis response programs are practical and possible. Relative to other forms of mental health crisis response, including police and co-response models, MH First is highlighted as more appropriate and more effective at meeting community needs. Our evaluation also identified areas where MH First could grow and improve to better serve the Oakland and Sacramento communities. Interviewees expressed a desire for MH First to increase reliability by expanding their hours of operation to 24/7, rather than during select hours of the week. Some also suggested that MH First transition from a volunteer-only service, to include at least some paid staff. Finally, interviewees felt that MH First should focus on preventative measures and follow-up care, not just crisis management and intervention. In order to be able to meet these areas of growth, interviewees offered suggestions for expanding the program’s reach, including through policy change, a clear narrative and communications strategy, more trainings to build community capacity, and long-term sustainable investment in the program. Two big picture questions remain for the program’s consideration: First, how can MH First avoid the co-optation of their principles and strategy by entities that dilute or stray from MH First’s values and purpose? Interviewees spoke of the inevitability of co-optation and shared strategies for how to reframe or leverage co-optation to expand the program, while still maintaining control over the narrative of the program’s practice. Second, should MH First remain an entity outside of local, county, or state government, or should it be housed under a governmental office or supported with government funds — or some combination of both? Our interviewees had strong opinions on this question, with some feeling that operating within the government and social safety net would allow MH First to be more sustainable and accessible, and others believing that moving under a government agency would cause the program to lose its current spirit and vision. Our evaluation concludes with six recommendations for MH First: 1: Continue to prioritize being deeply rooted in and led by community members in Oakland and Sacramento, particularly Black, Indigenous, Latine, and disabled community members who are most impacted by policing 2: Publicly share more stories of success, including robust qualitative and quantitative data analysis 3: Provide preventative care in order to interrupt pathways to crisis situations and follow-up care in order to ensure people have what they need following crisis 4: Expand hours of operation as much as possible to ensure the hotline is accessible and reliable 5: Increase resources and funding for the program, including considerations of whether MH First is willing and able to receive government funding 6: Pass policy and budget allocations that shift money from the carceral state to non-police grassroots response, including to MH First   

Berkeley, CA: Mental Health First, July 2025.  72p.

By Fatemeh Bakhshalizadeh, Clinton Gudmunson, Kimberley Greder

Previous literature on Latinx immigrants in the US mostly focuses on the negative effects of fear of deportation on this population. However, limited studies highlight coping resources that can mitigate the fear of deportation. This quantitative study, through logistic regression and conservation of resource theory, explored how resilience and social support may influence fear of deportation among 130 rural Latina immigrant mothers in a Midwestern state. Findings revealed that resilience, receiving emotional support from family members, and earned income were associated with lower fear of deportation among Latina mothers in the study. Additionally, other types of social support, such as providing instrumental support to people outside of their household and receiving emotional support from friends, were associated with higher levels of fear of deportation among the mothers.

International Migration, Volume 63, Issue 5, Sep 2025

By: Kristan Russell, Marly Zeigler, Moriah Taylor

Implementing best practices in child welfare court cases is critical to ensuring positive outcomes for youth and families. However, it is also essential that courts are assessed for their fidelity to implement these practices and whether they are having the intended impacts. This article outlines findings from a pre/post evaluation examining the impacts of the implementation of the Enhanced Resource Guidelines (ERGs) in three urban jurisdictions. The findings from this study yield valuable insights regarding the extent to which ERGs implementation positively impacts key outcomes in court practices and case processing. Implications for ongoing practice and future research are discussed. From Volume 76, Issue 2.

Pittsburgh: National Center for Juvenile Justice, National Council of Juvenile and Family Court Judges,, 2025. 18p.

By Chandler Hall and Alice Hamblet

  We all have a right to feel safe and be free from violence as we go about our daily lives. However, when violence does occur, few are prepared for the unexpected trauma, injury, and expense that can result. When someone experiences violence in the United States, the criminal legal system too often neglects the immediate and long-term needs of survivors of violence, instead disproportionately focusing resources on punishing the person or persons responsible for causing the harm. To address this imbalance, Congress passed the Victims of Crime Act (VOCA) in 1984, which established the Crime Victims Fund (CVF) to provide financial support to state crime victim compensation (CVC) programs and victim service providers. Currently, there is a 75 percent federal match for state CVC programs, meaning that for every dollar that a state spends on victim compensation grants to survivors, it receives 75 cents from the federal government. Despite the key role that financial relief can play in healing after violence, America continues to fail to make necessary investments supporting victims and survivors of violence. In fiscal year 2021, state and local governments spent a combined $274 billion on police, corrections, and criminal-legal proceedings. That same year, the federal CVF was capped at slightly more than $2 billion. Too often, survivors are left to deal with the lasting and compounding effects of their victimization without support; the results—which can include bankruptcy, chronic illness, depression, and anxiety—are devastating. While financial support alone cannot eliminate the lifelong pain and trauma associated with victimization, research shows that financial-induced stress following harm is a stronger predictor of the development of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) than victimization itself. As such, victim compensation can be lifesaving. By federal law, CVC programs must cover out-of-pocket expenses such as medical bills, burial costs, and lock replacement that are not covered by other means, including private insurance, Medicare, or Medicaid. As such, CVC programs have the potential to aid survivors who have no other means of support. Moreover, victim compensation programs can help to break cycles of violence. The adage “hurt people, hurt people” rings true. While most survivors do not engage in future violence, the fact remains that people who commit violence often have experienced it themselves. This may be the case especially for people living in neighborhoods that experience frequent violence and who, due to systemic disinvestment and inequities, do not have access to healing resources such as adequate social services or medical or mental health care. When survivors receive the support they need to heal, they are less likely to commit harm. What is more, healed people, heal people. Providing survivors with victim compensation to meet unexpected costs associated with experiencing violence opens doors for intergenerational and community healing, as the impacts of untreated trauma and economic instability can ripple and compound to their families and communities at large. Victim compensation programs, therefore, have the potential to not only deliver on the promise to make survivors safer, but to help break cycles of violence, thereby making entire communities safer.   

Washington, DC: Center for American Progress, 2025. 73p.

By Neil Brodie,Morag M. Kersel,Simon Mackenzie,Isber Sabrine,Emiline Smith &Donna Yates

Fifty years after the adoption of the 1970 UNESCO Convention, the illicit trade in cultural objects endures, with harmful consequences to local communities, knowledge acquisition, and archaeological landscapes and objects. In this article, we present a gap analysis to assess under-performing policy and practice. We argue that a poor understanding of how the trade is organized and operates and of how it might be regulated hinders effective policy formulation. Funding structures which encourage short-term ad hoc research and inhibit information sharing are in part responsible for some of the gaps. We conclude by suggesting how sustained theoretically informed, evidence-led collaborative analyses might help reduce or mitigate these problems, preventing another 50 years of illicit trade.

Journal of Field Archaeology 

Volume 47, 2022 - Issue 2

By Jen Snowball, Alan Collins&Craig Bickerton

Cultural heritage is an important part of the capital of developing countries that can be leveraged for sustainable development. However, it also needs protection as the rise in the illegal trade of cultural artefacts shows. South Africa as an example of a middle-income African country that seeks to promote cultural heritage for development. As part of the attempt to preserve cultural capital, the South African Heritage Resources Agency (SAHRA) is tasked with the protection of cultural heritage that is of special cultural, historical, aesthetic or technical importance to the country, and is thus part of the “national estate”. SAHRA adjudicates applications for the permanent export of cultural artefacts, guided by national policy that defines the attributes of artefacts of national importance. There are also attempts to bypass SAHRA adjudication through illegal smuggling of important art and artefacts, which SAHRA also tracks through a database of artefacts reported stolen. This study analyses the way that SAHRA has applied the policy to make decisions about permanent export applications of cultural heritage artefacts, as well as the attributes of those artefacts reported stolen and thus lost to the national estate. Results showed that the SAHRA permit system seems to be providing effective protection for some of South Africa’s cultural heritage, but only 4% of applications were for art and artefacts representing black African cultures.

Cogent Social Sciences 

Volume 9, 2023 - Issue 1

his chapter covers the early history of bandits including the role of bandits in revolution (e.g., Pancho Villa), the rise of urban guerrillas (e.g., Che Guevara and the Cuban Revolution, Carlos Marighella (the Minimanual of the Urban Guerrilla)) in Brazil and the Tupamaros in Uruguay, and the transition from ideological revolt to criminal insurgency. The later transition will focus on the transition to crime by the FARC and ELN in Colombia succeeded by Bacrim in Colombia, mega-gangs in Venezuela, and by Brazilian gangs (i.e., The Commando Vermelho and Primeiro Comando da Capital), followed by the rise of criminal insurgency waged by territorial (third-generation) gangs (including maras such as MS-13 and Barrio 18 in Central America) and criminal cartels. The nexus between prison gangs and criminal gangs and the emergence of criminal enclaves (such as the Triple Frontier and Ciudad del Este) will be explored. A common thread will be a discussion of crime and social banditry (Hobsbawm) as mechanisms of revolt. Urban crime and instability and the emergence of crime wars and criminal insurgency will be discussed in context of state transition, globalization, and the rise of transnational organized crime.  

Chapter
Problems and Alternatives in the Modern Americas,  Routledge,  2021.

By Kundai Manamere

In Zimbabwe, sex work has long been associated with immorality. This became a primary justification for the criminalisation of young women’s presence in urban areas since the colonial period. However, the legislation failed to keep women out of towns. Instead, they slowly carved a niche in urban development, especially as sex workers. Literature on sex work has consistently reflected the need for change in public attitudes towards sex work, revealing long-standing irreconcilable feminist perspectives between those who view sex workers as either victims or agents in society.This article moves away from these single-thread narratives of sex work and potray sex workers as political agents who negotiate various social, political, legal and economic circumstances to challenge the various processes that have largely relegated their voices to the margins.This article also updates debates on public attitudes to sex work. Few studies have focused on public attitudes towards sex work and factors that shape, maintain, or transform this over time. I argue for the incorporation of voices from communities where sex workers work and live, where possible. This approach moves the focus from state-centric legislative sites and debates to quotidian micro-practices in communities shedding more light on public attitudes to sex work.

Third World Quarterly, 2025.

By RADJENOVIC, Anja

Issues at stake: • Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, is mandated to support EU Member States in managing external borders, combating cross-border crime, and managing migration, through joint operations, surveillance and data analysis. The agency also cooperates with non-EU countries through status agreements and working arrangements, and plays a key role in organising and executing migrants' returns. • The European Commission is considering a revised mandate in 2026 for Frontex to address growing geopolitical, security and migration challenges. Reforms are driven by hybrid threats, the implementation of the new pact on migration and asylum, and demands for swifter returns of individuals ineligible for asylum. • There is broad support among Member States for more flexible, informal arrangements with third countries. While Member States oppose a radical overhaul of Frontex's mandate, they prioritise operational efficiency, particularly in returns and border management, and stress maximising the current mandate's potential before considering major changes. Member States also back a new legal basis for Frontex to support returns from non-EU countries to other non-EU countries. • The European Parliament's discharge procedure has been a critical tool in scrutinising Frontex, particularly amid allegations of fundamental rights violations and pushbacks at the EU's external borders. Parliament has repeatedly warned that oversight has not kept pace with the expansion of Frontex's mandate.

Brussels: EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service,   2026. 8p.

By Leila N. Sadat

This Article presents a comprehensive overview of the development, challenges, and future prospects of creating and ultimately negotiating a global treaty for crimes against humanity. It honors pioneers in the field and acknowledges the contributions of various individuals and entities to the Crimes Against Humanity Initiative the author established in 2007. It traces the historical context of atrocities such as slavery and the slave trade, linking them to the modern concept of crimes against humanity. The Article reviews the evolution of international criminal law, particularly under the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC), emphasizing the necessity of a new treaty to fill gaps left by existing frameworks. Highlighting contemporary examples like the Syrian Civil War, it underscores the preventive power of prosecuting crimes against humanity as a move towards preventing the commission of atrocity cascades, before the descent into armed conflict and genocide. The Article describes the multi-decade effort to draft and promote a new treaty, including significant milestones, such as the adoption of the International Law Commission’s (ILC) 2019 Draft Articles, and the protracted and ultimately successful advocacy within the UN General Assembly’s Sixth (Legal) Committee to achieve a consensus resolution in 2022 that allows the process to move forward. The 2024 adoption of GA Resolution 79/122, which authorizes convening a United Nations Diplomatic Conference for crafting a comprehensive legal instrument, was a critical achievement, setting the stage for negotiations over the next several years. The Article reflects upon the enduring struggle for justice and the imperative to adopt, ratify, and enforce a new treaty, drawing historical parallels with the abolition of the transatlantic slave trade. It concludes with a call for continued dedication to ending impunity for crimes against humanity globally.

Washington University Global Studies Law Review, 2025, Vol 25, Issue 2, p302

By Mark Galeotti

Weaponized migration, which is sometimes called instrumentalized migration or coercive engineered migration, is by no means a new challenge, but it is one that is arguably easier to apply in the modern age of cheap and easy international travel and growing awareness of the wealth and security disparities across the globe. It is also more likely to have local and widespread political impacts within democratic governments with free media.

This report considers particular case studies from the Russian–Finnish border in 2015 and, especially, the Belarusian borders with Poland and Lithuania in 2021, and Russia’s with Finland and Norway in 2023/24. In subtly different ways, these were all examples of attempts to use weaponized migration to bring pressure to bear on the target countries, in the hope of influencing their leaderships by generating division, disruption and costs, both practical and political. They certainly all proved problematic and, although there is scope for serious debate as to whether they were ultimately effective or counter-productive, the consensus appears to be that both Minsk and Moscow were left with the sense that, in the short term at least, weaponized migration remained a viable tool within their ‘hybrid war’ toolbox.

Given the scope for the renewed use of this tool by Belarus and, especially, the Russian Federation, as well as its potential use by other nations such as Türkiye, which has already employed it, European societies in particular must consider the contexts in which it can be used against them in the future and potential responses. This report, therefore, concludes with future scenarios for the weaponization of migration, ranging from facilitating flows from North Africa to the online encouragement of would-be asylum seekers, as well as a range of recommendations for both the EU and individual states, ideally that do not simply depend on a dangerous ‘Fortress Europe’ approach.

Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime (GI-TOC) , 2026.

By The Right Hon. Viscount Bryce

When Essays and Addresses in War Time appeared in December 1918, the Great War had not yet fully settled into memory. The armistice was scarcely a month old; the dead lay uncounted; the maps of Europe were still provisional, and new nations were appearing almost daily. It was into this unsettled moral and political landscape that Viscount James Bryce (1838–1922) published this set of reflections — part justification, part analysis, and part moral plea — for what he regarded as one of civilization’s defining struggles.

Bryce was no ordinary commentator. Historian, jurist, diplomat, and moral philosopher, he had served as British ambassador to the United States (1907–1913) and was known across Europe and America as one of the most lucid defenders of democratic government. His monumental works — The Holy Roman Empire (1864) and The American Commonwealth (1888) — had already secured his international reputation. Yet Essays and Addresses in War Time reveals another dimension: a statesman confronting the collapse of Enlightenment ideals under the strain of modern total war, and seeking to explain to neutral nations why the conflict could not be reduced to a mere clash of power or empire, but must be seen as a moral contest over the principles of civilization itself.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 156p.

By Agnes Mathilde Wergeland (Author), Colin Heston (Introduction)

Slavery in Germanic Society sets out to trace the evolution of slavery from the late Roman world through the early and high medieval periods. Wergeland’s analysis begins by distinguishing classical slavery—predicated on the total alienation of the enslaved person from kinship, community, and legal personhood—from the systems of servitude that emerged in Germanic societies. As Germanic tribes moved into former Roman territories, they both absorbed and modified existing practices of unfree labor. Captives taken in war, debtors who had fallen into bondage, and the descendants of slaves formed a stratum of society that was neither fully outside nor fully within the emerging frameworks of medieval law.

Wergeland is especially attentive to the role of law codes in shaping and regulating these relationships. The Salic Law, the Lex Saxonum, and other Germanic legal compilations provide glimpses into a world where freedom and unfreedom were not binary categories but existed along a continuum. The distinction between a servus (slave), a colonus (tenant bound to the land), and a liber homo (freeman) was fluid and often contested. Her work suggests that these categories were not only legal but also deeply embedded in cultural ideas about honor, lineage, and the obligations of lordship.

Wergeland’s historiographical legacy is also tied to the broader cultural currents of her time. Writing in the aftermath of the American Civil War and during the height of European colonial expansion, she was acutely aware of slavery’s moral and political resonance. While she does not draw explicit parallels between medieval and modern forms of servitude, her decision to study the topic reflects a world in which questions of liberty, labor, and human rights were urgently contested.
In returning to Slavery in Germanic Society During the Middle Ages today, readers encounter a work that is both a product of its era and strikingly relevant to our own. It invites us to consider how deeply embedded systems of inequality are in the fabric of society, and how they can endure even as their outward forms change. Wergeland’s careful scholarship provides a foundation for ongoing conversations about freedom, coercion, and the ways in which human societies organize power and labor.
This edition reintroduces Wergeland’s study to a new generation of readers at a moment when the legacies of slavery and unfreedom are once again at the center of global debates. It offers not only an invaluable historical resource but also a reminder of the intellectual courage of a scholar who, against the odds, claimed her place in the academy and in the long conversation about justice and humanity.

Read-Me.Org Inc. New York-Philadelphia-Australia. 2025. 93p.

By Ellery Sedgwick

This book is a comprehensive biography that delves into the life and impact of one of the most influential political thinkers of the 18th century. Published in 1899, the book explores Paine's radical philosophy and his significant contributions to revolutionary thought in both America and Europe. Sedgwick provides a detailed analysis of Paine's major works, including “Common Sense” and “The Rights of Man,” and examines the controversies and challenges Paine faced throughout his life.

Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 53p.

By Richard Carlile

Richard Carlile's "The Life of Thomas Paine," published in 1821, is a detailed biography that aims to provide a comprehensive and unvarnished account of Thomas Paine's life and contributions. The book is structured to accompany Paine's writings, offering readers insights into his mind, principles, and works.

Carlile begins by discussing Paine's early life in Thetford, England, his education, and his initial career as a staymaker. Paine's journey from a staymaker to a prominent political thinker is highlighted, including his brief stint at sea and his eventual turn to excise work. His early literary efforts, such as "The Case of the Officers of Excise," are noted for their clarity and impact.

The biography delves into Paine's move to America, where he became a key figure in the American Revolution. His pamphlet "Common Sense" is credited with galvanizing American sentiment towards independence. Carlile also covers Paine's involvement in the French Revolution, his opposition to the execution of Louis XVI, and his subsequent imprisonment during the Reign of Terror.

Carlile provides a balanced view of Paine, acknowledging both his contributions and controversies. He discusses Paine's later works, including "The Rights of Man" and "The Age of Reason," and his efforts to promote political and social reforms. The biography also touches on Paine's personal life, his relationships, and his final years in America.

Overall, Carlile's work is a tribute to Paine's enduring legacy as a champion of liberty and human rights. The biography is noted for its thorough research and objective tone, making it a valuable resource for understanding the life and impact of Thomas Paine.

Read-Me.Org Inc. 2025. 28p.

By Moncure Daniel Conway

Dive into the captivating world of one of history's most influential figures with Moncure Conway's comprehensive biography, "The Life of Thomas Paine." Spanning two volumes, this meticulously researched work offers an in-depth look at the life, ideas, and legacy of Thomas Paine, the Anglo-American revolutionary whose writings inspired and shaped the course of history.

Volume 1 explores Paine's early life, his journey to America, and his pivotal role in the American Revolution. From the publication of "Common Sense" to his contributions as a soldier and secretary, readers will gain a profound understanding of Paine's impact on the fight for independence.

Volume 2 delves into Paine's later years, including his involvement in the French Revolution and his enduring influence on political thought. This volume also addresses the controversies and challenges Paine faced, providing a balanced and nuanced portrait of this complex figure.

Moncure Conway's narrative is not only informative but also engaging, making "The Life of Thomas Paine" a must-read for history enthusiasts, scholars, and anyone interested in the revolutionary ideas that continue to resonate today. Embark on a journey through the life of a true revolutionary and discover the enduring power of Thomas Paine's words and deeds. This version contains an explanatory introduction by Colin Heston and details of the earlier publications of the works.

First published in 1893. Current version Read-Me.Org 2025. 464p.

By Ellery Sedgwick and Richard Carlile

Thomas Paine, one of the most influential political thinkers of the 18th century, played a crucial role in shaping revolutionary thought in both America and Europe. His writings, including *Common Sense* and *The Rights of Man*, championed democracy, individual rights, and the overthrow of oppressive governments. Given his enduring impact, numerous biographers have sought to interpret his life and legacy, each bringing a unique perspective to his story.

Though writing in different eras and contexts, Ellery Sedgwick and Richard Carlile explored Paine’s radical philosophy and the controversies surrounding his life. Sedgwick, a historian and editor, approached Paine’s biography with a more traditional scholarly lens, analyzing his ideas within the broader intellectual movements of the time. Carlile, a 19th-century political radical and free-speech advocate, viewed Paine as a heroic figure in the struggle for reform, often emphasizing his persecution and the suppression of his works. Together, these biographies offer contrasting yet complementary portraits of Paine, reflecting both the man and the ever-evolving debate over his contributions to political and social thought.

"Thomas Paine" 1899. "Life of Thomas Paine" 1821. This combined edition 2025. 108p.

By Ardis Cameron

Published in 1956, Peyton Place became a bestseller and a literary phenomenon. A lurid and gripping story of murder, incest, female desire, and social injustice, it was consumed as avidly by readers as it was condemned by critics and the clergy. Its author, Grace Metalious, a housewife who grew up in poverty in a New Hampshire mill town and had aspired to be a writer from childhood, loosely based the novel’s setting, characters, and incidents on real-life places, people, and events. The novel sold more than 30 million copies in hardcover and paperback, and it was adapted into a hit Hollywood film in 1957 and a popular television series that aired from 1964 to 1969. More than half a century later, the term ""Peyton Place"" is still in circulation as a code for a community harboring sordid secrets. In Unbuttoning America, Ardis Cameron mines extensive interviews, fan letters, and archival materials including contemporary cartoons and cover images from film posters and foreign editions to tell how the story of a patricide in a small New England village circulated over time and became a cultural phenomenon. She argues that Peyton Place, with its frank discussions of poverty, sexuality, class and ethnic discrimination, and small-town hypocrisy, was more than a tawdry potboiler. Metalious’s depiction of how her three central female characters come to terms with their identity as women and sexual beings anticipated second-wave feminism. More broadly, Cameron asserts, the novel was also part of a larger postwar struggle over belonging and recognition. Fictionalizing contemporary realities, Metalious pushed to the surface the hidden talk and secret rebellions of a generation no longer willing to ignore the disparities and domestic constraints of Cold War America. ; Published in 1956, Peyton Place became a bestseller and a literary phenomenon. A lurid and gripping story of murder, incest, female desire, and social injustice, it was consumed as avidly by readers as it was condemned by critics and the clergy. Its author, Grace Metalious, a housewife who grew up in poverty in a New Hampshire mill town and had aspired to be a writer from childhood, loosely based the novel's setting, characters, and incidents on real-life places, people, and events. The novel sold more than 30 million copies in hardcover and paperback, and it was adapted into a hit Hollywood film in 1957 and a popular television series that aired from 1964 to 1969. More than half a century later, the term "Peyton Place" is still in circulation as a code for a community harboring sordid secrets.In Unbuttoning America, Ardis Cameron mines extensive interviews, fan letters, and archival materials including contemporary cartoons and cover images from film posters and foreign editions to tell how the story of a patricide in a small New England village circulated over time and became a cultural phenomenon. She argues that Peyton Place, with its frank discussions of poverty, sexuality, class and ethnic discrimination, and small-town hypocrisy, was more than a tawdry potboiler. Metalious's depiction of how her three central female characters come to terms with their identity as women and sexual beings anticipated second-wave feminism. More broadly, Cameron asserts, the novel was also part of a larger postwar struggle over belonging and recognition. Fictionalizing contemporary realities, Metalious pushed to the surface the hidden talk and secret rebellions of a generation no longer willing to ignore the disparities and domestic constraints of Cold War America.

Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2015.